“ई ना हटत हौ!” (It won’t budge!) These words were uttered in exhaustion by 15 sturdy Yadav cowherds from the Madanpura area of Varanasi on Vijayadashami in 1767. That day, as every year, the Mukhopadhyay (now Mukherjee) family of Bengali Tola tried to move the Durga idol installed in their home for immersion, but the idol, made of clay, straw, bamboo, and jute, refused to budge.
Despite numerous attempts, the idol remained unmoved. It is said that Goddess Durga appeared in the dream of the family head, Kali Prasanna Mukhopadhyay, that night, and said, “I wish to remain in Kashi, the city of Shiva. Do not immerse me.” This dream was not just a dream; the command of the Goddess was obeyed. Since then, for nearly 260 years, the same idol has been worshipped every year during Durga Puja, but not immersed.
Worship of the same idol for 260 years
The idol of the Mother Goddess is located in the old Durga Bari in the Bengali Tola, in the Madanpura area of Varanasi. The Durga idol here stands approximately 6 feet tall and is accompanied by Goddess Lakshmi, Goddess Saraswati, Lord Ganesha, and Kartikeya. The idol is worshipped every year during Durga Puja, but is never immersed. Made of clay, bamboo, straw, and jute, the idol remains the same today as it was in 1767. Only minor repairs are performed annually.
The Mukhopadhyay family originally hailed from the Hooghly district of West Bengal. Following a family feud, they settled in Varanasi, where the Bengali culture already had a deep influence. Kali Prasanna Mukhopadhyay performed Durga Puja in his Varanasi home as per the Bengali tradition. At that time (the 1700s), Durga Puja was still a homely, family-oriented celebration in Bengal. Grand pandals and public events were a distant future.
In 1767, like every year, the idol, made of Gangamati (soil from the Ganges), was brought from Bengal to Varanasi on a barge. It was worshipped throughout the Navratri, but when it was time for immersion on the Vijayadashami, the idol seemed to freeze in its place. No amount of force could move it. After Kali Prasanna Mukhopadhyay had the vision of Goddess Durga, it was decided to leave the idol in place. Since then, the same idol has been worshipped every year without immersion.
This idol is worshipped not only during the nine days of Durga Puja but throughout the year. The daily Aarti is performed for 20 minutes, which increases to 45 minutes during Durga Puja. Special offerings during Durga Puja include fruits, peas, Mung beans, and on Panchami, a coconut Naaru made from 51 coconuts (previously made from 151).
There’s no grand pandal here, but it’s a confluence of relationships, memories, and faith. People come from all over the country, especially those with roots in Bengali Tola. This puja isn’t just for the Mukherjee family, but for the entire neighbourhood and Kashi. The idol is recognised by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). The face of the statue is distinctive; it depicts Goddess Durga in her youth, which is very rare.
While Indians living in countries like the US, Canada, and Europe often import fibreglass idols of Goddess Durga, which are not meant to be immersed, this idol in Kashi is unique in every way. Idols abroad are reused for convenience and to avoid expense. But in Kashi, the idol is placed permanently because of the Goddess’s command.
Maintenance of the temple and the role of the family
Family members cannot touch the idol; only the priest performs the puja. The Bhattacharya family performs the priestly duties, while the Dutta family decorates and paints the idol. Indranil Mukherjee, who now carries on the tradition, says, “For us, this idol is forever here in Kashi, in the form of a mother. She does not undergo immersion and represents lastingness.”
While Mother Goddess is bid farewell across the country on the occasion of Vijayadashami with the words, “Aashche bochhor abaar hobe” (there will be another one next year), the Mother Goddess of Kashi remains here forever. This is not just about the idol, but the story of a legacy built on the foundation of faith.
(This article is a translation of the original article published in OpIndia Hindi.)
Every Dussehra, effigies of Ravana go up in flames across India. For millions of Hindus, the ritual is not just a spectacle but a reaffirmation of the timeless principle that dharma triumphs over adharma. It is a civilisational reminder that evil, no matter how powerful or sophisticated, will eventually be defeated by righteousness.
But this year, washed-up actress and producer Simi Garewal chose to use the occasion to trivialise the ritual and, by extension, mock the very foundation of Hindu cultural memory. In an “open letter” to Ravana, she wrote that his behaviour should be reclassified from “evil” to “slightly naughty,” going on to argue that apart from kidnapping Sita, Ravana actually treated her better than many women are treated in today’s world. She even suggested that burning his effigy was merely the “in-thing.”
Dear Ravana… Every year, on this day, we celebrate the victory of good over evil.. But.. technically.. your behaviour should be re-classified from "Evil" to "Slightly Naughty".
After all, tumne kiya hi kya tha? I agree you kidnapped a lady in haste… But.. after that.. you… pic.twitter.com/GqIKNA2fCW
At first glance, her tweet might appear like harmless satire. But on closer inspection, it reflects a dangerous mindset that has become increasingly common among India’s self-styled liberal elite: a tendency to lampoon Hindu practices while trivialising crimes against women, all under the garb of “humour.”
The trivialisation of abduction
One of the most disturbing aspects of Garewal’s post is her casual dismissal of Ravana’s central crime, the abduction of Goddess Sita. She calls it something done “in haste” and then adds that because Raavan provided Sita with food, shelter, and security guards, his act should be viewed with nuance.
This is not nuance; this is a rationalisation of crime. Kidnapping a woman is not a “slight mistake” to be excused by subsequent hospitality. By that logic, any abductor could be let off as long as he treats his captive “well” after committing the crime. Imagine applying this logic in real life. Would we excuse a kidnapper today if he provided his victim with good meals and comfortable housing? Of course not.
In attempting to be witty, Garewal ends up trivialising a woman’s right to autonomy and safety. Ironically, the very feminism she might claim to espouse demands that crimes like abduction be condemned without qualification. Yet here, in her eagerness to take a swipe at Hindu tradition, Garewal chooses to look at Raavan through rose-tinted glasses.
Selective ‘feminism’ and the Hindu punching bag
There is also a deeper question that her tweet raises: why do such sermons and reinterpretations always target Hindu practices? Would Simi Garewal ever dare to write a tongue-in-cheek “open letter” to figures from other religions? Would she write, for example, that marriage between a middle-aged man and a six-year-old was not “evil” but merely “slightly inappropriate”? Would she satirise atrocities recorded in Islamic or Christian history with the same flippancy?
We have already seen, during the Nupur Sharma episode, what happens when someone dares to state inconvenient facts bluntly. Sharma was not met with debate or rebuttal, but with a coordinated campaign of vilification that quickly spilled from the online world onto the streets. Across Indian cities, mobs raised chilling slogans of “Sar Tan Se Juda” or open calls for beheading, simply because she voiced truths that sections of the Muslim community chose to interpret as an insult to Prophet Muhammad.
