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The Left’s hollow outrage: Why the Election Commission is right to exclude Assam from the current SIR exercise

Dr. Prosenjit Nath
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The Left’s hollow outrage: Why the Election Commission is right to exclude Assam from the current SIR exercise

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has announced a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in 12 states and Union Territories as part of its ongoing nationwide voter verification and cleansing exercise. Among the states covered are poll-bound regions like West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh. Assam, though it has assembly elections scheduled in 2026, was not included in the list of states to undergo SIR next.

A state-wide SIR was recently completed in Bihar, where assembly elections are currently underway with the new, updated electoral roll.

Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar, while addressing a press conference on October 27, 2025, clarified that Assam’s case is legally distinct from all other Indian states. He pointed out that citizenship verification in Assam operates under separate provisions of the Citizenship Act, 1955, and the Assam Accord of 1985, which introduced Section 6A to the law. This section explicitly defines who qualifies as an Indian citizen in Assam, a framework different from the rest of the country.

As per Section 6A, immigrants who entered Assam before January 1, 1966, are deemed Indian citizens, while those who entered between January 1, 1966, and March 25, 1971, can become citizens only after fulfilling stringent criteria. Those entering after March 25, 1971, are to be considered illegal migrants. These provisions are unique to Assam, given its long-standing demographic anxieties and cross-border migration from Bangladesh. Therefore, a blanket SIR similar to Bihar or Bengal would directly clash with the state’s special citizenship mechanism and the ongoing, Supreme Court-monitored NRC process.

Kumar emphasized that a special order for Assam would be issued separately once the citizenship verification exercise under NRC nears completion. The logic is clear: conducting an SIR in Assam right now would mean a duplication of effort, potential double-deletions, and interference with the apex court’s timeline.

Why Assam is a legal outlier

The NRC in Assam ordered by the Supreme Court in 2013 has already excluded over 19 lakh individuals as “doubtful citizens.” However, appeals and re-verifications are still pending. The citizenship status of many remains legally unresolved. If the ECI were to simultaneously carry out a nationwide SIR in Assam, it could inadvertently remove or include names that are still under judicial consideration.

This is not merely an administrative inconvenience; it’s a constitutional minefield. The Election Commission cannot legally preempt or contradict the Supreme Court’s ongoing supervision of the NRC. Hence, the ECI’s prudence in holding back Assam’s SIR until a special order is issued is not just logical, it’s mandatory.

The Leftist U-Turn: Outrage for hire

But predictably, this pragmatic and legally sound decision has triggered another wave of selective outrage from the usual suspects in the left-liberal ecosystem that never misses an opportunity to politicize the ECI.

In Bihar and West Bengal, the same cabal comprising the likes of Mahua Moitra, Yogendra Yadav, Manoj Jha, and NGOs like People’s Union for Civil Liberties and Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) had vehemently opposed the SIR. They had filed petitions in the Supreme Court earlier this year, arguing that the exercise was a conspiracy to “disenfranchise” large numbers of voters.

The Supreme Court, however, dismissed their plea, calling it a mere case of “trust deficiency.” The court reaffirmed that the SIR was a routine constitutional exercise meant to remove bogus voters, duplicates, and deceased persons, nothing more.

Yet, when the ECI decided not to conduct SIR in Assam this time, the same leftists and opposition leaders suddenly discovered a new outrage. Yogendra Yadav, who once wanted the ECI restrained, now wonders why the SIR is not being conducted in Assam. DMK spokesperson Saravanan Annadurai accused the ECI of turning into a “citizenship-finding unit.” Congress spokesperson Shama Mohamed called the ECI’s NRC-related explanation an “excuse.”

It is almost comical how quickly the narrative flips. When the ECI works to update the voter list in Bihar, it is bad. But it is suddenly wanted to interfere in an ongoing SC-monitored NRC process because the Secular-Liberal lobby thinks the chaos and confusion will provide them with further fuel to spread misinformation and vilify democratic institutions.

The Election Commission’s job is to keep the electoral roll updated and make sure that anyone dead, migrated out, or ineligible is not in the voter list. The ECI’s function is not to detect and deport illegal immigrants, issue citizenships, or examine the validity and legality of citizenships. In Bihar SIR, approximately 6.5 million voters were removed from the list. However, not all the names removed were illegal immigrants. Those removed included voters who died, those who failed to prove that they are citizens of India, those who permanently migrated to other places, and those voters who were present in more than one list.

The Opposition’s double standard: When convenience becomes principle

This selective indignation exposes the moral bankruptcy of India’s left-liberal opposition. Their stance on the ECI shifts not with principle, but with political expediency.

When the SIR threatened to clean up voter rolls in Bihar, a state with a large population of illegal Bangladeshi-origin voters who have historically benefited opposition parties, the exercise was branded “undemocratic.” But in Assam, where the same process could potentially reinforce the BJP’s nationalist credentials by validating the NRC outcomes, the Left now cries foul over its absence.

Let’s call this what it is: vote-bank panic.

The opposition fears that in states like Bihar and West Bengal, the cleansing of electoral rolls will expose the depth of illegal voting blocs that have skewed democratic outcomes for decades. In Assam, however, the same opposition wants to push the ECI into violating Supreme Court oversight just to craft a new narrative that the ECI, “under BJP pressure,” is shielding Hindu illegals while targeting Muslims.

It’s a cynical, circular game:

  • If SIR happens → “BJP-ECI conspiracy to delete Muslim voters.”
  • If SIR doesn’t happen → “BJP-ECI conspiracy to protect Hindu voters.”

Either way, the Left’s script stays the same: always attack the ECI, always question institutions, and always create distrust before elections.

The facts they won’t tell you

In Bihar, during the recently completed SIR, approximately 6.5 million names were removed from the electoral rolls. Not all were “illegal immigrants”, most were deceased voters, duplicates, or those who had migrated. The ECI’s function is not to decide who is an Indian citizen but to ensure that every eligible citizen gets to vote once, and only once.

Similarly, in Assam, the ECI’s caution stems not from political bias but from judicial restraint. The NRC process is still under review because both the Supreme Court and the Assam government have raised concerns over its accuracy, with many foreigners allegedly included and many indigenous people excluded. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has publicly supported a fresh verification, and the state government has assured full cooperation with the ECI once the Supreme Court allows further action.

The real issue: Opposition’s insecurity

The fury over Assam’s exclusion is, therefore, not about democracy; it’s about losing control over the narrative. For years, the opposition has thrived on portraying the BJP as authoritarian and the ECI as compromised. Election after election, they have refused to admit their actual flaws and, instead of introspection and scrutiny of their own political message, or even the smallest attempt to find out why they have been rejected by the people, they have been hoping that blaming democratic institutions and creating mass public distrust in the country will help them achieve their goal.

The same “liberals” who cried foul when bogus names were deleted in Bihar are now demanding that Assam’s voter rolls be overhauled immediately, even if it means clashing with the Supreme Court monitored NRC. What they really want is chaos, a narrative of “ECI confusion” they can exploit in the run-up to 2026.

A lawful, logical pause

Far from being “irrational” as The Print’s editorial claimed, the ECI’s reasoning is meticulous and lawful. A special SIR for Assam will come, but only after the NRC process concludes under the Supreme Court’s watch. This ensures the integrity of both citizenship verification and voter registration.

The ECI’s restraint, in this case, demonstrates institutional maturity, not partisanship. Those who accuse it of bias today were the same who demanded judicial oversight yesterday. The only consistent thing about them is their inconsistency.

In truth, the Election Commission is simply doing what the Constitution requires, maintaining electoral purity without undermining judicial authority. Assam’s exclusion from the current SIR is not a political decision; it is a constitutional necessity.

The real question is not “Why no SIR in Assam?” But, “Why does the opposition oppose or support the same process depending on its vote-bank math?”

As the dust settles, one thing becomes clear: the ECI is standing firm on law and logic, while the opposition stands only on opportunism.

TNM invents Muslim victimhood story to undermine Madras HC decision on Thiruparankundram hill, tries to ignore Hindu rights, claims it is BJP’s attempt for another ‘Ayodhya’

Rukma Rathore
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TNM invents Muslim victimhood story to undermine Madras HC decision on Thiruparankundram hill, tries to ignore Hindu rights, claims it is BJP’s attempt for another ‘Ayodhya’

The renowned “Thiruparankundram hill” situated in Madurai of Tamil Nadu had become a central point of religious disagreement between the Hindu and Muslim communities until the Madras High Court delivered its judgment in favor of the Hindus.

The naming of the hillock, the custom of animal sacrifice at the Sultan Sikkandar Badhusha Dargah (shrine) and the right of Muslims to pray in the Nellithoppu area were addressed in the October ruling. The High court highlighted that the name of the holy site will remain “Thiruparankundram hill,” animal sacrifice will be prohibited until a ruling from the Civil Court and Muslims could pray in the Nellithoppu area only during Ramzan and Bakrid, under strict conditions.

Notably, the place is extremely revered by the followers of Sanatan Dharma because it is home to the historic Arulmighu Subramania Swamy Temple, one of Lord Murugan’s six abodes.

Nevertheless, the infamous leftist mouthpiece “The News Minute” has sought to revive the issue despite the court’s ruling, aiming to provoke religious sentiments and target the Bharatiya Janata Party. The article titled “Ayodhya of the South – A timeline of time immemorial,” which was published on 5th November attempted to create a sensationalized portrayal of distorted facts and falsehoods to propagate the skewed narrative of Muslim victimhood.

The mention of Ayodhya is a clear indication of what the media house intended to accomplish with this piece conveniently overlooking the fact that the Ram Janmabhoomi verdict was rendered by the Supreme Court in consideration of the facts. However, this cabal only accepts such decisions when they serve their interests. Otherwise, they portray every institution as compromised or simply refuse to respect the rulings, as demonstrated in this situation.

Process of shaping Muslim victimhood and attacking the BJP gets underway

The article referenced a 4th July interview with 52-year-old chef Syed Abutahir who wished to sacrifice a goat at the aforementioned shrine in Thiruparankundram and claimed that the “Sunni Muslim moved the date of their Sufi pilgrimage to Christmas. Just so their non-Brahmin Hindu neighbours could join the feast.”

