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‘Many Shades of Saffron’ by Chandrachur Ghose: Understanding the RSS through a century of growth in the complex socio-political landscape of India

Dr. Prosenjit Nath
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‘Many Shades of Saffron’ by Chandrachur Ghose: Understanding the RSS through a century of growth in the complex socio-political landscape of India

In Many Shades of Saffron, Chandrachur Ghose takes on one of the most popular and impactful institutions in modern India, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and does so with scholarly patience, historical rigor, and a welcome willingness to avoid ideological grandstanding. The timing of this work is particularly significant: the year 2025 marks the centenary of both the RSS and the Communist Party of India (CPI).

Though both organisations emerged in the same historical moment of anti-colonial ferment, their worldviews, institutional trajectories, and relationships with the Indian state diverged dramatically. Ghose uses this moment of shared origin not to draw forced parallels, but to illuminate the deeper ideological, cultural, and political contrasts between the two.

The CPI arose from Marxist-Leninist intellectual currents, rooted in class struggle and global revolutionary consciousness. Many Shades of Saffron, however, begins with the founding of the RSS in Nagpur on the culturally significant occasion of Vijaya Dashami, a choice that demonstrates the value of civilizational symbolism and cultural memory in the organisation’s worldview. K.B. Hedgewar envisioned the RSS not as a political movement but as a long-term social and cultural force dedicated to national regeneration. Where the CPI built cadres through study circles, ideological training, and policy debates, the RSS relied on daily shakhas, personal discipline, collective identity, and character formation. Ghose makes clear that these differing pedagogies would, over time, shape not only the internal cultures of the two organisations but also their destinies.

One of the most compelling themes in Many Shades of Saffron is the contrast in documentation practices. The communist tradition has always been meticulous resolutions, congress reports, polemical texts, biographies, and ideological treatises, forming a vast and easily accessible archive. The RSS, however, was slow to document itself. Hedgewar believed that a living example carried greater power than a written declaration, and it was only after 1950 that the organization adopted a formal constitution. This lack of documentation contributed to a perception of secrecy and opacity, especially among scholars and political commentators. But as Ghose argues, the lack of documentation was less a deliberate strategy of concealment than a reflection of cultural priorities: the Sangh sought to live values rather than codify them.

Ghose’s treatment of the RSS leadership over a century is another of the book’s strengths. Figures such as MS Golwalkar, Balasaheb Deoras, Rajendra Singh, and Mohan Bhagwat are presented neither as icons nor as villains, but as thinkers and organisers shaped by the pressures of their times. The book tracks how the Sangh responded to major national developments, the struggle for independence, the trauma of Partition, the Emergency, the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the turbulent politics of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Throughout, the organisation’s ability to adapt while maintaining a coherent internal identity emerges as a key reason for its longevity.

If the CPI’s history is one of splits CPI(M), CPI(ML), and further ideological micronizations, the RSS story is one of expansion. Today, the Sangh Parivar encompasses dozens of affiliated organisations spanning education, labour, farmer groups, tribal upliftment, women’s participation, religious reform, and electoral politics. Ghose does not exaggerate this influence, nor does he apologise for it. He simply traces how the RSS, originally dismissed by both colonial administrators and nationalist leaders, grew into one of the most consequential cultural forces in the world’s largest democracy.

Significantly, Many Shades of Saffron addresses the polarised landscape of literature surrounding the RSS. Insider accounts have often been devotional, while outsider critiques have tended to be suspicious, even hostile. Both have contributed to a climate in which the RSS is either heroised or demonised, with little space for historical nuance. Ghose consciously avoids both traps. He neither glosses over contentious episodes nor indulges in ideological denunciation. His goal is not to judge but to understand a rarity in the study of Indian political organisations today.

The prose is accessible and measured, suitable for the serious general reader as well as students and scholars of contemporary Indian politics. Rather than overwhelming the reader with detail, Ghose selects key turning points and thematic continuities, always situating events in broader cultural and political shifts. His methodology respects both archival research and lived organisational experience.

Some readers may wish for deeper engagement with questions of secularism, pluralism, and minoritarian anxieties. Ghose addresses these issues, but he prioritizes historical context over ideological debate. Instead, he gives readers the historical and institutional context necessary to form their own opinions. This restraint may frustrate those accustomed to polemical writing, but it is the very quality that makes the book valuable.

Many Shades of Saffron is not just a study of the RSS, it is a study of modern India itself. To understand the Sangh is to understand a major force shaping the political and cultural imagination of the country today. Ghose’s work is thus a vital contribution to the ongoing conversation about national identity, civilizational continuity, and the meaning of democracy in India.

This book is a must-read for supporters and critics of the RSS alike, for scholars, journalists, students, and every citizen seeking to understand the forces that have shaped and continue to shape the Indian republic.

Scam loading? Congress govt’s Rs 613 crore sweeper rental proposal in Karnataka sparks outrage, opposition warns of a massive kickback racket

Rukma Rathore
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Scam loading? Congress govt’s Rs 613 crore sweeper rental proposal in Karnataka sparks outrage, opposition warns of a massive kickback racket

Congress and corruption have been closely intertwined as the party and its I.N.D.I. Alliance which are yet to recover from the humiliating electoral defeat in the Bihar assembly elections is likely to find itself in another predicament due to a potential major financial scam in Karnataka.

On 13th November, the Congress state government authorised the rental of 46 mechanical sweeping machines for seven years at a cost of ₹613.25 crore. The devices are going to be placed within the Greater Bengaluru Authority’s (GBA) boundaries. HK Patil, Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs, informed reporters that the equipment would be used in all five GBA corporations.

The self-propelled mechanical sweepers, dumper trucks and human resources will be rented. A technical committee’s advice served as the basis for the decision. These mechanical sweeping equipment will be used on 1,682.10 kilometre of arterial and sub-arterial roads within Bengaluru’s 12,878.89 kilometre road network to keep the area clean.

Each equipment is anticipated to cost the authority almost ₹2 crore annually and the five recently established municipal corporations of Bengaluru would provide all of the funding. GBA at first suggested renting 59 sweeping machines for a total of ₹781 crore. However, while presenting the proposal to the cabinet, the Urban Development Department (UDD) reduced the number of vehicles to 46 while raising the price of each vehicle by ₹10 lakh.

Opposition, netizens draw attention to a possible scam

The development not only prompted the opposition to raise its eyebrows, but many people pointed out that the substantial figures attached to the purchase trigger suspicions and suggest yet another scandal in the state.

Bharatiya Janata Party leader and Union Minister Shobha Karandlaje stated that the extent of expenditure raises “serious concerns” regarding who benefits from the inflated prices and asserted that a “significant financial scandal is unfolding” in Karnataka.

She noted that even if the municipality paid the salaries of 46 drivers and 100 helpers for seven years, the total would still only be about ₹60 to 70 crores. The government is shelling out ₹613 crores, but even after adding machinery, labour, and maintenance, the amount should not surpass ₹100 crores. However, ₹613 crores are being spent by the government.

“This raises serious doubts about where the remaining ₹500 crores is going and who is benefiting from this inflated expenditure. I strongly urge the government to drop this proposal immediately and ensure full transparency for the people of Karnataka,” she expressed.

Janata Dal (Secular) leader Nikhil Kumar remarked that there are 26 sweeping machines in Bengaluru’s Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) yards that are not in use but the governemnt wants to spend ₹613 crore to rent 46 more machines at an annual cost of ₹1.9 crore each, despite the fact that the same machines only cost ₹1.3–3 crore to purchase outright.

