The newly-inaugurated Trump administration’s stringent approach towards deporting illegal immigrants from the United States and meticulous efforts to enhance border security, expedite the removal of illegals, and enforce border laws has intrigued the world. From conducting raids to identify illegal immigrants to ensuring that illegals are accepted back by their native countries, the US administration has made Indians particularly question why India does not deport illegal Rohingya and Bangladeshi immigrants as aggressively and effectively as the US.
How many Rohingyas and Bangladeshi illegal immigrants are staying in India?
As per the latest data as of 31 December by UNHCR, around 95,600 Rohingyas are living in India who fled after facing persecution in Myanmar. This includes 22,500 refugees and asylum seekers considered stateless by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The majority of Rohingya Muslims, over 10 lakh, who fled Myanmar reside in Bangladesh, and they are supported by international aid agencies.
Back in 2016, then Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Kiren Rijiju had told the Rajya Sabha that there are over 2 crore illegal Bangladeshi immigrants residing in India which is nearly the entire population of Australia. This marked a 67% increase in the presence of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants since Sriprakash Jaiswal who was Union Minister of State for Home Affairs in 2004 UPA government told Rajya Sabha that as of 31st December 2001, around 12 million illegal Bangladeshis were staying in India. Caving into the pressure of upsetting the Muslim vote bank and reluctance to heed BJP’s demand for deporting the illegals, Minister Jaiswal later dismissed his own statement as one based on “hearsay”.
It, however, must be noted that since the infiltration of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants into India is clandestine, accurate data collection has been a herculean task for the authorities. The actual figures of both these illegal immigrants could by way higher than the estimated numbers.
Notably, Rohingya refugee camps have been strongly suspected to be breeding grounds for radicalization and terror activities. Rohingyas have been arrested in the past for involvement in human trafficking. They have been arrested for involvement in dacoities. There has also been the suspicion that there is a deliberate attempt to Islamicize Hindu-majority Jammu by settling Rohingyas. Rohingyas are known to have committed massacres of Hindus. It is undeniable that the illegal Rohingya infiltrators are a security threat to India contrary to Islamo-leftist cabal’s constant efforts at whitewashing the involvement of the members of this community in criminal activities.
While the process of identification and deportation of illegal immigrants in India is not stagnant, the country grapples with multi-faceted challenges in deporting the illegals.
Rohingyas are stateless
A 1982 Citizenship law passed in Myanmar derecognised Rohingyas as citizens. This law created a three-category hierarchy of citizenship based on national races —citizens, associated citizens and naturalised citizens. The Burmese government decided that national races were those who settled in Myanmar before the first occupation of the country by the British in 1824. The authorities did not consider Rohingyas as one among the indigenous races thus their citizenship was revoked making them stateless.
Fast largest to 2017, the exodus of the Rohingyas from Myanmar after violence broke out in Rakhine state compelled the community to flee the country. These people over the years have illegally entered Bangladesh, India and Malaysia. Earlier this month, Malaysia turned away two boats carrying around 300 Rohingyas trying to enter the country illegally. The Muslim-majority country had earlier accepted Rohingya Muslims in large numbers. However, it shifted the policy and began to limit their intake apprehending their mass influx.
This statelessness implies that the Rohingyas who fled to Bangladesh, India and other countries to escape persecution do not have a country where they can be deported since Myanmar does not recognise them as nationals. The situation becomes further exacerbated due to international non-refoulement laws which restrict the deportation of refugees back to countries where they might suffer persecution. While India is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention or its 1967 protocol which means that India is not essentially obliged to adhere to non-refoulement laws, since Myanmar refuses to accept Rohingyas as its citizens, a precarious situation arises.
Also, even though India is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention or its 1967 protocol, it has signed the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic and Social Rights (ICESCR) which do lay a direct or indirect emphasis on non-refoulement.
Despite the humanitarian dilemma, international scrutiny and the pressure from Muslim appeasing politicians and their ideological allies in the media and ‘civil society’, the Modi government has taken measures to detect, detain and deport illegal immigrants. These illegals mainly infiltrate into India through porous borders the country shares with Bangladesh, Myanmar, the Indian-Bangladesh-Myanmar tri-junction and several pathways leading into northeast India.