However, a police inspector informed them that animal slaughter is prohibited and did not allow them to proceed. The group including dargah committee members, the local jamaat and mutiple community leaders protested as the police responded with an immediate crackdown, targeting exclusively Muslim men with FIRs (First Information Report) while sparing Hindus, women and children were spared.

Image via Frontline – The Hindu

The piece commenced by portraying Muslims as individuals with warm, embracing hearts who postpone their significant religious practices for their “non-Brahmin” Hindu neighbours. However, it swiftly progressed to its agenda of attacking the “Hindutva forces” headed by the Hindu Munnani, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to escalate the issue as state assembly elections approached. The article further charged them with conducting a statewide agitation for complete control of the hill.

The media outlet emphasised that Hindus wanted to prohibit prayers at the dargah as well as animal sacrifice, arguing that the entire rock represents the body of the Hindu god Murugan. Abutahir even alleged there had been no problems with the Muslim practices at the site for years, suggesting that if there were no objections previously, there should not be any at present.

First and foremost, this argument is inherently flawed. The fact that a certain practice has been in effect for years does not necessarily mean it should be allowed to persist. Isn’t this how reforms such as the Triple Talaq Law were introduced to facilitate change and resolve the genuine concerns of the other side?

More importantly, this is not a recent dispute and has been around for more than a century. Hindus have always maintained their ownership of the entire hill especially after the dargah’s effort to erect a mandapam, in 1920.

Claims of “syncretic place of worship” and source of “communal harmony”

According to the piece, neither the local BJP unit nor any other Hindutva outfit were “in the pcture” when the police arrested them. The police had not received a formal complaint from any Hindu residents of Thiruparankundram regarding the animal sacrifice.

Interestingly, the Muslim side approached the court regarding the issue and asserted that it is a “syncretic place of worship that draws pilgrims from both or all religions” during the arguments. It even added that the “main individual who conducted the Halal ceremony at the dargah is a Hindu named Paramasivam, who is part of the Mukkulathor or Thevar community.”

His son described as a “devotee of the dargah” allegedly “signed a sworn statement to this effect, saying his family performs Halal and collects a portion of the meat as part of an ancient ritual barter.”

Image via Tamil Nadu Toursim

The efforts to depict the dargah which is an integral part of the Islamic faith, as a promoter of syncretic culture and communal harmony where even Hindus participate, are rather desperate.

The involvement of some Hindus in Eid or Christmas festivities or the attendance of non-Hindus at a temple, does not eliminate the religious nature of these occasions or sites. They are not a symbol of secularism and can not be stripped off their religious elements, even if people from different beliefs are involved.

Likewise, how can it represent communal harmony when Hindus have been struggling for their rightful claims to the hill for hundreds of years and are consistently denied the same? The actions of a few Hindus engaging in the dragah can not negate the strong feelings of the broader Hindu community. Furthermore, why should their faith not be considered equally important as that of others?

Casting doubts on official statements to sustain the bogus narrative

The public path leading to the shrine was blocked by Muslims, according to the Thiruparankundram Revenue Inspector. He outlined that they “prevented the police from doing their duty” and “used inappropriate words and slogans” including “down with police anarchy” in the complaint.

The piece then questioned, “Why would one set of pilgrims have a problem with another set visiting the same shrine,” while Abutahir insisted that he did not even recall seeing the official.

Image via Outlook Traveller

The answer to this could be akin to the reason Hindu processions are subjected to attacks during every festival and are regularly rejected permissions to pass through “Muslim areas.” However, the leftist lobby is not prepared for this discussion nor will they ever be. Nothing unsettles them more than inconvenient truths that expose reality of their preferred demographic. Therefore, they continue to gloss over every nefarious facet of the community.

The article informed that the Revenue Inspector’s accusations were restated by Madurai Commissioner of Police J Loganathan in his plea to the Madras High Court’s Madurai bench and lamented the latter’s unwillingness to mention how “Hindus from Rajapalayam travelled with their Muslim neighbours like a family to sacrifice a goat and participate in Sufi rituals” to further peddle the “communal harmony” narrative.

Abutahir reportedly spoke for almost fifteen minutes before abruptly ending the connection and vanishing. He also cut off communication with the Jamaat members who put the media house in touch with him and only agreed to continue the conversation after Madurai lawyer S Vanchinathan promised to take his case and blamed the local police for his disappearing act.

The piece then tried to illustrate a perfect representation of an ideal society where a lone Muslim family resides among Hindus, who are full of appreciation for the man in that household, to insinuate that this is the way individuals from both communities coexist until the BJP or Hindutva activists incite tensions between them.

It shrewdly shifts the responsibility onto the two while conveniently disregarding that this matter has been tied to Hindu religious sentiments for a long time and is completely unrelated to politics or such things. The piece essentially urges Hindus to relinquish their rights at the distorted altar of communal harmony or endure accusations for daring to raise their voice.

Anti-Hindutva rhetoric persists amid efforts to refrain from questioning the relevant authorities

According to the article, the police asserted to have received the orders from District Collector and barred them from mounting the hill but the jamaat discovered that no such order had been given when they verified. The officers then asserted that the instructions were issued on behalf of the district government by the Revenue Development Officer (RDO). However, the Muslims claimed that no such a directive had not been issued to the police.

If it is indeed true, isn’t this an administrative failure of the authorities under the Dravidian government? However, the article chose to criticize the Hindu groups and the BJP, which has merely 4 members in the state assembly, rather than posing questions to the responsible authority. It seems that speaking truth to power is only applicable when it pertains to the saffron party, irrespective of its status in power.

Afterward, the article addded that the Jains have presented archaeological evidence conveying that they established shrines long before the other two religions without pointing out how the Islamists did not even spare their caves and painted them green.

It then declared that the “evolving legal and political equations surrounding this conflict, detailing how police and bureaucratic actions created a vacuum that the BJP rapidly filled to escalate its Hindutva agenda.”

The piece to create an illusion of neutrality claimed that the “secular groups feel profoundly disappointed by the police and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK)-led state machinery, which they view as having actively undermined the Dravidian Model’s commitment to social justice.”

The entire article is dedicated to denounce Hindutva and the BJP, while the government which should be held accountable is only criticized for failing to provide “social justice” in the face of their growing presence in the state.

Notably, it is the same party whose ministers, MLAs and even MPs desire to eliminate Sanatan Dharma and have expressed their aversion to the religion in the most contemptuous manners. It is utterly ridiculous that the piece suggested that such an administration did not act against the mischievous “Hindutva forces” which, in fact, do not hold any authority in the state.

The media outlet then reiterated this rhetoric, stating that “Hindutva groups are labeling it the Ayodhya of South India.” It further condemned how “Hindu Munnani, Hindu Makkal Katchi, RSS, and the BJP together with around five lakh people gathered in Madurai on 22nd June for a Murugan ‘Maanadu’ (conference),” representing the largest Hindutva assembly in the history of the state.

There they pledged to seize possession of the entire hill which they considered was an embodiment of Murugan and demanded that animal sacrifices at the dargah be prohibited. The Hindu Makkal Katchi petitioned the court to prohibit the use of the name Sikkandar Malai and insisted that the hill be referred to as Skandar Malai in honour of one of Murugan’s several names.

Muslims continued their sacrificial practices at the location with Muslim leaders even visiting the site. However, the media organization objected at Hindus exercising their democratic right to assemble and present their case. The Hindus, if deviate even slightly from the prescribed path of secularism, assert their religious identity or make a genuine demand, would be labeled “Hindutva,” regardless of the court’s decision.

History of legal disputes goes back a century

The artcile alleged that “Behind each name and claim over the Kundram, Kundru or Malai is a story that goes back to a time about which there is very little recorded history.” However as aforesaid the dargah tried to construct a mandapam in 1920 but the Arulmigu Subramaniya Swamy Temple in Thiruparankundram requested a declaration of ownership over the complete area.

In 1923, the trial court declared that the temple had nearly the whole hill with the exception of approximately 33 cents of land at Nellithoppu where the dargah flagstaff and mosque are located. The highest court at the time, the Privy Council, upheld the temple’s rights to the hill “from time immemorial” in 1931 after the drgah’s appeal.

This stance was supported by further cases. The court forbade quarrying outside the shrine’s restricted boundaries in 1958 and in 2011, it prohibited any new construction or lighting without the temple’s consent. Following petitions related to tourism initiatives and flag installations were similarly denied.

Courts have continuously maintained the temple’s control of the hill for more than a century, acknowledging the dargah’s rights exclusively within its 33-cent tract.

Reality is in direct opposition to the propaganda

The reality stands in stark contrast to the portrayal that The News Minute attempted to create with the article. Hindus had to organize significant protests to counter the unlawful encroachments by Muslims while simultaneously engaging in legal battles to acquire permissions.

Animal sacrifice was allowed with the approval of the DMK government. The authorities were eventually compelled to act as the Hindu devotees agitated when banned Popular Front of India’s (PFI) political wing the Democratic Party of India (SDPI) attempted to incite communal tensions. Moreover, efforts to rename it as Sikandar Malai (hill) were also in progress despite accusations of Muslim appeasement directed at the DMK.

The dargah could be perceived as a representation of communal harmony and secularism by those with personal motives, yet the fact remains that it has been employed to trample on Hindu religious rights, encroach upon their holy space and violate their religious feelings. The high court’s decision and the legal background of the area also outline this same truth, which cannot be concealed by any amount of victimhood narratives or vested agenda from the liberal-leftist media, to keep the issue alive.

Rahul Gandhi’s ‘vote chori’ Hydrogen bomb defused: From alleged vote theft in Haryana to using a Brazilian model’s photo, every claim debunked

Shraddha Pandey
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Rahul Gandhi’s ‘vote chori’ Hydrogen bomb defused: From alleged vote theft in Haryana to using a Brazilian model’s photo, every claim debunked

In his bid to push the fake ‘Vote Chori’ narrative, Rahul Gandhi finds creative ways to embarrass the Congress party. After the Congress prince’s ‘Vote Chori’ press conference in August this year failed to sow distrust in people against the Election Commission, Rahul Gandhi on 5th November put up another show to drop the so-called ‘Hydrogen Bomb’. However, multiple fact-checks have debunked the lies peddled by Rahul Gandhi.