Nikhil charged, “This is not bad math; this is math murdered, buried and cremated in broad daylight.”

He accused that while Boston Consulting Group (BCG) advocated a pay-for-performance model and the Expert Committee recommended buying the machines, “the DCMs’s (Deputy Chief Minister D K Shivakumar) team created a new economic theory: choose the most expensive option and label it governance.”

Kumar then urged that Kiran Mazumdar Shaw and Monhandas Pai give this government a crash lesson in simple maths before another 600+ crore vanishes under the pretence of “innovation.”

An individual reiterated how the “math is not mathing,” and asked, “Rent 46 sweeping machines at 1 crore per year for 7 years. How does that add up to 613 crores?” The person added that the “bigger question” is whether these will be gathering dust like the 26 machines that are currently inactive because BBMP lacks the funds to “pay” the operator and staff.

Another user posed the same inquiries, accompanied by an image of a similar machine and stressed even if this is not the precise model, machines of this type usually cost approximately ₹60-70 lakh. “Why not buy outright and save public money? Something is seriously wrong here,” the account emphasised.

A person described the purchase as a “massive scam” and highlighted that experts asses the cost of each machine to be around 40-50 lakhs. Therefore, it would cost about ₹20 crores if the government were to buy them directly. “Big joke on those who threw out BJP from Karnataka,” he added.

A netizen mocked that people are supposed to think there is no corruption by pointing out that the daily cost of operating this machine is ₹53 thousand for a single vehicle.

Meanwhile, the government appears to proceed with the decision in spite of the mounting controversy.

How the decision was reached

GBA engaged in an extended discussion about whether to hire or buy sweeper vehicles outright, beginning in April. Two consulting firms were later hired for further evaluation after a technical committee led by R Selvamani, managing director of the Karnataka Urban Infrastructure and Finance Corporation (KUIDFC), was initially established.

The technical committee pitched purchasing the equipment and hiring a different agency for operations and maintenance in its August report This strategy has been used till now bu the prospect of renting was rejected by the committee.

Afterward, GBA formed an internal committee and asked BCG and Rail India Technical and Economic Service (RITES) Limited for assistance. According to BCG’s suggestions, an outright purchase would necessitate a significant financial outlay because each sweeping equipment would cost ₹3 crore, together with hook loaders and containers.

Hence, it recommended paying the suppliers 40% up advance, with the remaining amount to be reimbursed according to performance per kilometre. The company reportedly looked into the cost of renting the machineries, which came out to be more expensive per vehicle at ₹50 lakh. Due to the alleged “huge initial expenditure” associated with buying the devices, the cabinet decided to rent them instead.

Bengaluru now has about 26 cleaning machines, but their performance has been subpar and commuters frequently complain about the city’s deteriorating air quality index and dusty roads. Despite the former BBMP’s repeated attempts to acquire new equipment, the plan was put on hold for a number of reasons.

Another potential scam on the cards

Notwithstanding the assertions made by the government, both netizens and the opposition have already outlined significant flaws in the cost calculation and levelled grave allegations of financial fraud. Their apprehensions cannot be dismissed in light of the compromised history of the Congress governments, even in Karnataka.

This was reinforced in September when the Karnataka State Contractors Association (KSCA) expressed that corruption in several departments under the Congress has “doubled” compared to the earlier BJP rule.

“When you were leader of the opposition, you told us that after you come to power, no commission (kickback) would be sought by your government to clear pending bills. We regret to inform you that the commission has doubled now compared with the previous government,” the body charged in a letter, resulting in a massive embarrassment for Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s government.

Moreover, KSCA President R Manjunath reported that Congress workers and supporters of elected officials were winning projects from government institutions which were subsequently “sub-contracted” to “senior contractors” in return for a specified share of the amount.

Now, the recent allegations have placed the Karnataka government in a challenging situation and more importantly, highlighted the likelihood of yet another possible scam involving the Congress.

Rohini-Tejashwi fight, sisters leaving house: Is this new episode in Lalu Yadav’s family drama a ploy to attract media attention and divert public focus from electoral loss?

Shraddha Pandey
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Rohini-Tejashwi fight, sisters leaving house: Is this new episode in Lalu Yadav’s family drama a ploy to attract media attention and divert public focus from electoral loss?

The BJP-led NDA registered a landslide victory in the Bihar assembly elections. The Congress party’s ‘Vote Chori’ narrative failed spectacularly and RJD’s big bet on Tejashwi Yadav did not turn out very well. While Congress continues to cast aspersions on Election Commission’s integrity, the family of RJD patriarch Lalu Yadav has come with a rather emotional coping mechanism against a humiliating electoral defeat.

After Lalu Yadav’s daughter Rohini Acharya snapped ties from her family and announced departure from politics, Lalu Yadav’s other four daughters, Rajlakshmi, Ragini, Hema, and Chanda have also reportedly ‘left’ the family. The four of them travelled to Delhi along with their children, hinting a wider rift within the family that is out in the open as Bihar rejected RJD.

Reports say that the RJD chief’s daughters are disturbed by the events that unfolded in the recent days. The alleged rift in the Yadav family comes at a time when the Rashtriya Janata Dal was reduced from 75 to 25 seats in the recently concluded Bihar assembly elections.

The first from the Yadav family to vent out frustration over the massive electoral loss was Rohini Acharya, who publicly announced her decision to quit politics and RJD.

On 15th November, Acharya put out a social media post wherein she named Sanjay Yadav and Rameez, hinting that they are the reason behind all hostilities within the Yadav family and RJD’s abysmal poll performance.

“I am quitting politics and I am disowning my family… This is what Sanjay Yadav and Rameez had asked me to do… and I am taking all the blame,” she wrote.

Notably, Sanjay Yadav, whom she mentioned in her post, is an RJD Rajya Sabha MP and considered a close political aide of Tejashwi Yadav. Rameez, who was also named in the message, is an old friend of Tejashwi and belongs to a political family in Uttar Pradesh. 

As Rohini Acharya’s announcement of quitting politics abruptly stirred a political storm, she in a media interaction revealed that she has disowned her family after she was subjected to filthy abuses, physical intimidation and was asked to leave her father’s house. Acharya directly blamed her younger brother Tejashwi Yadav and his two closest aides, Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Yadav and political advisor Rameez Ahmad, for orchestrating her expulsion from the family. 

In an X post, Acharya wrote, “‘Yesterday, a daughter, a sister, a married woman, a mother was humiliated, filthy abuses were hurled at her, a slipper was raised to hit her. I did not compromise on my self-respect, I did not surrender the truth, and solely because of this, I had to endure this insult… Yesterday, a daughter was forced to leave behind her crying parents and sisters and move away; they separated me away from my maternal home… They left me orphaned… May none of you ever walk my path, may no family ever have a daughter-sister like Rohini.”

She also posted a couple of emotional messages on Facebook narrating how she was humiliated after she refused to compromise her self-respect and stood by the truth. Acharya, who gave her kidney to save her father’s life in 2022, also said that she was accused of giving a ‘dirty’ kidney to her father.

The conflict in the Yadav family has been brewing months after Tej Pratap Yadav’s photos and videos with a woman named Anushka Yadav appeared on social media, leading to his expulsion from the RJD. Tej Pratap formed his own party Janshakti Janata Dal and contested the Bihar Assembly Elections.