Nevertheless, Hinduism has become the safest punching bag for Bollywood liberals. Criticise Hindus, mock their gods, lampoon their festivals, and there will be applause from the usual echo chambers. But touch upon practices or histories of other faiths, and the same liberals will either turn defensive or maintain a studied silence.
This selective outrage is not just hypocrisy; it is cowardice dressed up as courage. True feminism, true humanism, and true progressivism would challenge injustices wherever they exist, not just where it is safe and fashionable to do so.
The civilisational purpose of burning Ravana effigies
Garewal also seems to miss the larger point of why Hindus burn Ravana’s effigy every year. It is not about sadism or cruelty towards a mythical character. It is about teaching generations of Indians a moral lesson: that arrogance, lust, and tyranny, no matter how mighty they appear, will ultimately be defeated.
In every society, rituals and symbols exist to reinforce moral codes. Western societies celebrate the defeat of dictators or revolutionaries through memorials, parades, and reenactments. In America, fireworks on the Fourth of July symbolise victory over colonial rule. In France, Bastille Day commemorates the storming of a prison. No one mocks these traditions as “in-thing” fads. Yet when Hindus burn Raavan, it is suddenly treated as outdated, unnecessary, or worse, cruel.
This is a classic example of applying Western notions of morality to Indian traditions without understanding their context. To call Raavan “slightly naughty” is to erase the moral clarity of the Ramayana, which has been the bedrock of Hindu ethical consciousness for centuries.
Mocking women’s suffering
Another disturbing element in Garewal’s tweet is her sarcastic comment that Ravana’s female security guards were “not too good looking.” This is not just poor taste; it exposes Garewal’s hollow support for feminism, ridiculing women for their looks.
It reminds one of the time Swara Bhasker criticized Rajput women performing jauhar to save themselves from being raped by invading armies. In both cases, the suffering of Hindu women is trivialized. Such grotesque distortions of feminism do not empower women; they belittle their historical struggles and reduce their pain to punchlines.
The abduction of Sita is not a fictional anecdote to be laughed at; it is a symbolic story of how women’s dignity is to be defended at all costs. Lord Rama’s war against Ravana is not about male ego; it is about the principle that no man has the right to abduct or violate a woman, no matter how powerful he is. Garewal’s attempt to turn this into a joke only undermines that message.
Ravana: The scholar tyrant
Garewal also points out that Ravana was “more educated than half of our Parliament.” This, too, is a shallow reading. Yes, Ravana was a learned scholar, a master of the Vedas, and a great devotee of Lord Shiva. But knowledge without humility is dangerous. The Ramayana itself demonstrates that learning and wisdom mean nothing if they are corrupted by arrogance and lust.
In fact, this is precisely why Ravana is burned every year, not because he lacked knowledge, but because he abused it. To argue that his education makes him less evil is like arguing that dictators who built roads and universities should be excused for their tyranny. Education and power, when misused, are not virtues; they are weapons of oppression.
Why liberal taunts must be called out
At its core, Garewal’s post is not just about Ravana. It represents a larger pattern in India’s intellectual and cultural discourse, where Hindu traditions are regularly mocked, undermined, and guilt-tripped through Western moral frameworks.
By calling Ravana “slightly naughty,” Garewal reduces a civilisational moral struggle to a joke. By trivialising Sita’s abduction, she insults women who have fought against oppression across centuries. By suggesting that burning Ravana is just an “in-thing,” she ignores the deep moral purpose of the ritual.
The truth is this: Hindus do not need lectures from Bollywood celebrities about how to interpret their traditions and rituals. What Hindus need is respect for their faith, the same respect that is automatically extended to other religions.
What Dussehra symbolises
Dussehra is not a festival of hate; it is a festival of moral clarity. Ravana effigies burn not because Hindus are vengeful, but because society needs the reminder that pride, arrogance, and adharma will always meet their end. To call this “in-thing” or to paint Ravana as a misunderstood gentleman is not just ignorant; it is an insult to the civilisational wisdom of this land.
Simi Garewal’s tweet is not clever satire. It is a reflection of a twisted mindset that belittles Hindu rituals, trivialises women’s suffering, and indulges in selective sermonising.
And that is why, year after year, Ravana will continue to burn. Because some ideas, no matter how much Bollywood liberals try to dress them up, must be destroyed for good.
Amidst a political deadlock between the Republicans and the Democrats, the US government has shutdown on 1st of October 2025. This shutdown has happened for the first time in six years and third time under Donald Trump’s presidency.
The US federal government shutdown came after the Senate failed to pass a spending bill, pushing the country into a severe crisis. The Democrats voted down the Republican bill to keep funding the government.
On Wednesday, the 55-45 Senate vote left hardly any chance of keeping the government open past midnight. The shutdown clock ran out at 12:01 a.m.
The trigger for the shutdown
The situation arose from the expiration of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies. Due to these subsidies, millions of Americans were able to purchase coverage during the pandemic. Democrats are calling for an extension. Republicans are rejecting the demand, referring to it as “hostagetaking,”. While Democrats maintain that health care cannot be negotiated, the GOP wants a clean funding measure free of what it refers to as “left-wing policy riders.”
What happens when the US government is shutdown?
All non-essential government operations are suspended during a US federal government shutdown. From access to national parks, social security, to air travel, all these facilities will be affected by the government shut down.
For the president to sign budget legislation for the upcoming fiscal year, some federal agencies must receive funding that has been approved by Congress. If they are unable to approve financing, those agencies are compelled to close during the shutdown. This implies that the workers are unpaid and unable to report to work. Several others, however, will continue collecting pay cheques since their jobs are not funded through annual appropriations from Congress. As per the rules, law enforcement services, flights and mail services will continue.
As per the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), 7,50,000 federal workers will be taking unpaid leave each day until the shutdown is lifted. The total daily cost of their compensation will be approximately $400m (£297m). While this situation arose due to the intransigence of Democrat and Republican senators, they will continue to get paid.
The federal system of government in the United States, which was established by the country’s founders to promote discussion, permits different branches of government to be governed by various parties. This continued till 1980.
During Jimmy Carter’s presidency, the government was barred from engaging into contracts without the consent of Congress due to a restrictive interpretation of the 1884 Anti-Deficiency Act. This resulted in a ‘no spending, no budget’ stance.
In the US today, rival political parties essentially exploit the government’s daily operations as a bargaining instrument to pressure the opposition into making concessions.
The impasse: Political ideology and egos take precedence over smooth functioning of the government
Both Democrats and Republicans have been at loggerheads and remained adamant that they will not be blamed for the funding lapse. Republicans argue that the Democrats need to just agree to extend current funding for another seven weeks. However, Democrats refuse to do so without significant concessions for lending their votes to pass any spending measure in the Senate
Democratic leaders Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer have blamed the US President Donald Trump and Republicans for this embarrassing shutdown of the government.