The menace of Bangladeshi illegal immigrants and the underlying challenges in deporting them
Bangladesh, the erstwhile East Pakistan shares 4096 kilometres of border with the Indian states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, Mizoram and West Bengal. Over many decades after the creation of Bangladesh, refugee crises were a major concern. However, the influx of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants into the bordering states of India has been a threat to the country’s national security and demography. The Bangladeshi illegals overwhelming the locals and fraudulently obtaining voter cards caused tensions in states like Assam. Between 1979-85, a movement was undertaken to demand mass deportation of these illegal immigrants.
A major step towards ousting the illegal Bangladeshi immigrants in Assam was the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985 which said that those foreigners who Assam on or after 25th March 1971 would be identified, their names removed from electoral rolls and they be deported. While steps have been taken to deport illegals since then, the illegal infiltration of Bangladeshis in India has continued. These illegal immigrants pick up menial jobs, erect illegal shanties by encroaching on land including government-owned land and also indulge in unlawful activities.
One of the biggest obstacles in identifying and deporting Bangladeshi illegal immigrants is proving their nationality. This is because the illegal immigrants who have been staying in India for many years and decades have obtained bogus Aadhar Cards and other documents. These illegal immigrants have integrated into local communities and even received support from Muslim-appeasing political parties. When these people are caught by Indian authorities, Bangladeshi authorities often refuse to take them back without clear proof of Bangladeshi citizenship which is difficult to establish given in many cases they have obtained fake Aadhar, voter IDs. Even if the Bangladeshi authorities do take these illegals back, there is high likelihood of them re-entering India, illegally of course. In fact, Bangladesh does not even acknowledge the large presence of Bangladeshi illegals in India nor does it undertake any effective measures to prevent its citizens from infiltrating Indian borders.
In the cases of both Rohingyas and Bangladeshi illegal immigrants, the reluctance of their respective home countries to accept their nationals back complicates the situation further. It must be recalled how now ousted Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s advisor Gowher Rizvi had asserted that illegal immigrants would be accepted back in Bangladesh only if India proved their Bangladeshi nationality. He even dismissed the issue of illegal immigration of Bangladeshi nationals into India as the country’s ‘internal issue’.
State governments not giving land for fencing to prevent infiltration to local groups opposing fencing on borders
Besides the reluctance of the home countries of illegal immigrants to take them back, some state governments in India have also either lacked cooperation or shown resistance in providing land for border fencing even as it is crucial in deterring illegal entries. This resistance often stems from state governments adopting a lethargic attitude in land acquisition to avoid displeasing the Muslim community since the majority of the illegal immigrants are Muslims.
Recently, West Bengal BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari raised the issue of the ruling CM Mamata Banerjee-led TMC government’s reluctance to provide land for fencing 600 kilometres of area which allowed several illegal immigrants to enter India. Adhikari said this while highlighting the case of 3 Rohingya women who were arrested at Sealdah railway station in Kolkata.
In December 2024, Adhikari accused the West Bengal government of not cooperating with the Border Security Force (BSF) in curbing infiltration. “Of about 2,216.7 kilometres long border with Bangladesh in West Bengal, 1,647.446 kilometres have been fenced. Among the remaining 569.254 kilometres, 456.474 kilometres are land borders. However, land acquisition issues for 284.56 kilometres are still tied up in legal proceedings,” he said.
Even when the state government approves the land acquisition for border fencing, the district officials are found to be causing delays in the disbursal of funds. Amidst BJP’s attacks over the alleged delays in land acquisition, the West Bengal government approved BSF’s decision to acquire land for fencing the India-Bangladesh border at Karimpur in the Nadia district. Securing borders is paramount to national security especially when Bangladesh a major source of illegal immigrants entering India has descended into chaos and is led by a bunch of people who have historically been hostile to India. However, the land acquisition process and local communal-political dynamics come up as major hurdles in expediting border fencing efforts thus making it difficult for BSF to prevent illegal immigrants from making their way into India, which often involves paying money to some agents.