The whispers in the political circles of Bihar suggest that Rohini Acharya was opposed to Tej Pratap Yadav’s expulsion from the party. However, the ‘decision-maker’ Tejashwi Yadav did not heed her opposing viewpoint and things only turned bitter from thereon.

Despite allegedly being opposed to Tej Pratrap’s expulsion, Rohini was seen campaigning for her younger brother Tejashwi, who was the Mahagathbandhan’s chief ministerial candidate. This raises question as to what would have been Rohini Acharya’s position if the RJD had performed well in the assembly elections and the MGB had won the election. Would there still have been a public outburst the way it happened or victory would have covered it up?

Last month, Acharya unfollowed her father, Lalu Prasad and brother Tejashwi on X, triggering speculation. She had also supported criticism of Sanjay Yadav, who was seen by many as becoming too powerful within the party.

Back then, Tej Pratap came out in Rohini Acharya’s support and echoed his sister’s allegations against Sanjay Yadav. He alleged that Sanjay Yadav wants to “usurp” Tejashwi Yadav’s chair. 

Now as the rift between Rohini Acharya and Tejashwi Yadav intensifies, Tej Pratap has again extended support to Acharya. In a statement posted on Instagram by his party, Janshakti Janta Dal, Tej Pratap Yadav said that he tolerated his own insult silently, but he would not tolerate the humiliation of his sister. He added that he is enraged by the incident and that the people of Bihar would not forgive the people who misbehaved with Rohini.

“Yesterday’s incident has shaken my heart to the core. I tolerated what happened to me, but the insult inflicted on my sister is unbearable under any circumstances. Listen, Jaichands— if you attack the family, the people of Bihar will never forgive you. Ever since I heard the news of my sister Rohini being hit by a slipper, my heart has been filled with rage. When public sentiments are hurt, the dust on the intellect is blown away. These few faces have clouded even Tejaswi’s intellect. The consequences of this injustice will be extremely dire. The reckoning of time is very harsh.”

Tej Pratap further appealed to Lalu Prasad Yadav to give him a ‘signal’ to expose the ‘Jaichands’ or traitors behind the issue. He said, “I request the Honorable RJD National President and my father, my political guru, Shri Lalu Prasad Ji, Father, give me a signal… just one gesture, and the people of Bihar will bury these Jaichands themselves. This is not a fight for any party, it is a fight for the honor of the family, the dignity of the daughter, and the self-respect of Bihar.”

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Rohini Acharya contested from Saran and lost to BJP’s Rajiv Pratap Rudy. Now, Acharya was reportedly eyeing a ticket in the assembly elections, however, the party was not in favour of this. Attempting to put all speculations at rest, Acharya posted that she has no political ambitions, and for her, her self-respect is of supreme importance. However, her continued criticism of Sanjay Yadav and his growing clout in the RJD came across as a confirmation that there Rohini Acharya indeed had political ambitions and perhaps Sanjay Yadav stood in her way.

While this is undeniably a rough patch for the Lalu family, it comes across more as a drama to deviate discourse from the RJD’s humiliating electoral loss. Tej Pratap’s expulsion, Rohini Acharya’s public outburst, and now Lalu Yadav’s other daughters moving out of the family indicate a full-blown feud within the family, and a hurried rush among the ‘aggrieved’ members to cash in on the narrative of victimhood and gather public support in their favour. The disputes and the power tussle within the family may be real but the ongoing drama in the past few months has only appeared as a TV serial-style ploy to attract attention and even sympathy towards the three factions (Rohini, Tej Pratap and the Lalu-Tejashwi) within Lalu family.

While this public attention did not translate into votes, the fresh melodrama of heartbroken daughters being allegedly forced to leave their maternal homes seems a new episode in the saga of the once-powerful family.

From hawala trail, purchase of explosives to recruitment of suicide bombers: Probe reveals explosive details behind the Doctors’ Terror Module at Al-Falah University

Divya Bharti
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From hawala trail, purchase of explosives to recruitment of suicide bombers: Probe reveals explosive details behind the Doctors’ Terror Module at Al-Falah University

The investigation into the Delhi Red Fort car blast has opened up a complex web of terror links, financial trails, and university connections. It began as a probe into the explosion near one of the capital’s historic landmarks and has now turned into a large-scale national security investigation spanning Delhi, Faridabad, Nuh, Lucknow, and even links traced abroad. It has also been established that the recovery of huge amount of explosives from doctors a week before the blast was link to the same nexus, with its epicentre at Al Falah University in Faridabad.

The blast, which occurred on 10th November near the Red Fort, killed 13 people and injured several others. Investigating agencies later confirmed that the man who carried out the explosion was Dr Umar Un Nabi, a medical professional associated with Al Falah University in Faridabad. Subsequent forensic tests matched his DNA samples with those of his mother, confirming his identity. Two doctors from the university were already arrested days before the blast after explosives and weapons were recovered from them.

Cartridges recovered, but no weapon found  

Forensic teams investigating the site made a puzzling discovery. Three 9mm cartridges, two live and one empty were found at the scene. Officials said these cartridges are of a type prohibited for civilian use and are generally meant for security forces or those with special permission.

What made the finding even more mysterious is that no pistol or firearm parts were recovered from the area. Investigators are now working to understand how the cartridges reached the spot and whether they were used during the blast or planted later to mislead the inquiry. Experts are also examining whether these were fired on-site or brought to the location afterwards.

Focus Turns to Al Falah University and Nuh

The Crime Branch of Delhi Police quickly turned its focus towards Al Falah University, where Umar and his arrested colleagues, Dr Muzammil and Dr Shaheen, worked. The University’s Okhla office was searched on Saturday, 15th November, and officials seized several documents after issuing formal notices. Two more doctors have also been detained for questioning, while another doctor from West Bengal, who did MBBS from Al-Falah, was detained but was later released after questioning.

Police said two FIRs have been registered against the university under sections of fraud and forgery, following findings from the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC).

Investigations revealed that Umar had rented a house in Nuh’s Hidayat Colony for about ten days before the blast. The house was arranged by Shoaib, an electrician working at Al Falah University. Shoaib’s sister-in-law owned the property and has been untraceable since the incident. Police have barricaded the entire house and deployed personnel in the area while continuing their search for additional leads.

CCTV footage collected from near an ultrasound centre in Nuh shows Umar’s i20 car, a vehicle later used in the blast, parked in the area for several hours. Another footage from 30th October shows the same vehicle entering and leaving the Al Falah University campus, proving he used it regularly.

₹20 Lakh Hawala trail and use of Fertiliser

A crucial lead in the investigation surfaced when intelligence agencies uncovered a funding trail of around ₹20 lakh. Agents believe that the money was sent from a Jaish-e-Mohammed handler through hawala channels to Dr Umar, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen.

Out of this amount, around ₹3 lakh was reportedly spent on purchasing 26 quintals of NPK fertiliser. Though commonly used in agriculture, this chemical compound contains ingredients capable of producing explosive materials. Sources revealed that tension had developed between Umar and Shaheen over the handling and use of this money.

Further questioning of Dr Muzammil helped agencies track the financial links, which exposed the deeper connection of the three with Jaish operatives.

NIA takes over as the Terror module is uncovered

Following initial findings, the case was officially handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Investigators discovered that a terrorist module had been operating out of Faridabad, using Al Falah University as a cover for recruitment and logistical support.

Officials stated on Thursday, 13th November, that around eight suspects were preparing to execute coordinated explosions at four different places, with each group assigned to a particular target city. Every pair was meant to carry improvised explosive devices (IEDs) for simultaneous attacks.