The Congress MP claimed that the 2024 Haryana assembly elections were “stolen”. He cited several examples to back his claim, including that of a house in the Hodal area of Palwal district. with 66 voters and another with 501. The Leader of Opposition (LoP) also claimed that in the Sonipat district’s Rai, a stock image of a Brazilian national, Larresa, was used to cast votes 22 times at 10 booths.

“She has got multiple names, Seema, Sweety, Saraswati, Rashmi, Vimla,” Rahul Gandhi said.

However, every claim of the Gandhi scion has been found devoid of any factual merit.

Vote Chori in Hodal?

During the press conference, Rahul Gandhi claimed that in the Palwal district’s Hodal, “We found 66 voters registered in a house belonging to a BJP zila parishad vice-chairperson, and 501 voters in a house which could not be found.”

The house Rahul Gandhi mentioned is in the Gurdhana village in Hodal. Rajpal Gurdhana, the uncle of BJP Zila Parishad vice-chairperson, Umesh Gurdhana, told Indian Express that 66 voters Rahul Gandhi mentioned in his presser are all his relatives who reside on the same plot of land.

“My father, along with his three brothers, shifted to Gudhrana from the nearby Siha village around 80 years ago, and all of them got married and started their families. We had 10 acres of land, where we used to stay on five acres and do farming on the rest. This is the oldest pucca house, built in 1986 – House Number 150,” Rajpal Said.

He added that with a growing family, individual houses were constructed to accommodate increasing family members on the five acres of land. However, all are identified with a common house number.

“Four generations of our family live together. There is no question of vote theft. My voter ID was made in 2009, and whoever from my family gets a voter ID made, the BLO writes the address as House Number 150 only,” Umesh Gurdhana told IE.

Similar is the truth of House Number 265, mentioned by Rahul Gandhi, wherein he alleged 501 voters were illegally registered.

This address houses eight members of the Sorout family. A Ram Sorout, a resident of the address, said that his great-grandfather had 25-30 acres of land in the village, which the family divided into plots and gradually sold off.

Ram Sorout’s son, Pawan Sorout, said that at present, 200 houses and three private schools are situated on the piece of land in question. He added that all voters here have 256 as their registered house number.

However, one Shyamwati Singh, who is not associated with the Sorout family, also has her house number registered as 265. Residing with her husband and two children, Shyamwati Singh said that her family bought a piece of land here in 2013, adding that since the,n they have been voting in elections with this address.

Thus, Rahul Gandhi’s claim that fake voters have been registered at the same address in Hodal is false. While multiple voters are indeed registered on a single house address, they are not fake or illegal voters. The Congress leader essentially revealed only half-truths, which suited his ‘Vote Chori’ narrative.

Brazilian model’s stock photo used to cast multiple fake votes?

During his press conference on 5th November, Rahul Gandhi displayed a photograph of a Brazilian model, claiming that it appeared 22 times on the Haryana electoral rolls. The women whose photographs on the voter roll, Rahul Gandhi claimed, were those of a Brazilian model, “Matheus Ferorro”, confirmed that they have voted without incident and have not faced any issues while voting in the 2024 Haryana elections. In media interactions, these women showed their voter identification cards and slips issued by the ECI, confirming that they have participated in elections without fail, and the photo of the Brazilian model is wrong.

Rahul Gandhi alleged that the photo of a model was used over 20 times in voter rolls.
Brazilian influencer Larissa and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi (Images via X)

One of the women, Pinki, a resident of Macchraula village, did have an issue related to the image; however, it was not connected with the Brazilian model Rahul Gandhi talked about. She told IE that after moving to Delhi in 2016, she received her voter ID card with a wrong photo, but that was of another resident of her village and not any model.

Interestingly, Rahul Gandhi only picked constituencies to highlight alleged discrepancies and anomalies where his party’s candidate lost the election. In Hodal, Congress’s Uday Bhan lost to BJP’s Harinder Singh. In Rai, Jai Congress’s Jai Bhagwan Antil lost to the BJP candidate. The Congress prince did not find any such alleged irregularities in seats where his party’s candidate won.

Rahul Gandhi cries ‘vote chori’ after Congress lost Haryana despite leading in postal ballots: OpIndia debunked his lies

On 5th November, Rahul Gandhi claimed that “vote chori” or theft of votes happened in seats where Congress led in postal ballots but lost in the final results. His claims were based on a simple fact that on some seats, Congress was ahead of the BJP in the postal ballot counting, but when counting for the voting that happened via Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) occurred, the BJP defeated Congress.

OpIndia examined the final results of all the assembly seats for the Haryana state elections 2024 and found that there were four seats where the BJP took the lead in postal ballots but lost the final tally.

According to the data available on the Election Commission’s website, in Julana, Hathin, Nangal Chaudhry and Adampur, the BJP was ahead of Congress in postal ballots. However, the party eventually lost the final count to Congress.

Voter Anjali Tyagi featured in Rahul Gandhi’s ‘H-files’ presentation, says no “vote chori”, video misused: OpIndia ground report busted Congress’s lies

In another round of peddling lies that cast aspersions on the integrity of the Election Commission and undermine Indian democracy, Rahul Gandhi, in his press conference on Wednesday, presented a series of video clips and anecdotes to claim large-scale manipulation in the Haryana Assembly Elections 2024. Among the videos featured was that of Anjali Tyagi, a voter from Haryana, which Gandhi cited as proof of voter suppression.

However, just hours after his press conference, Tyagi herself came forward in an exclusive conversation with OpIndia’s Keshav Malan to categorically deny Gandhi’s allegations, asserting that her experience had been misrepresented and that her vote was “missed, not stolen.”

Gandhi had included Tyagi’s video in his slideshow to allege widespread voter fraud, suggesting that votes were manipulated to sway the election results.

However, speaking to OpIndia, Tyagi clarified that her experience did not align with Gandhi’s narrative. She stated that her vote might have been missed due to administrative errors rather than stolen, directly challenging the opposition leader’s assertions. Tyagi’s denial is significant as it undermines the core of Gandhi’s allegations, which were part of a broader strategy to question the integrity of the electoral process in Haryana.

Anjali Tyagi further expressed her belief that her video was misrepresented, suggesting it was used out of context to support a false narrative of voter fraud.  “I believe my video was incorrectly presented,” Anjali said in conversation with OpIndia.

Rahul Gandhi claimed photograph of a Brazilian model used in Haryana elections for multiple voters: Neither the model’s name nor his photo misuse claim turned out to be true

In the ‘H-Files’ presentation, Rahul Gandhi displayed a picture of a Brazilian model claiming that her name is Matheus Ferroro and said that this model has sometimes voted as Seema, sometimes as Sweety, and sometimes as Saraswati.

However, it turned out that the model’s name is not Mathews Ferrero, but of the photographer who took the photo. The photo can be found on the photographer’s profile on Unsplash and Pexels. The real name of the model is Larissa, and she has denied any involvement in Indian politics at all.

As her Instagram profile got flooded with comments and messages from Indian users after Rahul Gandhi displayed her picture in his ‘Hydrogen Bomb’ gimmick, Larissa put out a video refuting Gandhi’s claims.

“Welcome, my Indian followers, to my Instagram! It seems I’ve gained many Indian followers now. People were commenting on my photos as if I was elected! Folks, let me tell you the gossip. You’re laughing too much, aren’t you? I’m going to tell the gossip. Folks, they are using an old photo of mine…Just to be clear, it wasn’t me, it was only my photo, I have absolutely nothing to do with politics in India. My photo was purchased from a stock image platform and used without my involvement. It’s one of my old pictures from when I was about 20 or 18 years old,” Larissa Nery said in Portuguese.

“The use of my picture… I don’t know if this is an election or something else where voting is necessary. And… in India… really?? They are portraying me as an Indian woman to scam others, folks. It’s not me, I’ve never even been to India, I’m a Brazilian digital influencer and a hairdresser, and I love the Indian people,” she added.

Stunned by the sudden attention, social media chatter, and media calls for interviews, Larissa said, “Oh my god, how crazy. What madness is this, what world are we living in…”

The claims of the former model’s image being misused to cast ghost votes have already been debunked by several of the 22 women whose voter ID cards Gandhi displayed in his presser.

However, despite the Brazilian woman herself coming out and debunking Congress’s lies, the party leaders refuse to show even a shred of shame. Congress’s social media and digital platforms chairperson, Supriya Srinate, has published multiple X posts linking Larissa Nery to the fake ‘Vote Chori’ claim.

In one such post, she wrote, “Give the correct answer. Win a holiday package to Brazil from EC as a prize.” She attached an image of Larissa and asked, “Who is she?” and gave four options: Seema, Guniya, Saroj or none of the above.

Haryana CM slams Rahul Gandhi for quoting him out of context

Rahul Gandhi, during his address on 5th November, claimed that Haryana Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini had said in a press conference before the results that they had all the “arrangements”, hinting towards the theft of votes. He became a clip-cutter and shared a trimmed clip of Nayab Singh speaking at a press conference on 6th October 2024, two days before the elections.

In the video, CM Singh was heard saying, “BJP will form the government alone… We have all the arrangements.” Gandhi claimed that the “smile on his face” and the use of the word “vyavastha”, or “arrangement” in English, hinted towards the theft of votes. According to Rahul Gandhi, if a leader smiles before the election results, he must have done something wrong. He said, “This gentleman was very sure and is smiling that BJP has some ‘vyavastha’ that is going to show itself,” despite exit polls favouring Congress.

However, upon checking the full video, one comes to find the proper context of what CM Saini said and it is nowhere close to what Rahul Gandhi claimed during his press conference.

During a pre-result press conference, a reporter asked CM Singh if the BJP would choose an alliance with another party to form a government. In reply, he said, “We will not need any kind of alliance. I have said from the very beginning that the BJP will form the government alone. We have all the arrangements… I am confident that the BJP will alone form the government, but if we need that (alliance), we will give it a thought; we have all the arrangements.”

Hence, the claim made by Rahul Gandhi about Haryana Chief Minister Nayab Singh hinting at “vote chori” is false. The full video clearly shows that the Chief Minister was referring to the BJP’s internal preparedness and confidence in forming the government without any alliance, not to any manipulation of votes. Gandhi’s interpretation of the clip was misleading and based on an edited portion of the original statement.