Chuck Schumer just admitted that he is holding this CR hostage until he gets what he wants. All they have to do is give in and there you go! SCHUMER IS SHUTTING DOWN THE GOVERNMENT! #SchumerShutdownpic.twitter.com/U5s5armMOz
“After months of making life harder and more expensive, Donald Trump and Republicans have now shut down the federal government because they do not want to protect the healthcare of the American people,” the Democratic leaders said in a joint statement.
Interestingly, ahead of the voting on Tuesday, Donald Trump added fuel to the fire by threatening to halt programs favoured by Democrats and fire more federal workers if the government shuts down. He told the media: “We’ll be laying off a lot of people. They’re going to be Democrats.”
On Wednesday, the official White House handle on X, called the federal government shutdown a “Democrat Shutdown”. As this shutdown has become more of an ego clash between Democrats and Republicans, it remains to be seen which side softens its stance first.
It must, however, recalled that back in 2019, Trump administration held the government hostage over border wall funding, resulting in a federal government shutdown that lasted for 35 days. Reports suggest that while the 2019 shut down was more about Trump putting up a show just to bolster his strongman image, this time, it’s more ideological and will cause much more damage.
Even before the shutdown came into effect, the stock markets in the US fluctuated over the prevailing uncertainty. A continued closure will delay crucial economic data, including the jobs report which comes out on Friday, making it difficult to take key decisions.
The recent surveys indicate that the American people are blaming both the Democrats and the Republicans for the ongoing crisis, particularly the shutdown of the US government. 33% respondents in a New York Times survey blamed both the parties, 26% blamed Republicans while 19% blamed Democratic Party.
Similarly, an OBP survey suggested that more Americans blame Republicans for the shutdown than the Democrats.
On 30th September, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) published its annual crime report for the year 2023. According to the data made available by the agency, over 62 lakh cognisable crimes took place during that year, marking an increase of 7.2% compared to 2022, which recorded over 58 lakh cases.
The surge was driven largely by thefts, kidnapping, cyber fraud, and offences under the Motor Vehicles Act. The data was compiled by NCRB based on police records across states and Union Territories, and it provided a detailed breakdown of crimes under both the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Special and Local Laws (SLL).
Screengrab by the NCRB report
In 2023, a total of 62,41,569 offences were reported. Out of these, 37,63,102 were registered under the IPC and 24,78,467 under SLL. IPC crimes accounted for 60.3% of all offences. The report recorded a 5.7% growth in IPC crimes and a 9.5% rise in SLL crimes compared to 2022. While the crime rate per lakh of population was 422.2 in 2022, it increased to 448.3 in 2023.
There was a significant increase in cases of obstruction on public roads (Section 283 IPC), which almost doubled from 93,548 cases in 2022 to 1,51,469 in 2023. Theft cases rose to 6,89,580 from 6,52,731. In SLL crimes, Motor Vehicles Act cases also doubled, increasing from 94,450 in 2022 to 1,91,828 in 2023.
The crime rate per lakh of population increased from 422.2 in 2022 to 448.3 in 2023, indicating more Indians were victimised by crime in 2023 compared to the previous year.
A strong increase was observed in cases of obstruction on public roads (Section 283 IPC), which almost doubled from 93,548 cases in 2022 to 1,51,469 in 2023. Also, cases of theft rose to 6,89,580 from 6,52,731. In SLL crimes, Motor Vehicle Act cases also doubled from 94,450 in 2022 to 1,91,828 in 2023.
Crimes against the human body
One of the most concerning aspects of the report was crimes against the human body, which saw a massive surge. According to the NCRB report, there were 11,85,915 such cases reported in 2023, making up 31.5% of all IPC crimes. Among these, “hurt” cases led the charts with 6,36,767 incidents (53.7%), followed by deaths due to negligence (1,65,971 cases) and kidnapping and abduction (1,13,564 cases).
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Murder cases saw a slight drop
According to the NCRB, 2023 saw a slight drop in murder cases compared to 2022. There were 27,721 murder cases reported in 2023, whereas in 2022, the number stood at 28,522. A total of 9,209 murders took place due to disputes, 3,458 due to personal vendetta or enmity, and 1,890 due to gain.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Increase in kidnapping and abduction
On the other hand, there was a 5.6% surge in kidnapping and abduction cases. In 2023, there were 1,13,564 cases reported. Out of these, 82,106 were children. Although most were recovered, 1,649 kidnapped individuals were found dead. The figures reflect both the extent and the risks of such crimes.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Offences against public tranquillity
Crimes against public order also registered a slight increase. The NCRB report recorded 58,247 cases of offences against public tranquillity, of which 39,260 were cases of rioting (67.4% of the total). This represented a 2% rise from 57,082 cases reported in 2022.
Crimes against women and children
Crimes against women continued to rise. There were 4,48,211 cases in 2023, a slight increase of 0.7% from 4,45,256 in 2022. The largest proportion came from cruelty by husband or relatives, with 1,33,676 cases (29.8%), followed by kidnapping and abduction of women (88,605 cases), assault with intent to outrage modesty (83,891 cases), and cases under the POCSO Act (66,232 cases). The crime rate against women per lakh female population declined slightly from 66.4 in 2022 to 66.2 in 2023.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Crimes against children rose sharply by 9.2%, with 1,77,335 cases reported in 2023. Almost half of these pertained to kidnapping and abduction of children (79,884 cases), followed by POCSO Act cases at 67,694, accounting for 38.2% of crimes against children. The children’s crime rate rose from 36.6 in 2022 to 39.9 per lakh child population in 2023.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Juveniles in conflict with the law
Crimes involving juveniles also increased. A total of 31,365 cases were registered against juveniles in 2023, compared to 30,555 in 2022. Police arrested 40,036 juveniles, with the majority (79%) belonging to the 16–18 age group. The juvenile crime rate increased from 6.9 in 2022 to 7.1 in 2023.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Crimes against senior citizens
Offences against senior citizens recorded a minor decline compared to 2022. In 2023, 27,886 cases were reported, down from 28,545 in 2022. Most of the cases were of simple hurt (7,608, or 27.3%), followed by theft (4,130 cases) and forgery/cheating/fraud (3,473 cases).