The National Medical Commission later cancelled the registration of four doctors on Friday, 14th November, from Jammu and Kashmir: Dr Muzaffar Ahmad, Dr Adeel Ahmad Rather, Dr Muzammil Shakeel, and Dr Shaheen Saeed, citing their involvement in terror activities. Delhi Police have already arrested Dr Adeel, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen.

Dr Shaheen’s Radical path and Jaish links

Investigations further revealed the story of Dr Shaheen Shahid, the Lucknow-based surgeon who had been connected with Jaish-e-Mohammed since 2015. According to the NIA, she began by sharing sensitive information with the group and, within a year, became an active member.

Her shift in ideology reportedly began around 2010 when she came into contact with an Indian-origin doctor living abroad who sent her videos and documents about religious and community causes. Soon after, she began wearing a hijab and expressed a strong desire to move abroad.

In 2021, a relative questioned her about leaving her husband, children, and job. Shaheen replied, “I have lived enough for myself. Now it’s time to repay the community. Something big is being planned, and you’ll all be proud.” Officials later learned that she met a Pakistan-based ISI handler, Abu Ukasha, in Turkey between March 1 and 18, 2022.

Before the Red Fort blast, Shaheen applied for a passport in October to flee the country, but delays in verification hindered her escape. Terror operatives within the group referred to her as “Madam Surgeon.”

The “Doctor Module” and Operation Hamdard

Investigators uncovered a shocking “doctor module” that included medical professionals, led by Dr Shaheen, who were radicalised and recruited over the past few years. They discovered a diary belonging to Dr Muzammil that mentioned “Operation Hamdard,” a plan aimed at training young Muslim women for attacks. The network reportedly included 25-30 members spread across Jammu & Kashmir and Faridabad.

Notably, while Dr Shaheen and Dr Muzammil from Al-Falah have been arrested, the another doctor from the university, Dr Umar un Nabi, died in the blast as he was driving the car packed with explosives. Two more doctors from Al-Falah, identified as Dr. Mohammad and Dr. Mustakim were detained from Nuh in Haryana by a Delhi Police Special Cell.

Agencies also found out that Dr Umar had created an explosives lab at his home near Al Falah University. Using Telegram, he received bomb-making manuals and videos from handlers abroad. He mostly worked alone, testing devices and assembling explosives.

Investigators have also found that the module was searching for a suicide bomber for last one year to carry out terror attack. Inerogation of arrested people have revealed that Umar was a hardcore radical and said that suicide bombers were essential for their operations.

In fact, the module had already recruited person named Jasir alias ‘Danish’, a bachelor in political sciences, to become a suicide bomber. He has been arrested on the basis of statements of Dr Adeel Rather and Dr Muzzaffar Ganaie. During questioning, Jasir said that he met the ‘doctor module’ in October last year in Kulgam, from where he was taken to a rented accommodation at the Al Falah University in Faridabad, Haryana.

He said that while other members of the module wanted him to become a over-ground worker (OGW) for the banned Jaish-e-Mohammed, Umar was brainwashing him for several months to become a suicide bomber instead. However, Jasir refused, citing his famiy’s poor economic condition, also because of the belief that suicide was forbidden in Islam.

It has been understood that Dr Umar had no plan to become a suicide bomber, and even the Red Fort blast was not part of the plan. It was a sudden decision in desparation, after around 3,000 kg of Amonium Nitrate was found by police from the Doctor’s module and 4 doctors were arrested. He may have wanted to use the explosive he was having before police finds them, and also wanted revenge for the arrests.

The investigation has widened to multiple states. Two individuals, Rizwan and Shoaib, were arrested from Nuh’s Shahar Hayat Colony for providing financial help to the module. Their names surfaced after agencies traced money transfers connected to the terror activities.

Another man named Dinesh alias ‘Dabbu’ have been arrested for selling fertilisers without a license. Notably, Amonium Nitrate, which has been recovered in huge quantities from the terror network involving doctors, is a fertiliser product. 

Several politicians from Nuh-Mewat have also come under the scanner for suspected involvement. Police and central agencies have now inspected over 200 hotels, PGs, and dharamshalas in Faridabad to locate possible hideouts used by module members. Around 100 vehicle dealers have also been checked after authorities confirmed that the i20 car used in the blast was purchased from a Faridabad dealer.

To ensure no link is missed, the police have started verifying documents of over 500 Kashmiri tenants and collecting information on 1,700 other tenants from different states living in the region.

The role of Al Falah University and campus insights

Students and staff from Al Falah University described Dr Umar, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen as close associates who often disappeared for months without explanation. Many students pointed out that those with Kashmiri backgrounds seemed to receive preferential treatment in promotions and postings.

Dr Umar, known for his conservative mindset, often objected to male and female students interacting freely and discouraged casual conversations between them. Classmates said he was particularly caring toward Kashmiri students, often lending his hostel room or sharing space with them.

Financial web around Dr Muzammil

Investigators found that Dr Muzammil had financially trapped several people. He reportedly gave ₹35,000 to install a submersible pump at a madrasa, ₹50,000 to a student whose father was unwell, ₹1 lakh to a student’s family for a wedding, and ₹5,000 to a labourer-all transactions used to gain loyalty or recruit helpers for assembling explosives.

Audio recordings recovered from his phone revealed him persuading people to “help in the path of Allah, everything will be fine.” Many of those who took money from him are now in custody.

UP and Lucknow connection

The trail does not stop at Haryana and Delhi. Security agencies traced major activities to Uttar Pradesh, particularly Lucknow, from where five doctors, including Dr Shaheen, were caught. Investigators are also questioning her brother, Dr Parvez, for more input.

Authorities believe this network, rooted in professional circles like medicine, signals a worrying new trend where educated individuals are targeted and radicalised. Agencies are now determining whether a new extremist group has formed in the 2020s, focusing on professionals.

Ongoing Investigation and tightened security   

Following the blast, police presence around the Red Fort and nearby areas has been intensified. Entry and exit points are under strict surveillance, while teams from the NIA, Delhi Police, UP ATS, and Haryana Police remain stationed at multiple locations. The civil hospital run by Al Falah University remains closed, admitting only emergency cases.

Forensic labs continue to test explosive residues, samples from the site, and digital evidence. Investigators are piecing together communications between the doctors and foreign handlers to fully expose the operation’s scale.

What stands out in the entire investigation is how a group of educated individuals turned into handlers of destruction. As agencies follow the financial and communication trails, the Delhi Red Fort blast has become one of the most significant cases uncovering the rise of a sophisticated white-collar terror module in India.

The leftist ideology that was planted in Bihar in 2020, was uprooted by the people of Bihar in span of merely 5 years

शिव
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The leftist ideology that was planted in Bihar in 2020, was uprooted by the people of Bihar in span of merely 5 years

The 2025 Bihar Assembly elections have delivered several far-reaching political messages. The ruling NDA’s clear majority demonstrates that voters remain committed to Nitish Kumar’s clean image and development-oriented politics. Meanwhile, the RJD’s poor performance indicates that even its core MY (Muslim-Yadav) vote bank is eroding. While AIMIM’s five seats show that the party had made inroads into Muslim-majority areas, Bihar has once again rejected the Left’s toxic politics.