Clearly, after manipulating electoral data, twisting facts to suit his ‘Vote Chori’ narrative, Rahul Gandhi is using edited videos out of context to lend credence to the propaganda public is not buying despite all his theatrics.

Saini has now slammed Rahul Gandhi for using his edited clip to push his 2024 Haryana election fraud propaganda. “Rahul Gandhi is lying. Four generations of his family have ruled this country, and yet he has to resort to lying,” CM Saini said.

Failed to stir outrage over the Lok Sabha election and Maharashtra assembly election results, Rahul Gandhi alleged vote chori in Haryana

This, however, is not the first time that the Congress party has used dubious sources and manipulated facts to peddle the vote theft bogey. In August 2025, Rahul Gandhi did a similar press conference alleging vote theft with the intention of stirring a massive outrage against the Election Commission. While Congress wanted to establish the narrative that somehow the ECI and the BJP are working in collusion to undermine India’s democracy, it turned out that Rahul Gandhi’s PPT was prepared in the country of Myanmar. A metadata analysis of the PDF files uploaded on the ‘vote chori’ website revealed that all three versions of Rahul Gandhi’s presentation have been created in the Myanmar Standard Time (MMT). Congress leaders and the IT cell rushed to counter these allegations; however, they failed to give a satisfactory rebuttal.

Not only the origins, but also the content of Rahul Gandhi’s ‘vote chori’ presentation, are problematic. In fact, the 22-page presentation comes across as the Congress party’s desperate attempt at lending empirical credence to the rhetoric and theatrics it has been employing to push its “Hum hare nahi hain, hamein haraya gaya hai (we didn’t lose, we were deceitfully defeated)” narrative. OpIndia, however, reported how the ECI rebutted each and every allegation, be it inflated voter registration and turnout, foul play in the appointment of election commissioners, destruction of CCTV footage of the voting process or ECI’s outright refusal to share digital voter rolls, levelled by Rahul Gandhi.

During the August press conference, the Congress party cherry-picked cases involving management or technical issues and passed them off as proof of ‘vote chori’. This time, however, the party appeared more desperate than ever and resorted to peddling blatant lies.

Not to forget, in October, the Supreme Court rejected a petition which called for the establishment of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to probe Rahul Gandhi’s allegations of vote theft. Rahul Gandhi had asserted irregularities in the voter list within the Mahadevapura assembly constituency in Bengaluru Central.

Rahul Gandhi made special mention of Karnataka’s Mahadevpura constituency to allege electoral fraud, saying that several voter entries in the voter list had “house number 0” and that numerous voters were listed at the same address during a press conference on 7th August. However, the ECI debunked his claims. Gandhi claimed that 80 fake voters were registered at one house in Mahadevpura, but it turned out that they were not fraudulent but migrant voters.

Gandhi had claimed that a house in Mahadevapura had 80 duplicate voters enrolled. But when local Booth Level Officer (BLO) Muniratna was approached, he informed that there was no duplication. The house in question has mostly been tenanted, and the tenants keep changing every year. No family has resided there permanently for the last 14 years. Most individuals use their rental contract as an address to vote, but end up leaving the place. Gandhi cherry-picked cases and passed them off as proof of vote chori since giving complete context that the houses he mentioned were tenanted and thus had multiple voters registered, many of whom had permanently shifted elsewhere, already were or set to be struck off from the electoral roll.

Interestingly, Rahul Gandhi had alleged ‘match-fixing’ even over the Maharashtra assembly elections of 2024, wherein the BJP registered a historic triumph. Voter inflation, voter turnout inflation, ECI destroying CCTV footage evident, ECI-BJP conspiracy and whatnot, the Congress party levelled every allegation it could think of to claim that the public’s mandate was stolen. The Election Commission, however, debunked each of these claims, and Congress failed to come up with any concrete counterargument. Even the Bombay High Court earlier dismissed a plea seeking to annul the November 2024 Maharashtra Assembly election results over alleged voting irregularities.

Congress flogging a dead horse to stir up Nepal-like ‘Gen-Z’ protests?

The Congress party has long been playing a Goebbelsian trick of repeating a lie until it becomes truth. Congress is clinging to the apocryphal narrative that the party and its media allies have concocted since their strategy is not to seek answers but only to keep repeating the same lies in the form of questions to keep the flame of ‘JanNayak fighting the system’ burning.

The successful Gen-Z protests in Nepal to topple the Oli government over corruption allegations have apparently given hope to the forever PM-in-waiting. This is why Gandhi has repeatedly been calling on the Indian Gen-Z to take note of his propaganda and perhaps hit the streets against the Modi government. The Indian Gen-Z and voters in general are, however, able to see through the lies being peddled by the Congress party.

From seeking foreign intervention in India’s internal affairs during his foreign trips to directly attacking the integrity of the Election Commission and transparency of the electoral processes, Rahul Gandhi and his party are undermining the very democracy they claim to defend.

Pakistan’s 40% ‘period tax’ challenged by young lawyer in the Supreme Court: How far behind is the Nation on menstrual hygiene?

विशेषता
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Pakistan’s 40% ‘period tax’ challenged by young lawyer in the Supreme Court: How far behind is the Nation on menstrual hygiene?

Every month, millions of women go through menstruation, a simple biological process that’s as natural as breathing. Yet even today, society, policymakers, and the government treat it like a matter of shame or luxury. This attitude has now sparked a debate in Pakistan, led by a 25-year-old lawyer and activist, Mahnoor Omar. She has taken the government to court over what is being called the “period tax”: a total 40% levy on sanitary pads and menstrual hygiene products, including taxes and customs duties.

Omar argues that these taxes, both direct and indirect, make sanitary pads unaffordable for millions of women, especially those living in poverty or rural areas. As she points out, menstruation is not a choice or privilege; it’s a natural, recurring part of every woman’s life. Taxing menstrual products, she says, is no different from taxing women for simply existing in their bodies.

When pads are treated like luxury items

The crux of the issue lies in how Pakistan’s tax system classifies sanitary pads. While products like cattle semen, milk, and cheese are tax-free, menstrual products are placed in the same category as perfumes and cosmetics, considered “luxury goods”, and are taxed heavily.

This policy, activists say, is not only illogical but discriminatory. “How can something women need to maintain their health and dignity be seen as a luxury?” asks Mahnoor Omar. For her, it is not just a financial issue; it is one of respect, equality, and basic human rights.

Several countries, including India, Kenya, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Colombia, and South Africa, have already abolished the so-called “pink tax.” However, Pakistan has still not declared sanitary pads as essential commodities, an opportunity to underscore how deeply gender bias is embedded in policy-making.

A tax that hurts women’s health

The impact of this tax goes far beyond money. According to UNICEF and other public health reports, taxes have pushed the retail price of sanitary pads up by nearly 40%. This makes them unaffordable for a large share of Pakistan’s 109 million women.

This results in only about 16% of women from rural settings using sanitary pads. The majority of them often revert to using old rags or any other unhygienic material. Such habits significantly increase the risk of infection and long-term reproductive health problems. During the floods of 2022, which destroyed basic supplies, women had to use whatever they could find under unsafe and unsanitary conditions.

Doctors and health experts caution that this situation amounts to a silent public health crisis. Poor menstrual hygiene doesn’t just cause physical diseases; it also fuels increased mental stress, shame, and exclusion.

Education is interrupted by period poverty

Sanitary pads have also hit education hard. In rural and low-income communities, many girls miss school on days of their periods or lack proper access to hygienic products or clean toilets, with some dropping out altogether.

Studies show that one in five girls in Pakistan misses school during her period. Over time, this means many lose nearly an entire academic year’s worth of classes. Surveys indicate that about 79% of women and girls say they cannot take part in school, work, or social activities during their periods.

Even more shockingly, approximately 41% of girls do not know what menstruation is when it first happens to them. No one discusses it in the home or at school. And this silence engenders fear, confusion, and stigma, and continues to hold girls back from full participation in life and learning.

The wall of shame and silence

But beyond the economics, a deeper barrier remains-the cultural shame related to menstruation. In most parts of Pakistan, even today, periods are considered dirty, embarrassing, or taboo. Nobody speaks about them openly, not families, not teachers, not even policymakers.

This wall of silence has translated into complete policy neglect. The government has no national menstrual health strategy, no comprehensive law, and no structured plan for menstrual hygiene management (MHH). This “policy vacuum,” as experts call it, keeps millions of women trapped in poor health and social exclusion.

But young activists and civic groups are finally breaking this silence. Organisations like “Mahwari Justice” travel to underprivileged areas, educating the community, distributing pads, and teaching girls to understand their bodies with pride rather than shame. They reshape the thinking of society over the issue of menstruation with one conversation at a time.

Sparks of change 

There are small but hopeful steps being taken. In Sindh province, school record systems have started including “menstrual facilities” as a key metric. This move aims to track whether schools are equipped with clean toilets, running water, and privacy for female students.

Global organisations like UNICEF are pushing Pakistan’s government to cut or remove the taxes on menstrual products entirely. Their message is clear: menstrual hygiene is not a luxury, it’s a basic health and human right.

The petition filed by Mahnoor Omar in court has fueled this debate, and no policymaker can afford to look the other way. Her legal fight is not about taxation but about changing the way society thinks about women’s bodies and needs.

The gender-blind policy problem

A central argument Omar raises is that government policies often suffer from what researchers call “gender-blindness.” This means that laws and economic strategies are created from a male perspective, without fully considering how policies affect women differently.

For example, when policymakers decide on tax rates, their main concern is usually government revenue. They rarely think about who will bear that financial burden. In the case of the period tax, it is women who pay both literally and symbolically.

Her case aims to change that mindset and push the government to adopt gender-sensitive policymaking, where women’s everyday realities shape national decisions.

Why should the sanitary tax be removed?

The first and foremost point is that menstruation is a natural process, not a hobby or luxury for which women should have to pay extra tax. Sanitary pads are a basic necessity for women, just like food, clothing, and shelter. They are directly related to women’s health, hygiene, and dignity. When the government imposes a tax on them, it fails to recognise them as essential items. This clearly reflects discrimination.