Offences against scheduled castes and tribes
The NCRB reported 57,789 cases against Scheduled Castes, a marginal increase of 0.4% from 57,582 in 2022. The majority involved simple hurt (18,437 cases), criminal intimidation, and offences under the SC/ST Atrocities Act.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Crimes against Scheduled Tribes, however, showed rise of 28.8%, increasing from 10,064 cases in 2022 to 12,960 in 2023. Rioting and rape made up a significant portion of these crimes.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Rise in economic offences
White-collar crimes also increased. A total of 2,04,973 economic offences were registered in 2023, a 6% increase from 1,93,385 in 2022. Most of these, 1,81,553 cases, involved forgery, cheating and fraud (FCF), followed by 22,759 cases of criminal breach of trust and 661 counterfeiting cases.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Cyber offences experienced a huge increase of over 30%
Cyber offences recorded a sharp increase. India saw 86,420 cybercrime cases in 2023, a steep 31.2% rise from 65,893 in 2022. Fraud was the top category, accounting for almost 69% of cases (59,526), followed by sexual exploitation (4,199 cases) and extortion (3,326 cases). The cybercrime rate rose from 4.8 in 2022 to 6.2 in 2023.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Decline in offences against the state
Notably, crimes against the state dropped by 13.1%, falling from 5,610 cases in 2022 to 4,873 in 2023. Most were registered under the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act (3,989 cases), followed by 750 under UAPA.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Offences related to the environment
The NCRB registered a sharp 30.4% increase in environment-related offences, with 68,994 cases in 2023 compared to 52,920 in 2022. Cases under the Cigarette and Other Tobacco Products Act (COTPA) accounted for 85.9% (59,279 cases), followed by 9.6% (6,640 cases) under Noise Pollution Acts (State/Central).
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Crimes involving foreigners
In 2023, 238 crimes against foreigners were reported, a rise of 24% from 192 cases in 2022. These included 46 thefts and 27 rapes. Conversely, crimes committed by foreigners increased to 2,546 cases in 2023, from 2,100 in 2022. Most were under the Foreigners Act and the Passport Act.
Cases of Human trafficking
Human trafficking cases showed a slight decline. A total of 2,183 cases were reported in 2023, compared to 2,250 in 2022. There were 6,288 victims, including 2,687 children, and 6,043 victims were rescued. Police arrested 6,024 traffickers during the year.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Missing persons and children
India reported 4,84,584 missing persons in 2023, a 9.5% increase from 4,42,572 in 2022. Of these, 3,24,763 were women. Encouragingly, 4,60,886 missing persons were traced or recovered. Missing children also increased by 9.5% to 91,296 cases, of which 68,835 were girls. Authorities recovered 89,809 children in the year.
Property-related offenses
Property-related offences rose by 4.7%, totalling 8,78,307 cases in 2023. Thefts formed the largest category with 6,89,580 cases, followed by 1,07,573 burglaries. Properties worth ₹6,917 crore were stolen, but only ₹2,065 crore were recovered, a recovery rate of just 29.9%.
Seizures of weapons, explosives and counterfeit currency
India registered 73,388 Arms Act cases in 2023, with over 82,756 weapons recovered, most of them unlicensed. Explosive recoveries also surged, with over 10 lakh kg recovered in 2023 compared to 88,987 kg in 2022. Authorities also recovered 4,49,768 explosive devices. Fake currency worth ₹16.86 crore, consisting of 3,51,656 notes, was seized in 2023.
Screengrab by the NCRB report
Conclusion
The NCRB’s 2023 report presents a mixed scenario of India’s law and order. While there was a decline in serious crimes such as murder and crimes against the state, there was a steep rise in cybercrimes, thefts, kidnappings, and crimes against children. The data suggests that although policing has improved in detection and registration, new categories of crime, particularly cyber fraud and economic offences, are emerging faster.
On September 26th, around 2 p.m., the usually peaceful atmosphere of the city of Bareilly was disrupted with slogans of “I love Muhammad.” Police kept appealing to the Muslim crowd, which had just finished their afternoon prayers, to return home, but the crowd had different intentions. Some chanted provocative slogans, while others harboured hatred.
Some Muslims held placards reading “I Love Muhammad,” while others carried stones, sticks, and petrol bombs. Ittehad-e-Millat Council (IMC) chief Maulana Tauqeer Raza had instructed this crowd to gather at Islamia Ground, while the administration had issued an order that no gathering could take place without permission.
The crowd still refused to relent. When police tried to stop the mob, Gen Z Muslim boys, aged 12 to 22, began pelting stones. An FIR also mentions that the Muslim boys shouted “Sar Tan Se Juda” (beheading calls) in front of the police. Bareilly police then had to resort to a lathi charge to control the situation.
It’s been nearly five days since the incident. To understand what’s on the minds of Muslims, what discussions are going on in their neighbourhoods, and how Hindus view this incident, I decided to take a look at the situation on the ground.
At 1 pm on a Sunday, I arrived at Bareilly’s busiest intersection, where the Bareilly courthouse is located. The intersection looked completely deserted, with only a handful of people present. I approached a middle-aged man, who worked as a tile-layer, to start a conversation.
Conversion gang in Bareilly
After initial hesitation, he opened up and revealed that his village, Faiznagar, has a large Muslim population. There’s a madrasa there, where a covert religious conversion racket was operating. Just a month ago, the Bareilly police raided the madrasa and busted the racket.
He also revealed that religious conversions were being carried out here by obtaining donations from fourteen states. He said that several Hindu boys and girls have been converted by the conversion racket. Regarding the September 26th incident in Bareilly, the man said that wherever their numbers increase, they commit similar crimes.
About Maulana Tauqeer Raza, he said, “He had been engaged in such activities for a long time and had become emboldened. But the Yogi government has now caught him and brought him to justice. Bareilly should go back to normal now.”
After talking to him, I headed to the area where the violence occurred on September 26th. Google Maps wasn’t working due to the internet outage. As I kept asking people for directions and wandering across the streets, I saw almost half the city.
Eyewitness account from Islamia Ground
Bareilly is an old city. Islamic flags were visible on most houses in almost all areas of the city. Only a few houses had symbols to indicate that they belonged to Hindus.
After much roaming around, the first place I reached was Islamia Ground. The Bilaspur Police Station is located right across the Islamia Ground. A large number of police personnel were deployed there. This is the spot where Muslims were trying to reach that day.
The gates of the ground were sealed with a giant lock, filth was scattered around, and policemen stood guard in the hot afternoon sun. Looking outside, I saw a large field and an old, dilapidated building that predated the British era. Its crumbling, lacquered bricks betrayed its age.
A large Muslim population surrounded the grounds on all three sides. Since I was recording the entire area with just a mobile phone, no one objected. However, three or four Muslim boys, aged about 12 to 15, came and stood around me. They didn’t say anything, but kept trying to peek into my mobile phone screen as long as I was there.
The policemen at the outpost in the front were standing alert, with their tired faces after a long day of duty. I then headed towards the mosques, where the crowds had emerged that day after offering prayers. On the way, I saw a banner with “I Love Muhammad” written in bold letters. I reached the Naumahilla Mosque, where things seemed normal. The area nearby had a large Muslim population. A few Muslims were looking out through their windows at the road and the police.