Left parties reached 3 seats through arithmetic

In this assembly election, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) won two seats, and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) won only one. In all three seats, the influence of independent candidates was played a more significant role than the Left’s ideology. The CPI (ML)(L) won the Karakat seat by 2,836 votes, against Jyoti Singh, wife of Bhojpuri superstar Pawan Singh, who was contesting independently, received 23,469 votes. The Left won the other two seats in a similar fashion, which means that if there had been a direct contest, the Left might not have won these seats.

When Bihar rejected RJD

Interestingly, this isn’t the first time Bihar has rejected the Left parties or the RJD in this manner. After the RJD’s historic defeat in 2010, it was believed that Bihar rejected the party that fostered jungle raj. It seemed that the state had permanently distanced itself from the dark memory that had become a symbol of its backwardness. Nitish Kumar’s model of good governance further strengthened that public opinion. The RJD won only 22 seats in that election.

2010 Bihar Assembly Election Results (Credit: ECI)

However, by 2015, thanks to Nitish Kumar’s political experiments, the RJD seemed to revive itself, and it returned to power with Nitish Kumar at its helm. The situation also appeared favorable for the RJD in the next election, but the main reason behind this was Chirag Paswan. Chirag Paswan was displeased with Nitish Kumar during the 2020 elections and fielded his own candidates in his constituencies. This benefitted the RJD, and the party returned to power once again. However, the collective seats of Congress-RJD were still not enough to bring them to power. Left parties also made a comeback in this election as the CPI (ML) (L) won 12 seats, and the CPI and CPI (M) each won two seats. This marked the return of the Left ideology, which had long been rejected by Bihar, and had now won 16 seats.

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the CPI(ML)(L) won two seats in Bihar, signaling that the Left parties were once again gaining ground in Bihar. The CPI(ML) indicated that it still held ground in some parts of Bihar.

2024 Bihar Lok Sabha Election Results (ECI)

When the reviving oxygen provided by Chirag Paswan was taken away from the Left and RJD this time, their true worth was exposed. The people of Bihar once again wiped out the RJD and the Left parties. The people of Bihar expressed their faith in Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. The way the NDA fought the elections putting up a united front dispelled any doubts voters might have had. The public gave a clear and unanimous mandate, and the Left parties were wiped out in this tsunami of votes.

The NDA now has the responsibility to ensure that the ‘poisonous vine’ does not grow again

The NDA now faces the challenge of honouring this public mandate. The people have not only established it as the ‘alternative’, but have also expressed their deep trust in them. This trust is based on the belief that the NDA will not take Bihar back to the old days of left-wing extremism, caste violence, criminal politics, and institutional weakness.

The NDA must also understand that it should avoid any political experiment that could re-empower leftist parties. This referendum is a vote of confidence to bury the past. This public opinion shows that the people of Bihar are trusting the NDA for their secure future. They are trusting PM Modi and Nitish Kumar.

The public has delivered its verdict by voting for stability and development. This verdict is not just in favour of the NDA, but in favour of a Bihar that wants to move forward, that wants to provide opportunities for its youth, and that, at any cost, refuses to return to an era of anarchy.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Stop making excuses and look within: Congress leaders demand introspection after party’s debacle in Bihar elections

सौम्या सिंह
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Stop making excuses and look within: Congress leaders demand introspection after party’s debacle in Bihar elections

The Congress Party has once again hit hard in the Bihar Assembly Elections 2025, has sparked strong reactions from within the party. While the party was hoping for a revival in the state, the results have been disappointing, with Congress winning only six seats failing to even touch double digits.

Several senior Congress leaders, including Shashi Tharoor, Mani Shankar Aiyar, Nikhil Kumar, Kripanath Pathak, and Mumtaz Patel, have spoken openly about the party’s internal issues. Their statements clearly show growing frustration, loss of confidence in leadership, and concern about the weakening organization.

Bihar defeat sparks fresh questions within Congress

Congress had aimed to strengthen its presence in Bihar but ended up facing a major setback. While some party members have tried to blame external factors like the Election Commission, many others believe the real problem lies within the organization itself.

After the results were announced, several Congress leaders called the situation “very serious.” They said the party should stop making excuses and instead take tough steps to correct its mistakes. Many leaders also said that this is not the time for routine introspection but for facing the truth and taking real action.

Mani Shankar Aiyar: “My Own Party Removed Me”

Senior Congress leader Mani Shankar Aiyar expressed his unhappiness openly. He said that the party has sidelined him for a long time. Aiyar stated, “Once upon a time I was very senior, but recently I have been made one-sided. I have not come here representing Congress; I am here personally.”

He went on to add, “I am a very small man, my own party has removed me. Modi ji says wrong things about me, and my own party accepts it.” His statement reflects deep frustration not only about his personal position but also about how the party treats its senior and experienced members.

Tharoor calls for honest analysis of mistakes

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor also urged the party to carry out a serious and honest assessment. After the Bihar results, he said, “It is clear that NDA’s lead is huge. It’s very frustrating, and if this is the final result, then the party needs real introspection not just sitting down and thinking, but also studying what strategic, messaging, or organizational mistakes were made.”

Tharoor added that he was not personally involved in the Bihar campaign as he was not invited, but based on conversations with colleagues, he believes the party must urgently analyze its own shortcomings.

Kripanath Pathak: “State leaders did not give proper information”

Congress leader Kripanath Pathak blamed the weak coordination between Bihar’s ground leaders and the central leadership. He told the media, “We believe those responsible in the state did not give correct information or identify the right people. Whether it was a mistake or carelessness, it caused big problems.”

Pathak also said many local workers had been complaining, but their issues never reached higher authorities properly. He warned that if the leadership does not address this soon, it could lead to an even bigger crisis for the party.

Nikhil Kumar: Weak organization cost us dearly

Former Bihar Governor and Congress leader Nikhil Kumar pointed out that the party’s poor organizational strength was a key reason for the defeat. “In any election, a party depends on its organization. If the organization is weak and cannot work effectively, the overall result suffers,” he said.

Kumar added that though all the candidates were capable, better choices could have been made. According to him, strategic and intelligent decisions were needed to maintain the party’s presence in all constituencies. “Some of our candidates may not have been the best choice, and that might have cost us these results,” he remarked.

We will introspect: Akhilesh Prasad Singh

Congress MP Akhilesh Prasad Singh also admitted the need for self-assessment. He said, “We will introspect and see where Congress is lagging behind.”

Singh congratulated Nitish Kumar and NDA for their victory and added that the party would discuss why its performance was so poor in Bihar. He also mentioned that a “friendly contest” with allies like RJD might have weakened Congress candidates in certain areas.

No more excuses, face the Truth: Mumtaz Patel

Mumtaz Patel, daughter of senior leader Ahmed Patel, expressed strong displeasure over the party’s situation. In a post on X, she wrote, “No excuse, no blame, no introspection. Now is the time to look within and face the truth.”

Patel said that loyal grassroots workers have long supported the party through every difficulty, yet power remains in the hands of a few people “cut off from ground reality.” She warned that these same people, who have repeatedly failed, continue to be rewarded because they control access and influence within the party.

Shakeel Ahmed: Questions ticket distribution process

Former Bihar minister Shakeel Ahmed said, “I am not in Congress now, so I have no right to speak.” But he recalled that soon after ticket distribution, many senior leaders had raised concerns that some tickets were given for wrong reasons.

He added that there should be an investigation and action if such misuse actually happened.

NDA secures strong majority in Bihar

The Bihar Assembly Elections 2025 saw a strong performance by the NDA alliance. The BJP won 89 seats, emerging as the largest party, while Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) came second with 85 seats. Together, they crossed 200 seats in the 243-member Assembly.