Why removing the tax isn’t enough

While eliminating the period tax would be an important victory, activists believe it’s only one part of a much bigger challenge. True menstrual justice requires tackling both the financial and social barriers that hurt women and girls.

That means breaking the cultural taboo, ensuring menstrual education in schools, and building proper sanitation facilities everywhere, especially in public schools and rural areas. Many schools in Pakistan still lack private toilets or clean water, forcing girls to stay home every month.

Only when these facilities and open conversations become normal can Pakistan achieve what activists call “period equity”, a society where no girl or woman is ashamed or held back because of her biology.

The bigger picture: Dignity, health, and rights

At its heart, this movement isn’t just about removing a tax; it’s about demanding dignity. Menstrual hygiene products are as essential as food, clothing, or housing. Treating them as optional luxuries degrades the basic health rights of women.

Every woman spends an estimated six to seven years of her life menstruating. To make her pay extra for that reality is to burden her for simply being female. This financial penalty reflects deep gender inequality and must end if Pakistan truly wants to move forward.

As Omar and her fellow activists put it, menstrual health is not a private or secondary issue; it’s a public, social, and human rights issue. And ignoring it means ignoring half the country’s population.

Bhagalpur ‘I Love Muhammad’ poster row: Police act swiftly after OpIndia’s ground report, arrest prime accused Mohammad Iftekhal over violence targeting Hindus

OpIndia Staff
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Bhagalpur ‘I Love Muhammad’ poster row: Police act swiftly after OpIndia’s ground report, arrest prime accused Mohammad Iftekhal over violence targeting Hindus

Days after communal tensions erupted in Bhagalpur’s Habibpur area over a controversial “I Love Muhammad” poster, police have arrested the prime accused, identified as Mohammad Iftekhal alias Shekhu, son of Mohammad Qasim, a resident of Chamlichak under Habibpur police station.

The arrest was made under Habibpur Police Station Case No. 188/25, registered on October 22, 2025, under multiple sections of the Indian Penal Code including 191(2)(3), 190, 126(2), 115(2), 109, 329(4), 324(4)(5), 299, 351(2)(3), and 352.

Earlier, Bhagalpur Police had confirmed the arrest of three individuals in connection with the violence that broke out on October 20–21 when a “special community poster” was forcibly pasted on a shop in the Station Road locality. According to the official police press note dated October 21, 2025, the poster had triggered violent clashes after members of the majority community objected to the provocative slogan being displayed without consent.

Following the initial incident, senior officers led by the Deputy Superintendent of Police (Town) formed an investigation team comprising local station officers and Circle Inspectors to restore order. The team conducted raids, detained suspects for questioning, and confirmed that the unrest was fueled by attempts to communalize the area through religious messaging.

The Habibpur locality, having a significant Muslim majority, saw targeted violence against Hindu families and businesses, with several residents alleging intimidation and forced shutdowns. Hindu shopkeepers claimed they were coerced into closing their shops and raising religious slogans to avoid attacks.

Police have maintained an increased presence in the area, with patrolling and monitoring continuing to prevent further flare-ups. Officials stated that law and order are currently under control and that further arrests may follow as the probe progresses.

The Bhagalpur Police reiterated its commitment to maintaining peace, appealing to citizens not to fall for rumors or provocative messaging spread through social media.

OpIndia ground report from Bhagalpur

OpIndia, which visited the epicentre of the violence in Habibpur, uncovered the deeper human story behind the unrest, a story of isolation, fear, and relentless persecution faced by the one of the Hindu families left in a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood.

In its ground video report, OpIndia spoke to Gauri Devi, the matriarch of this embattled family. Her testimony painted a chilling picture of what it means to live as a Hindu minority in Habibpur.

“We’ve lived here for generations,” she said, standing before her half-built home scarred by fire. “But ever since 2013, we’ve been told again and again, sell your house and leave. They say this place is no longer for Hindus.”

Gauri Devi recounted how in 2022, her home was set ablaze with petrol while the family was away for Puja. Property worth nearly ₹9 lakh was destroyed. “They didn’t want us rebuilding,” she told OpIndia. “They demanded money Rs 10,000 or Rs 20,000 each, just to let us put up our walls. Even after paying, they kept attacking.”

Her daughter-in-law, visibly shaken, added, “During Kali Puja, they tore down our banner of Kali Maa and shouted that no Hindu festival would be allowed here. When we protested, they pelted stones at our home. My aunt’s teeth were broken.”

‘We live like prisoners’: Life in Habibpur’s shadow

The family’s home today resembles a fortified outpost, surrounded by CCTV cameras, iron gates, and reinforced walls. “We’ve turned our home into a fortress,” Gauri’s son told OpIndia. “Every night, we sleep light, one sound outside and our hearts race.”

He gestured towards a small underground chamber at the back of their home. “That’s where we hide if mobs gather,” he said. “It’s not a bunker of comfort, but one of survival.”

The family’s old eatery, once a symbol of communal coexistence, now remains shuttered. “They warned us, don’t sell food here again, or we’ll shoot you,” Gauri said softly. “Now even feeding people has become a crime for being Hindu.”

Habibpur is a dense warren of lanes dominated by mosques and mazars, where Islamic flags flutter from almost every rooftop. In this setting, Hindus homes, lit up with diyas during Diwali or decorated for Kali Puja, become an act of defiance.

“They mock us for celebrating our gods,” Gauri said. “When my grandchildren light crackers, they snatch them away and say, ‘You Hindus are becoming too bold.’ But this is our home. Why should we leave?”

This sense of siege deepened after the October 2025 “I Love Muhammad” poster incident. Following tensions that night, a crowd allegedly gathered and began pelting stones at their house. The family has since lived in constant fear, surrounded by symbols of faith, yet cut off from the freedom to practise their own.

Fact Check: Rahul Gandhi cries ‘vote chori’ after Congress lost Haryana despite leading in postal ballots but election data exposes major flaws in his claim. Read details

Anurag
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Fact Check: Rahul Gandhi cries ‘vote chori’ after Congress lost Haryana despite leading in postal ballots but election data exposes major flaws in his claim. Read details

On 5th November, Rahul Gandhi claimed that “vote chori” or theft of votes happened in seats where Congress led in postal ballots but lost in the final results. His claims were based on a simple fact that on some seats, Congress was ahead of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the postal ballot counting, but when counting for the voting that happened via Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) occurred, BJP defeated Congress. If his claims were true, this phenomenon must have been repeated on all seats. However, the truth is far from what Rahul Gandhi claimed.

OpIndia examined the final results of all the assembly seats for the Haryana state elections 2024 and found that there were four seats where BJP took the lead in postal ballots but lost the final tally.

According to the data available on the Election Commission’s website, in Julana, Hathin, Nangal Chaudhry and Adampur, BJP was ahead of Congress in postal ballots. However, the party eventually lost the final count to Congress.

Source: Election Commission of India

While considering the claims of Rahul Gandhi, choosing only those examples where Congress led in postal ballots and ignoring where it trailed, as Rahul Gandhi did, reflects Postal ballots are not a reliable base for final result analysis.

Postal ballots are not a reliable base for final result analysis

Now, as Rahul Gandhi’s claims have fallen flat, it is essential to understand why postal ballots cannot be used as the base for analysing the final results. During the press conference, he claimed, “The other thing that was surprising was that for the first time in Haryana, the postal votes were different from the result. In postal ballots, Congress got 73 seats while the BJP got 17 seats.”

First of all, in most assembly constituencies, the number of postal ballots is negligible compared to the total votes polled. The number is even less than 1% in the majority of cases. Hence, they have little statistical impact on the overall results unless there is a minuscule difference between the winner and the first runner-up.

For example, in the Guhla seat, the total number of postal ballots was 589, while the total number of EVM votes was 1,33,287, which makes postal ballots only 0.44% of the EVM votes. Congress’s Devender Hans won the seat by a margin of 22,880 votes, defeating BJP’s Kulwant Ram Bazigar. Suggesting that postal ballots could have played a significant role in such seats would be absurd.

Secondly, postal ballots are cast mainly by service voters, government staff on election duty, and members of the armed forces. These officials belong to a demographic that does not represent the general electorate’s sentiments.

Thirdly, Postal ballots are counted first, but they do not reflect the ground-level voter turnout patterns or late surges in booths where local factors heavily influence the results.

The flawed narrative of ‘vote chori’

By overlooking such counterexamples and the nature of postal ballots, Rahul Gandhi’s “vote chori” narrative appears politically motivated rather than fact-based. The same data points he cites can easily be used to demonstrate the opposite, making his argument statistically hollow.

Voter Anjali Tyagi featured in Rahul Gandhi’s ‘H-files’ presentation says no “vote chori”, video misused: Electoral fraud narrative dealt body blow in OpIndia ground report

केशव मालान
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Voter Anjali Tyagi featured in Rahul Gandhi’s ‘H-files’ presentation says no “vote chori”, video misused: Electoral fraud narrative dealt body blow in OpIndia ground report

On 5th November, during a fiery press conference on the so-called ‘vote chori’ (vote theft), Congress MP and Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi once again launched a scathing attack on the Election Commission of India (ECI), accusing it of “destroying evidence” by allegedly deleting CCTV footage from polling stations. But those claims have fallen flat as one of the voters featured in his presentation has denied claims of ‘vote chori’.

Brandishing what he called the “H-files,” Gandhi presented a series of video clips and anecdotes to claim large-scale manipulation in the Haryana Assembly Elections 2024. Among the videos featured was that of Anjali Tyagi, a voter from Haryana, which Gandhi cited as proof of voter suppression.

However, just hours after his press conference, Tyagi herself came forward in an exclusive conversation with OpIndia’s Keshav Malan to categorically deny Gandhi’s allegations, asserting that her experience had been misrepresented and that her vote was “missed, not stolen.”

Gandhi had included Tyagi’s video in his slideshow to allege widespread voter fraud, suggesting that votes were manipulated to sway the election results. However, in her conversation with Malan, Tyagi clarified that her experience did not align with Gandhi’s narrative.

She stated that her vote might have been missed due to administrative errors rather than stolen, directly challenging the opposition leader’s assertions.Tyagi’s denial is significant as it undermines the core of Gandhi’s allegations, which were part of a broader strategy to question the integrity of the electoral process in Haryana.