Similarly, fencing projects sometimes face opposition from particular outfits for specific reasons. A recent opposition to fencing projects along the Indo-Myanmar border came from a Manipur-based United Naga Council. In Mizoram as well, a student organisation Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) submitted a memorandum to Union Home Minister Amit Shah urging him to reconsider the decision to revoke the Free Movement Regime (FMR) and fence the Myanmar border.
The FMR allows people living in both Myanmar and India to enter each other’s territory without a visa for up to 15 kilometres. Those opposed to border fencing in Mizoram include organisations of Kuki-Zo and Naga Christian communities who demanded that the Centre allow the continuation of FMR and discard its border fencing project. On the contrary, the local Meitei Hindus in Manipur support the Centre’s decision to fence the border saying that the root cause of ongoing ethnic conflict is cross-border narco-terrorism from Myanmar.
OpIndia reported earlier how Kuki Chin militant groups both in India and Myanmar earn money through the cultivation of opium and trafficking drugs, including synthetic drugs, from Myanmar and Manipur through Mizoram and Bangladesh. They use the money earned from these illegal activities to fund Kuki victimhood propaganda while villainising Meities and purchasing weapons to destabilise the region.
In addition to this, Bangladesh also opposes India’s efforts to put up barbed wire fences along the border citing the 1975 Joint India-Bangladesh Guidelines. This agreement restricts the construction of defence structures within 150 yards of the international boundary (zero line).
Notably, while Bangladesh contends that barbed wire fences are “defence structures”, India maintains that barbed wire fencing, border lighting, installation of technical devices and cattle fences “are measures for securing the border” to address the challenges of cross-border criminal activities, smuggling, movement of criminals and trafficking. India rightfully asserts that such installations do not violate any protocol.
Earlier this month, the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) engaged in a verbal altercation with India’s Border Security Force (BSF) officials over the latter’s ongoing fencing work in Sukdevpur. While the two countries are engaged in dialogue to resolve the issue, recently, the BGB Joypurhat’s Panchbibi upazila (bordering West Bengal’s Dakshin Dinajpur district).
In addition to the BGB, Bangladeshi villagers in the border areas resort to hurling crude bombs when the BSF tries to install fencing along the border. The Bangladeshi nationals oppose BSF’s attempts to fence the border stems from the fact that unfenced borders allow them to smuggle people, cattle and goods into India.
These issues indicate that not only deporting illegal immigrants but also preventing further illegal entries and their unlawful activities is also a mammoth challenge.
Opposition to nationwide NRC, violence by Muslims and politicisation of the illegal immigrants issue
The fearmongering around the National Register of Citizens (NRC) by the ‘Kaagaz nahi dikhayenge’ gang and the Muslim appeasing political outfits like Congress, AIMIM among others and opposition to NRC’s implementation further adds to the difficulties in identifying and deporting illegal immigrants. Relying on the Goebbelsian propaganda, the Islamo-leftist ecosystem in India since 2019 began inciting Indian Muslims by claiming that their citizenship will be revoked and they be dumped into detention centres randomly due to their religious identity.
OpIndia reported earlier about politicians like Mamata Banerjee holding constitutional posts, the ‘elite’ members of the infamous Khan Market gang to ‘human rights’ bodies like Amnesty peddling falsehoods like if a nationwide NRC is prepared, people will lose citizenship. Not to forget how West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee who on numerous occasions labelled her political adversaries like BJP as “Kafirs” (infidels) to bolster her Muslim-supporting credentials, declared in March 2024 that she would not let NRC be implemented in the state.
Besides, the now-outlawed Islamist organisation Popular Front of India (PFI) had planned to incite a “civil war” in India over the Centre’s plans to bring the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and NRC. In 2020, ‘journalist’ Faye Dsouza came up with a ‘cheat sheet’ for answering the WhatsApp uncles on CAA and NRC.