Among the opposition, RJD finished third with 26 seats, and Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) won 19 out of 28 seats contested. In contrast, Congress’s performance was dismal, winning only six seats out of more than 60 it contested.

Growing demand for change within Congress

The crushing defeat has increased calls for deep reflection and change within the Congress Party. Many leaders believe the main reasons for failure include weak organization, poor candidate selection, lack of ground-level connection, and overdependence on a small group of advisors.

There is also growing discontent among senior leaders who feel ignored or pushed aside. Some even say the party’s internal democratic structure has weakened, and communication between top leadership and workers has broken down.

Despite repeated failures over the years, no major structural changes have taken place at the top, which has created frustration among those working at the ground level. Many leaders now believe that if the Congress truly wants to regain public trust and political strength, it has to go beyond introspection and take bold, honest action.

More votes don’t always mean more seats: Read how RJD winning just 25 seats with highest vote share in Bihar is not evidence of ‘Vote Chori’

Raju Das
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More votes don’t always mean more seats: Read how RJD winning just 25 seats with highest vote share in Bihar is not evidence of ‘Vote Chori’

NDA has returned to power with a landslide victory in Bihar, with the alliance winning 202 out of 243 seats. The opposition Mahagathbandhan, on the other hand, won just 35 seats, with Congress reducing to seats. Rashtriya Janata Dal managed to win 25 seats.

While there is a huge difference in seats won by the two alliances, the vote share numbers tell a different story. As per the results, RJD had the highest vote share at 23%, as the party secured 1,15,46,055 votes. Next was BJP with 20% share and 1,00,81,143 votes, and JD(U) won 96,67,118 votes, a 19.25% share.

This ‘discrepancy’ has made some people to question how RJD won 25 seats despite winning the highest number of votes. Some of them also alleged that this is ‘vote chori’, that RJD should have won based on vote share.

Suraj G Naik of Congress Sevadak called it “pure #VoteChori in Bihar, not victory”, asking people to make him understand the issue.

Another person called it ‘vote chor’, ‘gaddi chor’.

Similar posts were made by many ther social media users. Some called it manipulation of numbers by the Election Commission, while others asked to explain the’magic/mystery’.

However, despite sounding confusing at first glance, there is no foul play in the results, and this is how India’s election system has been working since the adoption of parliamentary democracy. Two factors are important in terms of Indian elections, first is, results depend on the numbers in individual constituencies, and India has First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system.

The Election Commission website has detailed results of all the constituencies, where the votes secured by each candidate in every constituency can be seen. In each constituency, the candidate that won the higher number of votes won the election. The winning margin does not matter, it can be 1 or 1 lakh, the result is same, candidate with higher votes wins.

As most seats in India see multi-cornered fights with several candidates, the winning candidate generally gets around 30-35% of the vote. There is no requirement of 50 % + 1, and there is no proportional adjustment afterwards, which is followed in some other countries.

The total votes a party gets across the entire state matter far less than how efficiently those votes are distributed across the constituencies the party actually contests. This is why a party (or alliance) can poll fewer total votes than its rival yet win many more seats, or vice-versa. The phenomenon is not unique to India, it happens regularly in the UK, Canada, and every other country that uses FPTP.

However, multi-party competition and seat-sharing alliances make the distortions especially visible in Indian state elections. In most western countries, there are only 3-4 major countries, therefore this phenomenon is less visible.

The reason why RJD polled more votes is that they contested in far more seats. Even through they didn’t win most of the seats, they got substantial number of votes in those constituencies, hiking up the total vote number for the party. While RJD contested in 143 seats, BJP and JD(U) contested in 101 seats each. This means, votes of 42 additional seats were added to RJD’s total vote, making a direct comparison with BJP or JD(U) in terms of total vote meaningless.

An analysis of average votes per seats makes it clear, as it shows that average vote per seat of BJP and JD(U) are much more than RJD’s, explaining the difference in seats won.

PartySeats ContestedSeats WonVotes PolledVote ShareAverage Votes per Contested Seat
BJP101891,00,81,14320.08%99813.30
JD(U)1018596,67,11819.25%95714.04
RJD143251,15,46,05523.00%80741.64
Congress611943,76,4798.71%71745.56

There several factors that disconnect vote share from seat won in Indian elections. A party that fights fewer seats but concentrates its efforts and loyal voters in those seats will usually record a higher average vote per contested constituency and therefore win more of them. If a part contests in all the seats, even in those where it can’t win, it will still win some votes in those seats. This will increase the total votes polled by the party, but not the seats won.

Another factor is that among opposition parties, RJD has performed much better compared to its allies. This means, even on seats it lost, it came second with significant number of votes. This increases the vote share for the party without increasing the seats won.

Another issue is unequal distribution of voters across constituencies. The number of voters in different constituencies vary widely. Therefore, when a party loses a seat with high population with low margin, a large number will be added to its vote share, without any impact on the final result.

It can be seen that RJD contested 42 more seats than BJP and JD(U), but got only 14 lakh more votes than BJP and 18 lakh more than JD(U). As RJD’s vote was spread over many more constituencies, its average vote per seat it fought was lower than BJP and JD(U). The gap of average 15,000-20,000 votes is significant.

Another issue in Bihar was that there were much more ‘friendly fights’ in the MGB compared to NDA. Therefore, while the entire NDA vote went to a single candidate in most of the seats, the MGB votes were split among 2-3 candidates from the alliance in the same seats.

All these make it clear, there is no mystery why RJD won only 25 despites polling highest vote share in Bihar. This happened because that is how India’s election system works. RJD candidates lost their individual seats, and that is the only thing that matters, not the total votes won by the party.

If any candidate or party thinks there is foul play in the counting process or the declaration of results, they can file petitions. It is notable that the entire election process including the counting is done in presence of agents of candidates and parties, and therefore they require some strong reason to contest the results.

During the SIR exercise in Bihar and then the polls, no petition was filed against the processes, despite the noise created around them by Rahul Gandhi and others. Similarly, it is expected that almost no RJD or Congress candidate will appeal against the results, and the ‘vote chori’ allegations will remain in political rallies, press conferences and social media.

Therefore in conclusion, there is no ‘mystery’ over how RJD won so few seats despite wining highest number of votes in total, and it does not point to any ‘vote chori’ or any wrongdoing. This is as per the electoral system adopted by the constituent assembly, and will remain in place unless the constitution is changed and India adopts and different election method.

Media hype does not translate into votes: As Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party gets a big zero, here is why ‘Kingmaker’ PR and tall claims got no support from voters

Shriti Sagar
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Media hype does not translate into votes: As Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party gets a big zero, here is why ‘Kingmaker’ PR and tall claims got no support from voters

The Bihar Assembly election results turned out to be a disappointing reality check for Prashant Kishor and his Jan Suraaj Party (JSP). The party had contested 239 out of 243 seats, but could not win even a single one. As per the poll results on Friday, 14th November, Jan Suraaj could manage only around 2–3% of the total votes. Across the state, it polled roughly 3.4% of the vote share. Not a single JSP candidate won; only one candidate reached second position, 115 candidates came in third, and 122 finished below third place.

Screengrab from the ECI website

In simple words, the party did not emerge as a winner, the runner-up, or even the “vote cutter” that some analysts imagined it would be. Many expected that Kishor’s aggressive campaigning and statewide yatra might, at the very least, eat into someone’s vote share. 