Some walls bore the marks of freshly removed posters. I asked an elderly man sitting on the street about them, and he, adjusting his hat, said that after the lathi charge that day, people had removed the “I Love Muhammad” posters from their walls on their own.
However, a big poster was hung at the entrance of the street, which had been bent due to the wind in such a way that ‘Love’ and ‘Mohammed’ were covered, only ‘I’ was visible!
On my way, I recalled that the instigator of the riots, Maulana Tauqeer Raza, came from the Ala Hazrat family, one of the most prominent families in the Barelvi sect. The same Ala Hazrat in whose name a large mosque in Bareilly stands.
From here, I set off on foot towards the Ala Hazrat Mosque. On the way, I saw people sitting in shops and houses with their shutters down, judging me by the ID card around my neck. It seemed they were able to guess that I was a journalist and probably from outside. As I approached the mosque, I asked a street vendor if the riot had happened here that day.
He stared at me, then looked away. When I pressed him again, he said, “I’m new to town.” By the way, in my experience of reporting across the country, one common thing I’ve noticed is that most Muslims give the reply when they want to avoid answering.
Anyway, within the next five minutes, I was at the mosque gate. A young man, around 18-20 years old, was sitting there. A few policemen were sitting on chairs nearby. The mosque had two entrances. Three posters were pasted on the steel door facing the street. Each one read two things: “I love Muhammad,” and the second, “I, my parents, my family, all can be sacrificed for you, O Messenger of Allah.”
Poster at Masjid Aala Hazrat
When I walked around and reached the other entrance of the mosque, it was 4:40 pm by the time. Some elderly Muslims had started arriving for namaz. The call to prayer had been announced from the mosque. This entrance also had “I Love Muhammad” posters. The only difference was that these weren’t printed; these were handmade.
Judging by its design, it was clear that it had been created by a young child. In broken handwriting, a child had written on the same poster, ” If expressing love for the Prophet (peace be upon him) is a crime, then we will commit it every day.”
Poster on the door of the mosque
Directly behind the signboard pointing to the Ala Hazrat Mosque, a large Samajwadi Party poster was placed, perfectly reflecting the nexus between politics and religion in Uttar Pradesh.
Board with Masjid Ala Hazrat written on it.
This is the same mosque from where the mob, in the name of love for the Prophet, gathered, determined to burn down the city of Bareilly on September 26th. Notably, on the day of the riots, only young men came to pray at this mosque, whereas today, not a single person I saw was under 40 years old.
Here, I tried talking to the Namazis, but no one was willing to speak. From here, I walked into a narrow alley, in which a sizeable Muslim population resided. Here, too, most Muslims were reluctant to comment. One woman explained that it was the mob of Namazis who had caused the entire commotion. Just then, a middle-aged man called out to me. This man, named Nadeem, initially tried to defend the Namazis, but during the long conversation, he became increasingly vocal.
He said, “Today the Chief Minister also said that we have done the denting and painting. What does that mean? Will they keep doing our denting and painting ?” He added, “Now that they are in power, the denting and painting is happening. After the government changes, they will get dented and painted.”
He became extremely excited and declared, Our love for Muhammad will remain till the end of time.” You can watch the full story in Opindia’s video report.
I spoke with this man for approximately 16 minutes. Throughout the conversation, he never once admitted his mistake; instead, he kept speaking with a threatening tone and warned of a dire future. Other Muslims seemed to have sworn to silence. Not a single one was willing to speak on camera.
After wandering the area for about four hours, I went to a Hindu neighbourhood. A man sitting at his door said, “These people do such things whenever Hindu festivals come around.” He also reminded me of the 2010 Bareilly riots, when a curfew was imposed during Holi celebrations.
Hindus say that Muslims systematically carry out such acts during Hindu festivals, while Hindus remain calm during Muslim festivals. Many Hindus directly blame Maulana Tauqeer Raza and the political parties that provide him with political patronage for all the Islamic frenzy that occurs in Bareilly.
However, he also said that if Yogi Adityanath were not in power in the state, Bareilly would probably still be burning. Due to the change in government, people like Maulana Tauqeer Raza now try to escape, but the police take swift action against them.
After speaking with both Hindus and Muslims, I left for Delhi. Before Bareilly’s famous Jhumka Chowk is located the Avedhnath Gate, on the top of which a statue of Lord Shiva in a yoga posture is placed.
Avedhanath Gate
I stopped there for a while, and after reading the shop signs, I realised that more than 70% of the shops belonged to one community. This meant that the entry point to the city was controlled by one community. And I had already seen the entire settlement inside the city.
Auguste Comte’s line, “Demography is destiny,” began to resonate in my mind. However, the Chief Minister’s statements from the state’s forums and the administrative promptness in such incidents continue to give other sections of society a sigh of relief.
A mass subscription cancellation campaign has been launched by a section of Americans against streaming giant Netflix over promotion of woke gender ideology. The sudden subscription cancellation spree has been spearheaded by Tesla CEO Elon Musk. The immediate trigger has been the outrageous remarks by Hamish Steele, the creator of Netflix’s animated series, Dead End: Paranormal Park, mocking Conservative activist Charlie Kirk’s assassination.
A screenshot of Hamish Steele’s alleged social media post in response to British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s post expressing condolences to Charlie Kirk’s family, has gone viral online. In reply to Starmer’s post, Hamish Steele called Kirk a “random Nazi”.
“Your sympathy for any of the families being slaughtered by your own weapons but a random Nazi gets shot and it’s a public statement,” Steele allegedly wrote.
You will never guess who the creator of this show is… a he/they lgbtq bluesky fan who mocked Charlie’s m*rder and called him a nazi
Elon Musk joined the social media outrage against Hamish Steele for promoting trans ideology in his Netflix show meant for children as young as 7-year-old.
Musk announced on 1st October that he had cancelled his Netflix subscription after an X user claimed the same.
Attaching the screenshot of the Netflix subscription cancellation, Mat Van Swol, the former Department of Energy nuclear scientist, wrote, “Just cancelled my Netflix subscription. If you employ someone who celebrated the murder of Charlie Kirk and makes content that pushes pro-trans content on my kids… you will NEVER get a dime of my money. It’s as simple as that.”
Musk has long been a vocal critic of the imposition of trans ideology and gender affirming surgeries. In his interviews, Musk has spoken against the “woke mind virus” while talking about his son, Vivian Jenna’s transition, as a woman.
Elon Musk’s cancellation of Netflix subscription intensified outrage against the streaming platform and Hamish Steele. In no time, mass Netflix subscription cancellation spree began. Several X users shared screenshots confirming the cancellation.
? BREAKING: Netflix is seeing massive subscription cancellations right now as @elonmusk joins boycott over woke content. pic.twitter.com/X8u3Y90DhQ
Meanwhile, several X users also dug up a clip from Dead End: Paranormal Park where the main character Barney Guttman says that he is trans.