All this propaganda, fearmongering, and ‘Qudrati Biryani’ special anti-CAA/NRC/NPR protests culminated in the anti-Hindu Riots in Delhi in 2020 wherein Islamist mobs resorted to violence against authorities and local Hindus in the national capital. On one hand, the Islamists opposed CAA implementation which was to give citizenship to Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs and other non-Muslims persecuted people from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan all Muslim-majority nations who came to India before 2014, on the other hand, they opposed Centre’s plans to bring NRC to identify illegal immigrants. Basically, they wanted India not to give citizenship to persecuted Hindus on one hand and not to detect and deport illegal Rohingya and Bangladeshi Muslim immigrants on the other.
The violence, stone pelting and anarchy unleashed by Islamists coupled with opposition from their political and media allies makes it difficult to systematically detect and deport illegal immigrants. In Assam, the NRC list was published in August 2019. 19.06 lakh people out of 3.3 crore applicants were left out of the list. In December 2024, the BJP government in Assam announced that it would be mandatory for new Aadhaar Card applicants to submit their National Register of Citizens (NRC) application receipt number (ARN). The move is aimed at curbing illegal infiltrators from acquiring Aadhar Cards and misusing the same for identification and other benefits an Indian citizen enjoys.
While the government takes various measures to restrict illegal immigration and identify illegals, such measures including the NRC implementation in Assam have not been without opposition from Islamists and political parties sympathising with them. In a recent demonstration of unwarranted sympathy for illegal immigrants, Congress leader Sam Pitroda extended support to illegal Bangladeshi immigrants residing in India and villainised the Modi government for its efforts to oust the illegals. “We are not thinking about our planet. We are not concerned about global warming…Because we are busy hounding immigrants who are poor and hungry. They do so much work to come here…Of course illegally. I understand it is not right but we are busy targeting illegal Bangladeshis and minorities,” he said.
The 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots and violence in other parts of the country including Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal over CAA/NRC/NPR shows that the government’s efforts to accommodate genuine refugees, distinguish illegal immigrants from Indian citizens and deport them are faced with violence and anarchy within the country. It thus becomes imperative for the government to be cautious while handling the issue of identifying and deporting illegals.
Besides, the politicisation of this national security issue under the garb of humanitarian concerns and the attempts to guilt-trap the Centre for taking a strict position on the deportation of illegal immigrants further exacerbates the issue. On one hand, the Centre intends to identify and deport illegals while also stopping fresh infiltrations, the Muslim appeasing governments and political parties go out of their way to facilitate illegal Rohingya Muslims to continue staying in India to woo their Indian co-religionists. Evidently, political expediency takes precedence over national security for the ‘secular’ parties.
A prime example of this was seen in the national capital New Delhi wherein the Aam Aadmi Party government decided to shift the Rohingya illegal migrants was that of the Delhi government. However, the Central government intervened and said that none of the illegal immigrants would be given EWS flats and that having a UNHCR refugee card does not give any legal status for illegals in India as the UNHCR card is not recognised by Indian law. In addition, it was reported how the AAP government and its MLA Amanatullah Khan allegedly facilitated the illegal settlement of 300 Rohingya Muslims in Delhi’s Madanpur Khadar area.
While the AAP government worked towards settling the illegals, AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi once expressed his displeasure of Defence Minister Rajnath Singh called illegal Rohingya infiltrators as “illegal immigrants”. He called Minister Singh’s remarks. “disingenuous”.
This comes even as it is known that the Rohingyas are largely circumventing a safe haven in Bangladesh to reach India in search of material benefits, they are economic refugees in India, who have entered illegally. Thus, it is apparent that when they reach India, they are economic migrants rather than persecuted/oppressed minorities.
Judicial interventions complicate the already complicated deportation process
Back in 2021, the Supreme Court of India allowed the deportation of illegal Rohingya immigrants from Jammu to Myanmar noting that the fundamental right to settle in India is only for Indian citizens. In June 2024, Jharkhand High Court ordered the state government to identify the Bangladeshis who have entered India illegally and prepare an action plan to take action against them and send them back. While courts have on some occasions allowed the deportation of illegals emphasising that due process be followed, those sympathising with the illegal Muslim immigrants often knock on the doors of courts to prevent the removal of illegal immigrants. The petitions and cases challenging the constitutional validity of NRC and related laws contribute to further delay in action.