But that also didn’t happen. The party’s overall performance placed it just slightly ahead of NOTA, which got 1.8% of votes. For someone who spent more than two years touring Bihar and building momentum, always making headlines, being constantly interviewed, the final numbers were nowhere close to the hype.

Image via X/JitendraJain_

The hype PK enjoyed never converted into votes

Right after the results, one thing became clear, the way the media hyped Prashant Kishor did not translate into votes on the ground. For months, TV channels, YouTubers, and commentators treated him like a strong challenger with the ‘kingmaker’ image,  someone who might change the election dynamics in Bihar. Much of this came from Kishor’s past reputation as a successful poll strategist who had helped various parties win elections across India.

However, the Bihar Assembly results proved that popularity in media interviews and online conversations does not automatically mean popularity among actual voters. The energy around Jan Suraaj was mostly driven by discussions, podcasts, social media clips, and PK’s own sharp statements. On the ground, when the votes were counted, the hype simply did not match reality.

“Debut election” can’t be an excuse: PK has been in politics for years

Some Jan Suraaj supporters will try to defend the poor performance by saying that this was the party’s debut election. But this argument does not hold much weight in Kishor’s case. PK wasn’t entering politics for the first time. In fact, he has been a known name in Indian politics for more than a decade.

Prashant Kishor shot to prominence after helping Narendra Modi‘s successful Gujarat campaign in 2012. His work also played a significant role in the BJP’s massive 2014 Lok Sabha win. Later, he changed sides to help the Mahagathbandhan in Bihar sweep the 2015 Assembly election. He also guided Captain Amarinder Singh in Punjab, Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, MK Stalin in Tamil Nadu and Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal – all of whom won big.

He even joined the JD(U) in 2018, served as its national vice president, and helped the party revive its Lok Sabha fortunes in 2019. So, it is clearly not a “debut” when one has been deeply involved in Indian politics, helped leaders win elections across the country, and held a high post in a ruling party. Bihar voters did not see him as a newcomer at all.

Other parties did much better in their first election

Many new parties have performed far better in their debut elections in other states. The biggest example is the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which had a historic entry into Delhi politics. In its very first Assembly election in 2013, AAP won 28 seats, shocking both the BJP and the Congress.

In smaller states too, regional parties like the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) showed strong performances early on, dominating state politics for years. These parties proved that good debut performances are possible if the public truly trusts a new political force. Compared to them, Jan Suraaj’s failure to win even one seat shows that Bihar voters were not convinced enough to give Kishor a chance.

Why the media hype around Kishore didn’t work

For more than two years, Prashant Kishor travelled across Bihar, held meetings, spoke about unemployment, migration, and education, and gave hundreds of interviews to national media, regional media, and YouTube channels. His padyatra drew crowds, and many people online saw him as a serious contender. He projected himself as a wisened ‘Kingmaker’ who understood Bihar at the grassroots and would offer long-term solutions.

Media headlines hyping Prashant Kishor
Media headlines hyping Kishor as a big player in Bihar Elections

But despite the noise, voters did not choose him on polling day. Political analysts say this is because Kishor’s campaign created more attention than trust. Many expected him to contest the election himself, but when he refused to enter the fray, people started questioning his seriousness. His big claims, like saying Nitish Kumar would not return to power, or promising to quit public life if JD(U) crossed 25 seats, also backfired. These bold statements angered many JD(U) supporters and even fence sitters, who then voted even more strongly for their party.

Another issue was PK’s habit of constantly giving interviews and making big promises. While this kept him in the headlines, it may have made voters feel that he was trying to build his image more than to build a political organisation.

A campaign full of promises, and no impact on poll day 

The Jan Suraaj campaign had several big ideas. One of Kishor’s most talked-about promises was that he would scrap Bihar’s liquor ban “within an hour” of coming to power. He argued that the ban had only encouraged black markets and illegal supply chains. His team claimed that lifting the ban could bring in ₹28,000 crore every year, which they would use to improve education, welfare, and administration in Bihar.

He also spoke about giving loans to women, increasing pensions for the elderly, creating jobs for the youth, and bringing merit-based politics instead of caste-based politics. His candidate list also included Bhojpuri singers, retired officers, teachers, and experienced leaders.

But when the results came out, all this talk failed to convert into even a single win. The voters simply did not see Jan Suraaj as a practical alternative to the parties they already knew.

Counting day gives the final blow to the JSP

In the end, the counting day showed a completely different picture from the confident interviews and claims made during the campaign.

Jan Suraaj could not open its account. Its candidates remained far behind in most seats. The JD(U), which Kishor had confidently predicted would do badly, actually performed much better, winning 42 more seats than it did in the 2020 election. The exact opposite of Kishor’s predictions happened.

When he was asked earlier what he would do if his party failed, Kishor had said that he had committed 10 years of his life to Bihar and that he would continue to work for the next five years even if the results were disappointing. Now that the verdict is out, his real test begins: whether he will continue his political journey with patience or whether Jan Suraaj’s future will fade like many other overhyped political experiments.

‘Mother of trees’ Saalumarada Thimmakka, passes away at 114, leaving a legacy of thousands of trees raised as her own children

Divya Bharti
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‘Mother of trees’ Saalumarada Thimmakka, passes away at 114, leaving a legacy of thousands of trees raised as her own children

India has lost one of its most respected environmentalists. Saalumarada Thimmakka, known as the “Mother of Trees,” passed away in Bengaluru on 14th November, at the age of 114. Thimmakka was admitted to Apollo Hospital in Jayanagar with breathing problems and age-related weakness, where she remained under care until her final moments. Her passing marks the end of an era in grassroots conservation, and tributes have poured in from leaders, citizens, and environmentalists who admired her selfless devotion to nurturing thousands of trees.

Early life and family background

Thimmakka was born on June 30, 1911, in Gubbi Taluk of Tumakuru district, Karnataka. She grew up in a poor family and didn’t have the chance to go to school, instead taking on labour work from a young age to help her family. In 1928, she married Sri Bikkala Chikkaiah, a daily wage worker from Hulikal village in Ramanagara district.

The couple could not have children, and this hardship sparked a new purpose in Thimmakka’s life. Instead of falling into sorrow, Thimmakka decided to plant saplings, raising them with the same love she would have shown her own children. Years later, she adopted a foster son named Umesh, but her strongest bond was with the rows of trees she planted and protected throughout her life.

The journey of tree planting

Thimmakka’s environmental journey began on a stretch of road between Hulikal and Kudur in Ramanagara district. She and her husband started with just ten banyan saplings, grafting and planting them along the roadside using their own limited resources, and gradually increasing the number each year. They carried water from distant sources by walking 4 kilometres each day and spent their earnings to care for the trees, protecting them from cattle and drought.

Over several decades, they raised 385 banyan trees along a 4.5-kilometre stretch, earning her the affectionate name “Saalumarada,” meaning ‘row of trees‘ in Kannada. Altogether, Thimmakka is credited with planting and nurturing over 8,000 trees, creating green corridors where there were once barren lands.​

The Padma award and more

Thimmakka’s tireless work brought her national and international recognition. She received the Padma Shri, India’s fourth-highest civilian honour, in 2019 for her outstanding contribution to the environment. Thimmakka was also given the Nadoja Award by Hampi University in 2010, the National Citizen Award in 1995, the Indira Priyadarshini Vrikshamitra Award in 1997, and an honorary doctorate from the Central University of Karnataka in 2020.