Speaking to Malan, she expressed her belief that her video was misrepresented, suggesting it was used out of context to support a false narrative of voter fraud. “I believe my video was incorrectly presented,” Anjali said in conversation with OpIndia.

The revelation adds a layer of complexity to the ongoing political discourse, where Gandhi’s claims have been met with dismissal from both the Election Commission and the Centre, who argue that no formal objections were raised during the election process.

Tyagi’s assertion that there was no “vote chori” in India, and that her case was likely a matter of oversight rather than malfeasance, resonates with the Election Commission’s stance that Gandhi’s claims were unfounded and lacked substantiation.

294 Indian institutions listed in QS World University Rankings Asia 2026, number went up by 1,125% in 10 years: What are the rankings and why do they matter

Rukma Rathore
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294 Indian institutions listed in QS World University Rankings Asia 2026, number went up by 1,125% in 10 years: What are the rankings and why do they matter

On 4th November, the global higher education analysts “QS Quacquarelli Symonds” published the “QS World University Rankings” regarding Asian educational institutions. Notably, the proportion of Indian institutions in it has climbed by 1,125% in 10 years, from 24 in 2016 to 294 institutions in the QS Asia index.

There are seven Indian universities ranked in the top 100, twenty in the top 200 and sixty-six in the top 500. IIT Delhi, which is placed jointly at 59th position continues to be the top university in India for the fifth consecutive year. 19 Indian universities, including Chandigarh University, BITS Pilani, Shoolini University and OP Jindal Global University, achieved their best-ever rankings. Sathyamaba Institute of Science and Technology improved the most, moving up 111 spots to 262nd place.

Globally, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) of the USA tops the list, followed by Imperial College London of the UK and Stanford University of the USA. Oxford and Harvard are listed at 4th and 5th. National University of Singapore (NUS) is the only institution from Asia in top 10.

The top 10 Indian Institutions in the list are:

  • Indian Institute of Technology Delhi (IITD)
  • Indian Institute of Science
  • Indian Institute of Technology Madras (IITM)
  • Indian Institute of Technology Bombay (IITB)
  • Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur (IITK)
  • Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur (IIT-KGP)
  • University of Delhi
  • Chandigarh University
  • Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee (IITR)
  • Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati (IITG)

The landmark achievement was also recognized by Prime Minister Narendra Modi who added that the government is committed to ensuring quality education for the youth with emphasis on research and innovation. “We are also building institutional capacities in this sector by enabling more educational institutions across India,” he remarked.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad University of Technology in West Bengal has been ranked first in Asia for research output (Papers per Faculty) as India leads the continent in research productivity (Papers per Faculty) and PhD Staff with 11 institutions in the top 23. India dominates the Papers per Faculty Indicator with 28 universities in the top 50 and 5 in Asia’s top 10.

Employer reputation has also significantly improved at 36 Indian universities, including IIT Delhi, IIT Kanpur, IIT Madras, IIT Guwahati, and IIT Roorkee. 105 Indian institutes declined, 16 stayed the same and 36 improved. “The expansion of the rankings is associated with the greater volatility observed in this year’s results. Overall, 41 Indian institutions appear in the top 80th percentile of universities. India ranks best in Asia for staff with PhD,” the company stated in an official statement.

India’s National Education Policy (NEP) and its growing research and innovation environment has been credited for the stunning growth, which surpasses that of all other Asian countries.

Matteo Quacquarelli comments on India’s successes

The incredible accomplishment was also praised by Matteo Quacquarelli who is Vice President, Strategy & Analytics at QS Quacquarelli Symonds. He stated that a decade of change in research productivity, creativity and institutional capability is reflected in the nation’s impressive ascent in the QS Asia University Rankings 2026.

Matteo mentioned that India’s ranking has improved tenfold over the last 10 years, indicating the nation’s increasing contribution to Asia’s higher education scene. He also outlined that the country’s performance highlights its expanding research ecosystem and attributed this to the National Educational Policy of the Modi government.

“India’s remarkable rise in the QS Asia University Rankings 2026 reflects a decade of transformation in research productivity, innovation, and institutional capacity. As India marks five years since the launch of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, its impact is becoming increasingly evident,” Mattteo pointed out.

He further conveyed, “India dominates the Papers per Faculty indicator, a sign of strengthening research output. At QS, we remain committed to providing trusted data and insights that empower universities, policymakers, and students to navigate this evolving higher education landscape.”

Intererstingly, only three Indian institutions performed better than 90% of their Asian counterparts ten years ago but the number had increased to eleven by 2026.

What are QS Asia University Rankings

The British company Quacquarelli Symonds (QS), a higher education analytics company, created the QS World University Rankings, a portfolio of comparative college and university rankings.

Three components make up the QS system: a global overall ranking, five separate regional tables (Asia, Latin America, Emerging Europe and Central Asia, the Arab Region, and BRICS) and subject rankings that determine the top universities worldwide for 51 different subjects as well as five composite faculty areas.

It is one of the most prominent international rankings that evaluates the standing and effectiveness of universities across the globe and a premier source of comparative institutional performance evaluations for students and university partners worldwide.

For Asia, it uses an approach that is similar to its global rankings but modified for the continent. It assesses institutions according to criteria like internationalisation, instructional resources, research and academic prestige. The results are produced with some extra indicators and modified weightings as well as regional interests are taken into account.

However, it continues to incorporates measures like citations per faculty, faculty/student ratio and employer reputation. Developed in collaboration with regional experts and stakeholders, this collection of criteria is intended to represent important concerns for Asian institutions, utilising as much data as feasible.

They are based on eleven indicators including academic reputation (30%), employer reputation (20%), faculty/student ratio (10%), international research network (10%), citations per publication (10%) and papers per professor (5%), PhD-holding staff (5%), international faculty (2.5%), foreign students (2.5%), incoming exchange students (2.5%) and outbound exchange students (2.5%).

Significance of the rankings

Numerous variables are taken into consideration while calculating the rankings, one of which is academic reputation. It provides an indication of a university’s degree of respect in the international academic community and helps a student in making an informed choice about their future institution.

The higher rankings illustrate the country as a center of quality education, thus not only obtaining international recognition but also stimulating its education tourism.

The impact of studying abroad on cultural experience, support network and visa prospects can be determined by analysing the foreign faculty to student ratio and international research partnerships. Employer reputation and graduation results are important measures of how successfully a university prepares its pupils for the workforce whether through internships or career services.

Rankings like citations per faculty and research network show a university’s influence in the international research community for those pursuing postgraduate studies or research. The sustainability indicator is for students looking for top-notch, environmentally conscientious universities.

Likewise, it aids educators in making informed decisions about their careers by offering them the best options to shape their professional paths. Moreover, the rankings underscores the improvements and efforts made in enhancing the education and research network while also identifying underperformers and providing them with an opportunity to perform better.

There are 1,526 universities including 557 new ones from 25 higher education systems in the 17th edition of the QS Asian University Rankings, including 558 entrants. India included 137 institutions, bringing its total to 294 which is the second-highest while China (Mainland) added 261 institutions to reach 395 and restored its status as the most represented system, after two years. Meanwhile, the University of Hong Kong is ranked as the best university in Asia.

Importantly, India’s representation rose from 24 universities in 2016 to 294 in 2026, a staggering 1,125% growth while China’s increase was 273%.

As New York votes for Zohran Mamdani as their mayor, here’s how his father Mahmood Mamdani had defended suicide bombers

Shraddha Pandey
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As New York votes for Zohran Mamdani as their mayor, here’s how his father Mahmood Mamdani had defended suicide bombers

In what could be called a collective outcome of the suicidal empathy of the non-Muslim New Yorkers and an Islamist zeal of propelling ‘one-of-our-own’ to the helm of power, Zohran Mamdani, a Democrat Socialist and undeclared Islamist, won the mayoral election of New York. Mamdani’s mayoral campaign was marked with sheer Hinduphobia, anti-India falsehoods, and antisemitism, all while posing as a ‘progressive Muslim’. Zohran Mamdani has inherited his limerence for Islamic terrorists from his father, Mahmood Mamdani.

Mahmood Mamdani, a Ugandan scholar, author and political theorist of Indian origin. Known in the Islamo-leftist ideological circles as an outspoken intellectual and scholar having expertise on decolonisation-related studies, there is more to him. In his pursuit of criticising Western interventions, colonialism and deconstructing power structures, Mahmood Mamdani humanised terrorists and suicide bombers.

Mahmood Mamdani equated the Hindus of India to the Hutus of Rwanda

In his book, “When Victims become Killers”, Mamdani compares India to Rwanda and Hindus to the Hutus.

“We may agree that genocidal violence cannot be understood as rational; yet, we need to understand it as thinkable. Rather than run away from it, we need to realize that it is the “popularity” of the genocide that is its uniquely troubling aspect. In its social aspect, Hutu/Tutsi violence in the Rwandan genocide invites comparison with Hindu/Muslim violence at the time of the partition of colonial India. Neither can be explained as simply a state project. One shudders to put the words “popular” and “genocide” together, therefore I put “popularity” in quotation marks. And yet, one needs to explain the large-scale civilian involvement in the genocide. To do so is to contextualize it, to understand the logic of its…” Mahmood Mamdani writes.

In the Rwandan genocide, the Hutu Militia had systematically ethnically cleansed the Tutsi.  In the passage mentioned above, Mahmood Mamdani seems to suggest that Hindus are the Hutus who are cleansing the Muslims in India, when the reality is exactly the opposite.

Eulogising Jinnah to dissociating the Islamic Ulema from his demands, favouring the creation of Pakistan: Mahmood Mamdani’s self-created alternate version of history

Mahmood Mamdani has also been a fanboy of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan, whose genocidal call for a ‘Direct Action Day’ resulted in the killings of countless Hindus. Jinnah. In his book, ‘Good Muslim, Bad Muslim’, Mamdani hails Jinnah as a political intellectual who had a completely secular disposition. He makes these grand claims because, according to him, Jinnah wanted a Pakistan where minorities would get equal rights.

The reality, however, was the exact opposite. Jinnah wanted Pakistan on purely Islamic religious lines, claiming that Muslims were a nation unto themselves and could not co-exist with Hindus.