Unsurprisingly, Hamish Steele has made his X profile private.
Notably, Dead End: Paranormal Park will not release further episodes in the future as the Netflix cancelled the show in January 2023 after two seasons. This show was based on Hamish Steele’s horror-comedy graphic novel, DeadEndia: The Watcher’s Test.
? If you haven’t cancelled @netflix yet, use this as your justification:
"Dead End: Paranormal Park" is targeted for ages 7+, which pushes trans ideology. See for yourself! pic.twitter.com/D4rREAuhf2
In the series, two amusement park employees, Barney Guttman and Norma Khan, work with the demon Courtney to find and probe paranormal activity.
After two seasons, the animated series was cancelled, according to Hamish Steele’s January 2024 X announcement. He revealed that the third season’s screenplay and story outlines were completed in the writers’ room, and the crew was not prepared for Dead End: Paranormal Park to be discontinued.
WOW. Netflix is streaming a PG-rated documentary about a radical trans activist who took hormone blockers as a CHILD before undergoing genital mutilation once he turned 18.
This documentary GLORIFIES children becoming transgender, and promotes chemical and surgical castration.… pic.twitter.com/IJqn89T5dp
Amidst the outrage over Steele’s woke Netflix show and alleged remarks against Charlie Kirk, several social media users also highlighted that Netflix is streaming Parental Guidance (PG)-rated documentary about a trans activist who took hormone blockers as a child before undergoing genital mutilation once he turned 18. Netizens allege that this documentary “glorifies” children becoming transgender, and promotes chemical and surgical castration. They also questioned how such a content can be deemed appropriate for all age groups.
YIKES. Ada Twist, Scientist, a show for 7-YEAR-OLDS on @Netflix, showcases young students coming together to set up and celebrate their teacher’s gay wedding.
On 26th September, the Madurai Bench of Madras High Court dismissed a case brought by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) against former Inspector General Pon Manickavel who oversaw the Criminal Investigation Department’s (CID) idol theft division in Tamil Nadu.
He was charged with falsely implicating former Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Kader Batcha in a case relating to stealing of idols. The order was issued by Justice RN Manjula after Manickavel submitted a plea.
The bench issued a ruling in response to two related petitions presented by him. It pronounced that the criminal charges against him were the result of an improper procedure. The accused has the right to know the results of a preliminary inquiry before being charged, the court emphasised, when a First Information Report (FIR) is filed based on the same.
“Both the FIR and the charge sheet on the face of it do not disclose any materials to sustain the charges made against the petitioner. Even if the allegations in the charge sheet are uncontroverted, the guilt of the accused cannot be proved. The FIR itself is non-est and redundant, as it has been registered not only in excess of the authority of the first respondent without seeking permission from this court in pursuant to the earlier directions given by the Hon’ble Division in W.Ps. 20392 and 20363/2018. And further the court also cannot act upon by taking cognizance of the charge sheet in view of the bar under section 195 CrPC (Code of Criminal Procedure),” the court pronounced.
The court noted that the investigation was transferred to the CBI based on the complaint of one Kader Batcha, who was also an accused in the investigation carried out by Manickavel. She observed that if courts were to accept the representations made by accused person in every case claiming that the documents produced are false, no police officer would dare to investigate any criminal case by discharging his duty.
“In any criminal case filed by a responsible investigation officer, if the court presumes on the representation made by one of the accused that all the materials are false and that the investigation officer has to be prosecuted for bringing false evidence, no police officer will dare to investigate any criminal case by discharging his duty as an investigation officer. Because any accused can play game with the investigation officer by dragging him to criminal charges. It can also go to the extent of initiating disciplinary proceedings against the officer,” the bench highlighted.
The report was neither protected nor designated as confidential, hence the court ruled that the refusal to divulge it could not be justified. According to the judgement, denying the accused this material deprived him the chance to successfully defend himself and even to try to have the FIR quashed.
The bench decided, “Furnishing information about the charges is not an empty formality but a necessary element of natural justice.”
The court further stated that it was aware of the abuse of authority committed against innocent people by dishonest police officials. It mentioned that anyone who felt wronged by officers could pursue a remedy in accordance with the due process clause. The bench directed that the victim could request a discharge or stop the criminal proceedings by demonstrating a lack of supporting documentation. It then added that a complaint could be made against a police officer for violating any human rights.
The justice conveyed that if someone is made to stand trial on false pretences, he might petition the court to take action against the individual who provided false evidence after the trial is over. The court expressed that no action is taken on the allegation of false evidence prior to the trial’s end because this check and balance mechanism was made possible by law. However, in this instance the claim was made before the conclusion of the proceedings and CBI acquired control of the inquiry.
“If the court has not been given with any discretionary power to form its own opinion in order to prefer a complaint under section 195 CrPC, every one will try to stall the proceedings by making such complaints and undo the investigation already made and render the materials collected inactive,” it declared.
Unlawful FIR and charge sheet against Pon Manickavel
The court mentioned that there was no proof that the officer had submitted falsified witness testimonies or paperwork. It stated that Manickavel’s use of public authority while looking into the alleged acts at the time could not be considered a breach of law.
“No calculated attempt can be allowed to destabilize the progress made by the special team in the cases involving idol theft handled by them,” the justice asserted.
The court reaffirmed that FIRs should be quashed when the allegations do not reveal an offence or when the proceedings amount to abuse of process, citing the Supreme Court’s seminal decisions in Bhajan Lal and Lalita Kumari. The FIR and the charge sheet that followed were determined to be illegal and unsustainable in the present case.
“If such baseless reports are allowed to be given undue importance than what it would deserve, then in every case involving police officials, an opposite syndicate will start act against the investigating team and try to sabotage the material gathered and filed in the court by the investigating team. Such an unhealthy trend will certainly affect the interest of justice,” it stressed.
As a result, the court quashed the charge sheet against him after finding no supporting evidence.
The court issued these observations in Manickavel’s petitions against the Judicial Magistrate for not giving him copies of the preliminary inquiry report. He also petitioned to have the CBI’s FIR against him quashed. On the plea of Kader Batcha, who was working as an Inspector of Police and was later charged as an additional accused in the heist, the investigation into the idol thefts was turned over to the CBI.
However, Manickavel contested the FIR as well as the decision to deny access to the preliminary report. He maintained that his request for a copy of the report, which served as the basis for the FIR, was improperly denied by the Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate, Madurai.
Additionally, he argued that the proceedings went against previous division bench orders that explicitly ordered that no action could be taken against him or his team without the high court’s approval.
His reasons were accepted by the court. It pointed out that Manickavel had previously received an impeccable record from the state when he was named Special Officer in 2018, praising his efforts to retrieve multiple ancient idols valued at crores.