Indians need to escape the “If the US can do it why not India” spiral
While the Trump administration’s crackdown against illegal immigrants be it those from Colombia or Mexico or even from India, is commendable, however, the question that “if Trump can do it within days of coming to power why not the Modi government doing the same?” is a juvenile rant. The situation in India and the US is way different. In the US, there is a well-established legal framework for immigration and deportation. They have agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) among others to execute swift deportation of illegals who mostly come in search of better economic opportunities and a decent life than escaping persecution in their homeland or are stateless.
In India, the process is far less streamlined and is obstructed by multi-dimensional challenges. In the case of the United States, all that was needed was political will and stringent implementation of laws to oust the illegal immigrants as the US can leverage its position to ensure that the illegals are accepted back by their native countries as seen in the recent case of the Colombian government’s U-turn.
Besides, India shares a porous border with Bangladesh and Myanmar with only 30 km of the total, 1,624-kilometre-long Indo-Myanmar border fenced and even fencing does not come without regional and political challenges. In addition, unlike India where the country’s federal structure empowers both the Centre and the state governments, in the US, there is a more centralised federal structure which is conducive to the implementation of policies to deport illegals despite resistance from the states. Thus, comparing the scenarios in India and the US in this context misses the nuanced realities of policy implementation and governance in the two diverse democracies.
This “If the US can do it why not India” question was also raised when President Donald Trump signed the executive order of the US’s withdrawal from the World Health Organisation over Covid mishandling and surging Chinese influence. OpIndia, however, explained why imitating the US in this regard is not a good idea for India.
Despite the challenges, deportation of illegal Rohingya and Bangladeshi immigrants continues
The process of identifying, detaining and deporting illegal immigrants is undeniably tough, however, despite the challenges the Central government has continued with deportation efforts. India has also been engaging in diplomatic engagement with Bangladesh to resolve the issue of illegal immigrants. While Bangladesh has always been lackadaisical towards accepting back its nationals illegally entering India, a slow but noticeable progress has been reported.
In December 2024, India deported 14 Bangladeshi illegal immigrants staying in Central Delhi back to Bangladesh as a part of a special drive to identify and deport the illegals. Similarly, in December 2024, the South-West Delhi Police deported 8 Bangladeshi illegals.
In 2021, India deported several Rohingyas from Jammu. This came after 170 Rohingya illegals were detained from a camp in Jammu for document verification and later sent to Hiranagar Jail. Many of them were deported eventually outlining India’s deportation efforts despite challenges, international scrutiny and propaganda.
In December 2024, the electricity and water connections of over 400 households were cut, and eviction orders were issued for land that was unlawfully occupied by illegal immigrants. Four Rohingyas were also arrested by the police during the operation.
In Delhi, the police busted a major illegal immigration racket in December 2024 and arrested 11 individuals, including document forgers, Aadhaar operators, and tech experts involved in creating fake websites.
On 9th December, the Home Minister of Chhattisgarh, Vijay Sharma, said that the authorities have deported around 850 illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators from the state. Sharma was speaking at a public meeting in Bhilai where he assured that all infiltrators would be identified and deported. Notably, he pointed out that around 500 illegal Bangladeshis have already been deported from Bastar and 350 have been removed from Kawardha.
Last year, the police in various states arrested Bangladeshi illegal immigrants. In some cases, the illegals were involved in criminal activities as well. In August 2024, it was reported that the Delhi Police said in a chargesheet that Bangladeshi illegals were running an illegal organ transplant racket.
On 25th January 2025, Delhi Police apprehended seven Bangladeshi nationals Mohammad Bellal, Mohammad Yeasin, Emon Hossein, Mohammad Ghiyas Uddin, Mohammad Rubel Hossain, Nasruddin, and Tanvir Hasan in a hotel in Delhi for overstaying their visa. The Bangladeshi nationals have been deported to Bangladesh.