In addition to whitewashing Jinnah’s Islamic jihadist proclivities, Mahmood Mamdani also claimed that the Islamic Ulema did not favour the creation of Pakistan and were a part of the Indian National Congress. In our research paper “CSDS: The Spider Web”, OpIndia highlighted that while the Ulema may have been a part of the Indian National Congress, since there is no concept of nationhood in Islam, the Ulema was not interested in establishing a political state based on Islam. Rather, it was interested in establishing a Caliphate and that subscribing to the creation of Pakistan would essentially mean giving up the Islamic prophecy of Ghazwa-e-Hind since they would be relinquishing their ‘claim’ on the rest of India.

While the Islamic Ulema and Jinnah’s Muslim mobs inflicted atrocities on Hindus in the name of Islam, Mahmood’s ‘intellectual’ Mamdani passed them off as secular, peaceful and scholarly folks.

Mahmood Mamdani justified terrorism and hailed suicide bombers as ‘soldiers’

Beyond whitewashing and glorifying those behind the massacre of Hindus in the run of India’s partition in 1947, Mamdani also justified Islamic terrorism. In his 2004 book “Good Muslim, Bad Muslim”, Mahmood Mamdani says that suicide bombers or Fidayeens should be considered ‘soldiers’. He claims that political modernity is predicated on the subordination of life in pursuit of a higher goal. Suicide bombers also follow that goal, and therefore, calling them terrorists would stigmatise the Islamic terrorists. Mamdani, however, either failed to or deliberately did not mention that the “higher purpose” that Jihadis serve is that of a vengeful doctrine in which the persecution and subjugation of non-Muslims is an essential tenet.

Amidst criticism over advocating for calling suicide bombers ‘soldiers’, Mahmood Mamdani, in an interview with the Asia Society, attempted to contextualise and justify his terror-supporting viewpoint.

He said, “To understand terrorism, we need to go beyond self-defence, beyond the violence of liberation movements, beyond the violence of anti-colonial struggles and liberation movements. To understand non-state terror today, we need to understand the historical relationship between state terrorism and non-state terrorism.”

Building his argument on this, Mamdani said that, unlike the Western media’s view of the suicide bombers as a throwback to pre-modernity, either as adult irrationality or as a response of adolescents coerced by patriarchal authority. The suicide bomber comes out of the history of the Intifada.”

He equated the so-called Palestinian ‘freedom struggle’ with the Vietnam War and apartheid South Africa; Palestine remains occupied.

“The failure of the older generation to find a humane alternative in Palestine, in part, explains the desperation of the younger generation, resorting to violence in politics. Even then, we need to recognise that the term suicide bomber is a misnomer. The suicide bomber is a category of soldier whose objective is to kill – even if he or she must die to kill,” he said.

Source: Asia Society Online

Mamdani, however, did not care to mention that even after taking control of the Gaza Strip in 2006, Hamas has recurrently been attacking Israel. Unlike Mahmood Mamdani’s portrayal of Hamas terrorists as youths forced to resort to violence to end Israeli occupation and somehow not driven by religious hatred, it is utterly dishonest. The fight of Palestinian terrorists is not merely about territory or its supposed illegal occupation. Hamas, in its 1988 ‘charter’, also called the “Hamas Covenant”, essentially declares Israel as a “Waqf” property. This, in short, means that all of Israel, from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea, is a property of Allah and belongs exclusively to Muslims.

The Palestinian jihadist outfit draws inspiration from the Islamic holy texts to justify its hatred for and fight against the Jews. The Hamas Covenant’s Article 7 says,“The Day of Judgment will not come about until Moslems fight Jews and kill them. Then, the Jews will hide behind rocks and trees, and the rocks and trees will cry out: ‘O Moslem, there is a Jew hiding behind me, come and kill him,”

Clearly, unlike Vietnam or apartheid South Africa, the Palestine-Israel conflict stems from the Islamist hatred for Jews, although territorial claims remain the apparent trigger. From the 7th century to the 21st, “Khybar Khybar Ya Yahud” has been the war cry of Muslims against the Jews. Territorial contest, ambition to establish control from ‘river to the sea’ is a part of the agenda of Palestinian Islamic terror outfits, not the crux of it.

Mamdani also wants Islamic fundamentalism to be called “political Islam”. He argues that, unlike political Christianity, political Islam marks the movement of secular intellectuals into the religious domain.

“Extremist political Islam, by which I mean Islamist thought which puts political violence at the center of political action, came into its own with Mawdudi and Syed Qutb. Neither was an alim or a mullah. Both had this-worldly pursuits. Mawdudi says, “Mere preaching will not do, it is not enough.” Now, which religious person is going to say mere preaching is not enough?” he told Asia Society.

However, there is a difference between any religious person and an Islamic religious person. Even Prophet Muhammad preached what he believed was the word of Allah, but was that enough for him and his followers to spread Islam? Did he not fight any wars, seize control of power, and lead expeditions to expand his territory? Can his idea of Islam be called “political Islam”?

Interestingly, Mamdani, in his lectures and writings over the years, has called for the ‘dismantlement’ of the Jewish state of Israel. He argues that the existence of a Jewish state embodies settler-colonialism akin to apartheid South Africa.

Mahmood Mamdani (Image via Hindustan Times)

In 2015, he said, “The Palestinian challenge is to persuade the Jewish population of Israel and the world that­ – just as in South Africa – the long-term security of a Jewish homeland in historic Palestine requires the dismantling of the Jewish state. Jews can have a homeland in historic Palestine, but not a state.”

This essentially means that Israelis should voluntarily dissolve their state and hand over their territory and fate into the hands of Palestinian ‘authorities’ so that the same Hamas, which continues to attack ‘occupier’ Israel, can completely wipe out Jews who would be living at their mercy. In a nutshell, Mahmood Mamdani wants to convince Jews to commit hara-kiri or ‘Palestinian soldiers’ will continue to be forced to resort to violence.

While America’s most populous city, New York, has voted his son to lead the city, Mahmood Mamdani opines that the Nazis learned to commit ethnic cleansing from the United States. “The Allies who prosecuted individual Nazis at Nuremberg were invested in ignoring Nazism’s political roots, for these roots were also America’s,” Mamdani wrote in one of his books, “Neither Settler Nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities.”

Be it in India or anywhere in the world, the Islamo-leftist intellectual cabal has a knack for rewarding genocide whitewashers, Islamists and their sympathisers. The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), a research institute founded by Rajni Kothari, which has a history of anti-Hindu and anti-India bias, honoured Mahmood Mamdani by hosting him as the Rajni Kothari chair in CSDS for the year 2017-18. Interestingly, CSDS receives foreign funding from the Open Society Foundations (OSF), which was founded by American-Hungarian billionaire and a known Modi detractor, George Soros.

OpIndia, in its research paper, revealed that the CSDS receives funding from many other anti-Hindu and anti-India foreign entities, including the Siemenpuu Foundation, Ford Foundation, Henry Luce Foundation, Omidyar, and International Development Research Centre (IDRC), among others. These foreign entities employ anti-Hindu and anti-India ‘intellectuals’ to push narratives undermining India’s democracy and unity, in addition to amplifying Western narratives about oppression and dispossession in India.

Mahmood Mamdani is also a member of the advisory council of an Israel-hating organisation, the Gaza Tribunal. This London-based group, comprising 29 members, besides peddling anti-Israel propaganda, also backs Zohran Mamdani’s BDS (boycott, divest and sanctions) movement against Israel. The Columbia University professor also ran his BDS propaganda on campus and partook in anti-Israel varsity encampment protests last year.

The newly elected New York Mayor’s father also sits on the advisory council of the Arab and Muslim Ethnicities and Diasporas Initiative (AMED). This group is also an anti-Israel outfit which sympathises with the Palestinian Islamic terror group Hamas, which massacred thousands of Israeli civilians on 7th October 2023 and brutalised hostages.

Even in his post-9/11 writings, Mahmood Mamdani argued that the roots of terrorism lie in the US’s Cold War era policies that armed Mujahideen in Afghanistan. He also criticised the “culture talk” that ‘demonises’ Islam wholesale.

In his book, “Good Muslim, Bad Muslim”, Mamdani wrote, “If 9/11 cut short the celebration of that victory, it also posed the question: at what price was the Cold War won?” No wonder, Mamdani in his Asia Society interview argued that Osama Bin Laden, the mastermind of the 9/11 attacks that killed over 2,000 in New York, was a “political strategist” and not a Kafir-hating Islamic jihadist.

Zohran Mamdani taking forward Mahmood Mamdani’s legacy of whitewashing Islamist terror while posing as a ‘progressive Muslim’

Both Mahmood and Zohran Mamdani have mastered the art of blaming everyone and everything under the sun for Islamic terrorism, but not he actual root cause of it.

In October this year, Zohran Mamdani was seen gleefully posing for pictures with Siraj Wahhaj at the Masjid At-Taqwa, the Bedford-Stuyvesant Mosque, during a visit. Siraj Wahhaj is listed by prosecutors as an “unindicted co-conspirator” in the 1993 World Trade Centre bombing. Besides mollycoddling terrorists publicly to play to the Islamist gallery, Zohran Mamdani also invoked Islamophobia by crying about his Muslim aunt, who somehow did not feel safe taking the subways in her Hijab.

The strategy has been simple and apparently now successful too: pander to Islamists on one hand, cry Islamophobia on the other.

For a quick rise in the Islamo-leftist ecosystem, slandering Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the most convenient and effective way. In May this year, New York City mayoral candidate and Democratic Socialist Zohran Mamdani employed the same tactic and called PM Modi a “war criminal” during a public forum. He said in the context of the 2002 Gujarat Riots, which erupted after Islamists burnt a train bogey full of 59 Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya, who were burnt alive. Mamdani claimed that Modi, who was then the Chief Minister of Gujarat, helped the slaughter of Muslims and that hardly any Gujarati Muslims are there.

This, however, was a blatant lie as the Indian Supreme Court has already given a clean chit to PM Modi. Moreover, the population of Muslims in Gujarat, far from decreasing, has only increased over the years.