“A person who was considered as a hero has been reversed to a villain now. And that too on a complaint given by the second respondent who has already been shown as an accused in one of the cases registered against him,” the bench commented.
Background of the matter
Kader Batcha petitioned the court to order the registration of a complaint against Manickavel for falsely accusing him of being involved in the theft of thirteen idols from the Palavoor temple in Tirunelveli. Batcha was termed as an offender because he and some other cops reportedly sold two of the idols they had found during the inquiry for Rs 15 lakh.
Batcha approched the high court in 2019 to take action against Manickavel. The CBI was ordered by the court to carry out an initial investigation which was finally completed in 2024. It alleged that Manickavel had intimidated Batcha, forged documents, framed him in criminal proceedings, and committed wrongful arrest. The CBI launched a formal complaint on this grounds in August of last year.
Afterward, the agency submitted a preliminary report to the court of the magistrate. Manickavel went to the high court after he was refused a copy of it despite his request. The charge sheet was filed by the CBI while this case was still pending. He therefore put forward the second plea to have the FIR cancelled.
Manickavel was already granted anticipatory bail by the high court after CBI lodged the case against him last year.
Manickavel was booked under sections 167 (public servant framing an incorrect document with an intent to cause injury), 193 (punishment for fabricating false evidence for the purpose of using it in any stage of the judicial proceedings), 195A (threatening or inducing a person to give false evidence), 196 (using evidence known to be false), 211 (false charge of offence made with an intent to injure), 218 (public servant framing incorrect record or writing with an intent to save person from punishment), 506 (punishment for criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code.
Pon Manickavel: The saviour of Hindu idols in Tamil Nadu
Former Inspector-General of Police A.G. Pon Manickavel assisted in solving more than fifty cases, retrieved twenty idols and remained an inspiration to many members of the police force. He headed the idol wing of CID and launched aggressive measures to rescue stolen and documented idols.
He even announced firm warning to show documentation or certifications in order to keep the item or turn in the unrecorded idols. If caught, failure to do any of these would lead to criminal prosecution.
50 years after being stolen from the Brihadeeswarar Temple two 1,000-year-old bronze idols of Rajaraja Chola and his wife Lokamadevi, were found by Manickavel’s idol wing. Poigainatha Kilavan Adhithan Sooryan, the Kodumablur king who assisted Raja Raja Chola in constructing the temple, reportedly presented the two idols to him alongside 11 others who remained missing.
The estimated value of the two idols exceeded Rs 150 crores. The idol wing of Tanjore Police filed a formal complaint against unidentified individuals in March 2018. The team visited the Calico museum after doing enquiries and the figures were discovered.
The dismantling of the Puducherry smuggling network was another noteworthy achievement of Manickavel. An idol wing team led by him searched a home in Colas Nagar in December 2016 and found 11 panchaloha idols valued at crores. Lord Nataraja’s idol was among them and the antique alone was worth Rs 31 crores at the time.
The recovered artefacts also included idols of Lord Shiva, Parvathi, Amman, Kalyanasundara, Somaskandar and Mahishasura Mardini. A crew lead by him recovered a stolen panchaloha idol of Amman after pursuing a car in autorickshaws. Four others were also taken into custody.
The top even exposed corruption in the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR & CE) Department. A senior staff member of the department was detained by the idol wing for embezzling money. Officials stated that two idols that should have had 5.75 kg of gold combined contained not a single gramme of the precious metal.
“Idols worth several hundreds of crores of rupees are preserved in rooms fitted with locks costing just Rs 250,” he informed in court once. He also told the court that the department was not properly maintaining the idols in another incident to which it responded, “If the idols are kept locked up without any maintenance, what is the purpose of having such a department?”
Predictably, the HR and CE authorities expressed their outrage for what they considered to be harassment. On the other hand, Manickavel had been praised profusely by those who closely studied the cases of heritage theft in India.
“TN HRCE Officials are ready to face hell in their next births but no possibility of conviction in this birth. Pon Manickavel’s honesty drives them desperate,” wrote temple activist TR Ramesh on social media.
Manickavel was a tough disciplinarian even concerning his own police personnel. An idol smuggler personally alerted Manickavel in 2008 that Subburaj, the Head Constable and Inspector Khader Basha had dealt illegally with six bronze icons that had been found on his property. They were then apprehended.
Attepmts to frame Pon Manickavel
There were significant efforts to discredit Manickavel. He was transferred to IG Railways after serving in the idol wing but the Madras High Court stepped in to keep him there. The Tamil Nadu government eventually granted him full additional charge in September 2017 as IGP of Idol Wing.
However, the relationship between the two sides was sour. The government sought to move all of the cases from Idol Wing to the CBI claiming poor performance, despite his stellar record but the government order was halted by the high court. Notably, CBI previously outlined that they lack the manpower to examine the cases.
Meanwhile, Manickavel continued to perform his duty. “They were conducting some probe behind my back and trying to fix me in some sort of allegation,” Manickavel voiced in Madra High Court in November 2018. The bench which was made up of Justices R Mahadevan and P D Audikesavalu, took his statement into account and ordered the state government to refrain from taking any negative action against him or his team without its consent.
Interestingly, as a result of his many accomplishments, Manickavel became a state icon. A Tamil film called “Pon Manickavel” which is based on his name starring Prabhu Deva and Nivetha Pethuraj in lead roles was released in 2021.
On 1st October, the Madhya Pradesh government issued a ‘fact-check’ hours after screenshots went viral accusing the state and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of being ‘anti-Hindu’. The screenshots of the pages, claimed to be from the affidavit filed before the Supreme Court in the ongoing OBC reservation case, contained controversial assertions targeting Hindu civilisation.
सोशल मीडिया पर ओबीसी आरक्षण से जुड़े कुछ भ्रामक कथन मध्यप्रदेश सरकार के हलफनामे से जोड़कर प्रस्तुत किए जा रहे हैं, जो असत्य हैं।
The purported affidavit excerpts blamed Hindu scriptures such as the Ramayana and the Manusmriti for the “backwardness” of nearly 80% of Hindus. Not only that, the screenshots viral on Twitter show that several other outlandish claims were included. For example, one screenshot showed that the killing of “Rishi Shambuk” in the Ramayana was presented as an example of caste oppression. The truth is that caste had nothing to do with the killing of Shambuk by Shri Ram. It was done not owing to his caste identity but because of his intentions towards Goddess Parvati.
In another screenshot, it was claimed that Manusmriti dehumanises Shudras by comparing them to animals, and credited British interventions and Periyar’s self-respect movement with weakening caste hierarchies. The document even suggested that Hindu society was deliberately kept divided for centuries in order to maintain upper-caste dominance.