When receiving the Padma Shri at Rashtrapati Bhavan, Thimmakka blessed the President of India, a gesture of humility that was widely celebrated across the country. Even the President remarked at the Padma awards ceremony that he was honoured to be blessed by Thimmakka, the 107-year-old awardee that year, and shared a tweet in admiration of her life and legacy.​

Work in later years

Thimmakka’s husband passed away in 1991, but she did not slow down. Even after his death, she remained active in many tree-planting and environmental programs across India, continuing her lifelong mission to green the environment. Beyond planting trees, she also participated in social initiatives like building a water tank for her village fair, showing her commitment to community welfare alongside nature conservation.​

She also dreamed of building a hospital in memory of her husband, and a trust was set up to realize this vision, reflecting her enduring dedication to her family and community. Her inspiring life was captured in a documentary titled “Thimmakka Mathu 284 Makkalu”, which was screened at the International Film Festival of India in 2000 and helped spread her message far and wide.

Recognition and contribution

Thimmakka’s work became a benchmark in grassroots environmental conservation. She is often known as “Vriksha Mata,” which means ‘mother of trees’, and her life has inspired countless individuals to plant trees and protect the environment. Her story is taught in schools, and a US-based organisation, Thimmakka’s Resources for Environmental Education, carries her name, helping spread her message beyond India’s borders.​

During her life, she also fought fiercely to protect her trees from harm. When there were plans to widen a highway that would have cut down the banyan trees she nurtured for decades, Thimmakka appealed directly to political leaders, and the government took steps to save those trees. Her dedication reminds us all that every action for nature can change our future.

In ​Manipal, Udupi, the Saalumarada Thimmakka tree park was opened in her honour.

Tributes

When Thimmakka passed away, leaders from all walks of life expressed their sorrow. Karnataka’s Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and the Leader of Opposition R Ashoka both said her love for nature had made her “immortal.” They praised her lifelong service and urged everyone to follow her example of planting and caring for trees. Her foster son, Umesh, continues her mission and runs movements to help farmers and communities grow and protect plants.​

Thimmakka’s green legacy, more than 8,000 trees, is a living tribute that will benefit generations to come. Her life shows that you don’t need money or power to make a difference. All it takes is kindness, commitment, and a willingness to nurture something beyond yourself.

The Modi currency is strong as ever: Why Rahul’s screeds of ‘vote chori’ failed to work in Bihar

Raju Das
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The Modi currency is strong as ever: Why Rahul’s screeds of ‘vote chori’ failed to work in Bihar

In a stunning reaffirmation of faith in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, the NDA has secured a thumping victory in the Bihar Assembly Elections 2025 with 202 seats in the 243-member house. This result comes after BJP and NDA’s overwhelming wins in Haryana, Maharashtra, and Delhi in the recent past.

This victory is not merely a state-level win, it is a national message, and the voters have spoken clearly: India stands with PM Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi’s baseless allegations attacking the country’s election process are not working.

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections saw the BJP reducing to 240 seats, falling short of majority mark but still forming a stable government with NDA allies. Yet, the Congress, which won just 99 seats, considered it as a loss for BJP and win for them, and celebrated the results. Even though Narendra Modi government took oath for the third time, the Congress behaved as if they have won.

From the Parliament floor to TV studios and public rallies, they ridiculed Modi’s governance model that has transformed India since 2014. They bragged about the BJP’s “defeat,” insulted the Prime Minister, demeaned the voters. The reason for this celebration for Congress was the thinking that the 2024 results marked a decline for BJP, and they believed that the time for revival of Congress has arrived.

However, the successive NDA victories in state after state after the Lok Sabha polls show that it was misplaced optimism by the Congress. BJP lost some votes in the general elections, but have since regained many of them after that.

While voters recognised BJP government’s efforts towards development and protection of the country, they also witnessed the growing arrogance of Congress. Bihar result is the latest affirmation, the voters are in no mood to support Congress, and they are fed up with the party scion who does not miss an opportunity to attack the country from foreign soils, and echo Pakistan’s comments on the matters of national security.

Rahul’s Congress: Echoes of the Muslim League and Maoists

The party that ruled the country for 6 decades, the Indian National Congress is now a hollow shell. There is little difference between Jinnah’s Muslim League and the Congress now. Its politics revolves solely around appeasing one community, evident in its push for religion-based reservations and opposition to reforms like triple talaq ban and Waqf amendments, exposing its communal core inside secular cover.

Actually, the party has become a blend of Muslim League and Communists, with Rahul Gandhi continuously attacking India’s corporate sector. The part today blends Maoist economic sabotage with Muslim League-style communalism.

With senior leaders regularly leaving the party, it fights existential battles nationally, as the Gandhi-Nehru family is repeatedly rejected by voters. Election results in Bihar and Maharashtra have shown that Rahul Gandhi and the Congress are liabilities for alliance partners, dragging down coalitions.

Disillusioned leaders are exiting, finding no resonance with the party. Even Muslims, whom Congress claims to champion and used as vote bank for decades, are abandoning it for its empty agenda. Bihar shows that Muslim voters have consolidated behind AIMIM instead of voting for Congress.

Victory for development, defeat for vulture politics

The voters have clearly rejected the Rahul Gandhi’s politics of vile language. The party abused the PM and the party with slogans like “Chowkidar Chor Hai,” “Vote Chor, Gaddi Chhod,” “Khoon ki Dalali,” and stooped to abuse the Prime Minister’s late mother. Indian voters made it clear, they don’t endorse such politics.

After the defeat, Congress invents villains, EVMs, Election Commission, ED, CBI, Army, even Judiciary, and want people to believe that the entire system works to ensure party’s defeat. But then, the party wins some elections, and then the entire election becomes pristine. Indian voters are not fool to see through this hypocrisy.

Despite Congress and Rahul Gandhi’s relentless attack on BJP and PM Modi, the Bihar’s voters have made it clear, they are fully behind NDA. There is no anti-incumbency even after 11 years in office against Modi government, at least not yet.

Similarly, Nitish Kumar is in power for a long time, but despite that there was no sign of anti-incumbency in the elections. This has made it clear, anti-incumbency is not default factor in elections. ‘They have ruled for long time, now give us a chance’ is not a valid vote appeal. To win elections, the opposition have to present much more than that. And in today’s scenario, the opposition parties fail to give a solid reason to bring them to power.

Take RJD, the mere sight of the Lalu’s family in the party’s leadership reminds the people of Bihar of jungle raj. If that was not enough, RJD supporter actually promised to bring back the jungle raj if the party wins the elections, giving the votes a very big reason to not vote for them.

Similarly, Rahul Gandhi’s politics have become more and more strange, he picks up issues that have nothing to do with voters. He attacks the govt accusing of favouring certain corporate, but there is no concrete allegations like taking bribes or manipulating tenders. Congress chooses Hindenburg report to attack the Modi government, a topic majority of people don’t event understand. Similarly, Rahul Gandhi chooses to attack the Election Commission and the election process itself. But his speeches don’t include a good reason explaining why people should vote for Congress.

Therefore, there is no strong opposition to PM Modi at present in the country. It further helps that the Congress has the policy of not allowing any leader to grow taller than Rahul Gandhi.

As a result, in Bihar 2025, Modi’s mandate is reassured. It is clear that Modi currency is strong as ever on ground, despite the hallucinations of some opposition leaders. People like Rahul Gandhi may keep crying ‘vote chori’ and ‘hacked EVM’, Indian voters are not going to fall for that. The voters’ message is clear, India chooses progress over pettiness.

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