At the event, titled “New Mayor, New Media”, Mamdani also compared Modi to Israeli PM Netanyahu, saying, “This is someone we should view in the same manner we do Benjamin Netanyahu. This is a war criminal.”

Born in Uganda to ‘filmmaker’ Mira Nair and ‘author’ Mahmood Mamdani, Zohran Mamdani has earned notoriety for making derogatory remarks against Indian Hindu leaders, especially PM Modi. In 2020, he called Hindus associated with Modi’s party “fascists” and attacked fellow New York politicians Jenifer Rajkumar and Kevin Thomas for not denouncing Modi. At that time, Rajkumar responded strongly, calling Mamdani’s comments “extreme and divisive,” and urged voters to “reject hate, whether from the far left or far right.”

A video from August 2022 showed him leading a mob shouting, “Who are the Hindus? “Harami (Bastards),” which went viral on social media

When the Ram Mandir was being built in Ayodhya, he led a rally against it in 2020. While he was speaking at the rally, derogatory remarks against Hindus were being raised behind him. The rally was organised by Khalistani elements.

In 2023, as well, when PM Modi was scheduled to visit New York, he spewed venom against him, accusing him of the 2002 Gujarat Riots.

Mamdani earlier defended the anti-semitic “Globalise the Intifada” cry, which essentially calls for hatred and violence against Jews across the world. He also refused to acknowledge Israel’s right to exist, a common trait among Islamists and their liberal cheerleaders.

Unsurprisingly, Zohran Mamdani received funding from anti-India and anti-Hindu groups active in the US. OpIndia reported earlier that the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), an Islamist outfit, contributed $100,000 to New Yorkers for Lower Costs, the largest Parliamentary Action Committee (PAC) backing Zohran Mamdani. Not to forget, CAIR officials were among those who celebrated the Palestinian Islamic terror group Hamas’s massacre of innocent Israeli civilians on 7th October 2023.

OpIndia has constantly reported about how CAIR, which always complains about alleged Islamophobia in the United States, has been aggressively promoting Hinduphobia and anti-Hindu propaganda in India. CAIR was also offended earlier when the names of the LeT terrorists and scenes from the deadly 26/11 terror attack were displayed on a mobile billboard truck in New Jersey. No wonder those who whitewash 26/11 funded the one who downplays 9/11 and mollycoddles Jihadis.

Mamdani also received funding from Anti-Semitic activist Linda Sarsour and many anti-Israel groups. He also received support from Soros-funded Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR) anti-Hindu outfit’s co-founder, Sunita Vishwanath.

Father defends suicide bombers; son clicks pictures with terrorists and supports Jihadis. Heavily influenced by his father Mahmood Mamdani’s academic works and viewpoints, New York’s new mayor Zohran Mamdani has become the youngest mayor in over a century, the first African born and Indian origin mayor as well as the first Muslim mayor of the biggest city and financial hub of the United States.

While Islamists and their useful idiots have all the reason to rejoice over his victory, Democrat leader Zohran Mamdani’s win marks a concerning tectonic shift in America’s politics, which comes only months after the Donald Trump-led Republican Party registered a thumping triumph in the presidential elections.

Hindus needed an order from Madras HC to hold a feast on public land, but Christians responded with protests: Dindigul tensions explained

Divya Bharti
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Hindus needed an order from Madras HC to hold a feast on public land, but Christians responded with protests: Dindigul tensions explained

A disagreement over a piece of public land in Tamil Nadu has escalated, showing the tensions between religious communities. The issue began when a court gave permission for a Hindu community feast, and the verdict resulted in a massive protest by the local Christian community, who were upset by the decision.

What happened in Dindigul

On Monday,  4th November, the city of Dindigul faced major disruptions. More than 500 members of the Christian community from Panchampatti village held a large-scale “road blockade.” They were protesting against the conduct of an annadhanam, a traditional free food distribution that was being held on a piece of government-owned land.

This food distribution was part of a Hindu temple’s Kumbabishekam, which is a special consecration ceremony. The protest was specifically to show dissent against an order from the Madras High Court, which had permitted the Hindu feast to take place.

In the early hours of Monday, more than 500 Christian villagers, including women, gathered near the Dindigul collector’s office. They were unhappy with the decision that they intended to hand over their government-issued identity cards, like Aadhaar and voter IDs, as a sign of protest.

They blocked the main road leading to the collectorate and raised slogans condemning the district administration officials. The situation was tense, and more than 100 police personnel had to be deployed to manage law and order.

Later in the day, Dindigul’s District Collector, S. Saravanan, and the Superintendent of Police, A. Pradeep, held talks with the protesters. They managed to pacify the crowd, and after these discussions, the protest was withdrawn. However, this wasn’t the end of the matter. A senior police official confirmed that a case had been registered against 100 people for a related protest they had held at the event site on Sunday night, where they used black flags.

How the dispute started

The story begins with the local Hindu community in Panchampatti village planning their temple’s Kumbabishekam. Following the ceremony, they wanted to organise an annadhanam on a vacant piece of government land. This land just so happens to be located close to both the temple and a local church.

When they first asked for permission, the local authorities, including the police and revenue officials, said no. They denied the request, likely fearing it would cause trouble. 

However, a resident felt this was unfair and decided to challenge the rejection in court. The case went to the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court. The police argued to the court that they refused permission because they were afraid it would create “law and order issues.” 

A clear judgment: Public land cannot be reserved for one religion

The court, led by Justice G.R. Swaminathan, looked at the case very carefully. He first asked the most important question: Who owns the land? He found that the open space was listed as a vacant site or gramamatham, which means it is owned by the Panchayat, and therefore, by the government.

Based on this, Justice Swaminathan gave a very important and clear judgment. He stated that if land is owned by the government, it should be available for all sections of society, no matter their religious background. He said, “A public ground should be available for the use of all communities or none.”

The judge held that if a public ground is open to the general public, you cannot exclude one particular group from using it. If the only reason for keeping them out is their religion, then it is a clear violation of Article 15 of the Constitution. The judge also said that the right to hold this feast comes under Article 25.

He flatly rejected the “law and order” excuse from the police and explained that it is the duty of the police to protect a person’s rights and deal with any issues that arise. They cannot simply ban an event to avoid trouble.

What the Christian community argued

During the hearing, the Christian community’s side was also heard. They argued that a stage was built on one side of the ground about 100 years ago. It was a long-standing convention, they said, that this stage would be used by the local Christian community for holding programs during the Easter festival. They argued that Hindus were never allowed to use that ground for any of their religious functions.

They even brought up a “peace committee meeting” from 2017, which had supposedly decided not to allow any new functions on the ground, only those that had been traditionally permitted for the past 100 years. This was also a key point of the protest on Sunday night: the protesters demanded that the public ground be called a ‘pascha ground’ (Easter ground) on the event invitations, which highlights their claim to it.

The judge did not accept this argument. He explained his reasoning very clearly: He could not accept that Christians are allowed to use the ground for Easter, but Hindus are not allowed to use the very same place for Annadhanam. He did add, of course, that when the Christian community is holding its Easter celebrations on a specific day, they alone should be allowed to use it, and anyone else asking for it on that same day should be refused.

The judge noted the village’s population was about 2,500 Christian families and only about 400 Hindu families, and said the police simply citing the Christian community’s opposition as the “law and order situation” was “a very sorry state of affairs.” The court threw out the rejection order and told the local authorities to grant permission for the feast.

A question of rights on government land

The High Court’s order was clear, but the protest that followed shows the deep tensions. This incident has raised a major question: Why did the Hindu community have to fight all the way to the High Court just to hold a one-day community feast on government land?

Even after they won a clear order from the court, they were met with a massive road-blocking protest. This is what many are calling a case of “exclusivity,” where one group feels they have sole rights over public property.

The key point here is that the land isn’t private church property. It’s public, government land. In principle, government property belongs to all citizens, Hindu, Christian, Muslim, or anyone else. Every community should be able to use it for their social and religious activities, as long as they are peaceful and don’t interfere with others.

In a diverse country like India, with so many religions living side-by-side, mutual respect is the only way forward.

There’s also the issue of the protest itself. While everyone has a right to protest, blocking main roads and stopping traffic causes huge problems for ordinary people just trying to get to work, go to the hospital, or live their lives. It punishes the general public for a dispute they have no part in.

Similar Case: The Bombay HC’s ruling on Vishalgadh Fort

This Dindigul incident isn’t the only one of its kind. A very similar case recently happened at another famous site in Tamil Nadus Thiruparankundram Murugam Temple Hill.

The hill is incredibly sacred to Hindus, as it’s one of the Arupadai Veedu, the Six Holy Abodes of Lord Murugan. The controversy started on 27th December, 2024, when some Muslims tried to bring goats and chickens to the Sikkandar Badusha Dargah, which is also located on the same hill, with the intention of slaughtering them.

Police and temple officials stopped them, declaring that animal sacrifice was not allowed in an area so close to the holy Murugan Temple. This led to a protest by more than 20 Muslims at the base of the hill. This dispute also ended up in the Madras High Court. And just like in the Dindigul case, the court had to step in to make things clear.

Justice Vijayakumar looked at all the government and archaeological records, some going back to 1908. He ruled that the site’s official and historical name is Thiruparankundram Hill. He said that attempts to call it “Sikkandar Malai” were mischievous and an attempt to change its real identity.

The court ruled that animal sacrifices are not permitted at the dargah. It noted there was no proof that this was an essential religious practice for them.

The court also clarified that while the Muslim community had rights to a small part of one area, Nellithoppu for prayers during Ramzan and Bakrid, the steps leading up to it, and to the Kasi Vishwanathar Temple on the hill, belong to the temple and cannot be blocked.

The common thread

Looking at both the Dindigul feast and the Thiruparankundram Hill case, a clear pattern seems to be emerging.

In both situations, the Hindu community’s right to use public land (Dindigul) or protect the sanctity of their holy site (Thiruparankundram) was challenged by another community. In Dindigul, it was a protest over a community feast. In Thiruparankundram, it was an attempt to perform animal sacrifice on a sacred Hindu hill.

And in both cases, the Hindu community had to rely on the High Court to step in and save their rights. The Dindigul incident shows that even a direct court order wasn’t enough to stop major protests, highlighting just how fragile the situation on the ground remains.

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