In May 2024, Manipur CM Biren Singh informed that 5457 illegal immigrants were detected in the state’s Kamjong district and that the process to deport them all was underway. Of these, 359 have voluntarily returned to Myanmar. Before this, 38 illegal immigrants were deported to Myanmar from Manipur, bringing the total number of illegal Myanmarese migrants deported to 77 since 8th March 2024.
In June 2024, OpIndia reported about the Manipur government and security agencies waging a war against fake Aadhaar and Voter ID gangs helping illegal immigrants from Myanmar. The police arrested two illegal infiltrators from Myanmar residing in the Churachandpur district and recovered fake identity cards from them. Similar cases were reported in the following months.
Back in 2018, 10 people were arrested for involvement in two fake Aadhaar card rackets operating from the bordering towns of Jirbhim and Moreh. Of the 10 arrested, 9 were illegal Muslim immigrants from Myanmar. One Indian woman Paritha Begum from Tamil Nadu was also arrested. The police raided the house one Mohammad Tomba at Moreh and seized two laptops, four Aadhaar Cards, one printer machine, one laminating film machine, plastic sheets, DVDs and photo paper.
Similarly, in May 2018, around 98 illegal immigrants with fake Aadhaar cards were arrested from Imphal City.
In October 2021, Assam Rifles troops arrested 24 Burmese illegal immigrants who were travelling with counterfeit Aadhaar cards along the Indo-Myanmar border in Manipur’s Tengnoupal district. This came about a week after 11 Myanmar nationals were arrested at Imphal Airport while attempting to board a Delhi-bound flight using forged Aadhaar cards.
In January 2025, three Rohingya Muslims including two women were arrested from Kolkata’s Sealdah railway station.
On 28th January 2025, Jaipur Police in Rajasthan detained 500 people, including 394 Rohingyas and Bangladeshi nationals in a massive crackdown on illegal immigrants. Jaipur Police Commissioner Biju George Joseph said that the campaign has been launched to address criminal activities and to identify illegal immigrants.
While India faces numerous hurdles and challenges in deporting illegal immigrants the process has never been stagnant. The government and security agencies have also ramped up measures including bolstered border security, fencing including smart fencing and installation of CCTV cameras, and diplomatic dialogues among other steps to prevent illegal immigrants from entering India and reinforce the country’s borders. Recently, the Delhi Police has started reviving its “Bangladesh Cells” also called “Foreigners Detection Cells” comprising Bangla-speaking cops to mingle with residents in localities, slums, unauthorised colonies and labour camps across the national capital where the presence of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants is suspected. These police officials are being tasked with obtaining information about the illegals to identify, detain and deport them.
Way forward
Indian authorities are tackling all the legal, logistical and geographical challenges, political opposition from all quarters and other complexities involved, in deporting illegal immigrants. From the efforts by the Central government, security agencies and police initiatives, a multi-level approach has been adopted to handle the issue of illegal immigration. Undoubtedly, the menace of illegal Rohingyas and Bangladeshi immigrants staying in India and often indulging in illegal activities is far from over. However, India needs to expedite the deportation process caring a little less about the international scrutiny and internal opposition.
India should bolster its border security surveillance by enhancing technology and manpower along the Indo-Myanmar and Indo-Bangladesh borders. The country should also integrate a comprehensive database for identity verification, it is high time the Modi government to consider a cautious but effective implementation of NRC. While Bangladesh may have turned hostile towards India especially after the Islamists took control of the country in August 2024, India should continue to negotiate repatriation agreements with the country and exert diplomatic pressure as and when required. Similar negotiation bids should be made with Myanmar. Besides fast-tracking court cases pertaining to the illegals can also help in quicker legal proceedings and subsequent deportation. Cross-checking documents, scrutinising the origins of suspected illegals, and tracking unauthorised settlements are some of the measures the authorities are focusing more on to nab the illegals and deport them.
It is only through a perfect blend of stringent law enforcement, political will, effective cooperation among security agencies, international collaborations as well as implementation of much-needed NRC, NPR can India tackle this intricate issue of illegal immigration and deportation effectively. India is navigating its way towards a reduced if not entirely illegal immigrants-free nation, with each step taken bringing the country closer to a resolution. There, however, is still much ground to cover.