Manusmriti is often a tool used to hurl accusations at Hindus. However, the very elements who deride Manusmriti often forget that even Dr Ambedkar had cited and leaned on the Manusmriti when formulating the Hindu Code Bill. Further, the criticism also reached a crescendo with Periyar being credited for weakening caste heirarchies. EV Ramaswamy aka Periyar was an anti-Hindu ‘activist’ – a man even PM Jawaharlal Nehru was disgusted by. In a letter[pdf] to Madras Chief Minister Kumaraswami Kamaraj on November 5, 1957, PM Nehru stated, “I am much distressed by the anti-Brahmin campaign continuously carried on by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker. I wrote to you I think about this some time ago, and I was told that this matter was under consideration.”
“I find that Ramaswami Naicker is going on saying the same thing again and calling upon people at the right time to start stabbing and killing. What he says can only be said by a criminal or a lunatic,” he pointed out.
PM Nehru told the Madras Chief Minister, “I do not know him adequately to be able to decide what he is, but one thing is clear to me that this kind of thing has a very demoralizing effect on the country. All the anti-social and criminal elements imagine that they can act in this way also.” Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India was of the view that anti-Brahmin ‘activists’ such as Periyar should be placed in a mental asylum, meant for the treatment of ‘perverted minds.’
The content triggered widespread anger online. Social media users, particularly those aligned with Hindu causes, accused the BJP of betraying its core ideological plank by allegedly endorsing “leftist propaganda” in a court affidavit. Hashtags calling the government “anti-Hindu” trended for hours, with opposition handles amplifying the controversy.
Congress-era commission report, not affidavit – MP govt
In the clarification issued by the MP government, the state categorically denied that these remarks form part of its affidavit. Officials said that the controversial content comes from the final report of the Madhya Pradesh Backward Classes Commission, headed by Ramji Mahajan, which was constituted on 17th November 1980 when Congress was in power and which submitted its final report on 22nd December 1983.
The Mahajan report, along with several other commission reports, had long been part of government records. Since the matter of OBC reservation has been under judicial scrutiny for decades, these records were earlier placed before the High Court and therefore automatically became part of the case file submitted to the Supreme Court.
The state stressed that including such reports in a judicial file does not mean the current government endorses their findings. Rather, it is a procedural requirement, since all relevant past reports are routinely presented before courts when reservation matters are heard.
Officials added that along with the Mahajan report, the government had submitted annual reports of the State Backward Classes Commission from 1994 to 2011, and the 2022 report of the State Backward Classes Welfare Commission. The clarification was aimed at underlining that the viral pages were not part of the affidavit prepared by the BJP government but a Congress-era report that is part of the judicial record.
Reservation figures compared
The BJP government also drew attention to the fact that the Mahajan Commission had recommended 35% reservation for OBCs. The present state government, however, has been pressing for 27% reservation. Officials said this itself proves that the BJP does not treat the Mahajan report as gospel. Instead, the state has based its policy decisions on constitutional parameters and social realities.
In other words, the Mahajan Commission’s suggestions were never accepted in full. The BJP argued that if it had agreed with the 1983 report, it would have pushed for a 35% OBC quota. Instead, it settled for a lower figure.
State calls it a mischievous campaign
The government statement described the circulation of these screenshots as “false, fabricated, misleading and motivated by mala fide intent”. It called the selective presentation of isolated portions of academic or commission reports part of a “malicious propaganda campaign” against the state.
The statement further emphasised that the Madhya Pradesh government is fully committed to “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” and social harmony, and would never endorse any narrative that seeks to vilify Hindu traditions or scriptures. Officials warned that a probe will be conducted into how the misleading screenshots were circulated and those responsible will face action.
Online outrage
The controversy has caused significant damage in the political space. Critics of the BJP have accused the party of being careless in allowing such reports to remain in the system. Others went further, alleging that the presence of these documents in official records reveals how Congress-era propaganda has seeped deep into the machinery.
Earlier in the day, the BJP government in MP was at the receiving end of a barrage of criticism. One user wrote, “BJP is actively creating division and hatred against the General Category.”
BJP has filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court supporting 73% reservations in Madhya Pradesh.
The govt. has also claimed that the Varna system deprived 80% of Shudras of their rights and exploited them for centuries.
Another added, “This is not just betrayal, this is BJP spitting on the very people who stood by them through thick and thin. And the irony? The so-called ‘Hindutva Party’ is now doing the dirty work like Periyarites and the British, all for vote banks.”
Unbelievable! The BJP Govt has actually submitted an affidavit in the Supreme Court to increase caste-based reservations in Madhya Pradesh and in the process, they’ve dragged Hinduism through the lows.
Though the government has come up with a clarification, it remains a cause of worry as to how documents inspired by leftist propaganda continue to remain part of the ‘system’ and ‘records’, furthering an insidious narrative against Hindus.
The next date of the ongoing hearing in the Supreme Court is 8th October and it remains to be seen if this controversy might form part of courtroom debates. For now, the Madhya Pradesh government has insisted that no anti-Hindu assertion has been made in its affidavit and promised strict action against those spreading fabricated content. The government has also said “The Government of Madhya Pradesh is fully committed to ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas’ and social harmony. It is reiterated that the viral content is neither mentioned in the Government’s affidavit nor is it part of any approved or official policy or decision of the State Government”.
In a major success, the Uttar Pradesh Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) busted an Islamic terrorist network and nabbed four individuals in connection with the same on Monday (29th September). The arrestees have been identified as Akmal Raza from Sultanpur; Safeel Salmani alias Ali Razvi from Sonbhadra; Mohammad Tausif from Kanpur; and Qasim Ali from Rampur.
According to a statement released by the UP ATS, the accused were raising a ‘Mujahideen Army’ to topple the democratically elected government through violent Jihad and impose Sharia Law in the country. They had also bought weapons to wage violent Jihad against the Indian government. The statement said that the accused were influenced by Pakistani radical Islamic organisations and had been organising meetings at different locations. They were active in several social groups, wherein they shared audio and video messages to incite people and spread their radical Islamist ideology. The accused had been collecting funds to buy weapons and plot the targeted killing of prominent non-Muslim religious preachers in the near future.
Uttar Pradesh: Four terror suspects, Akmal Raza, Safeel Salmani alias Ali Razvi, Mohd Tausif and Kasim Ali, arrested by UP ATS. pic.twitter.com/saukR882T2
During interrogation, the accused admitted they were conspiring to wage Jihad and impose Sharia Law in the country in retaliation for the atrocities, as they believed, being inflicted on Muslims in the country. They used to approach people who agreed with their ideology and radicalise them. They had marked several individuals whom they planned to kill. The accused had been collecting, creating, and disseminating Jihadi literature in their network. The ATS seized five mobile phones, Aadhaar and PAN cards, debit and credit cards, and a PhonePe scanner from their possession.
The accused will be produced before the concerned Magistrate, where the ATS will seek their custody to conduct further investigation and identify their associates.
The work of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has now completed one hundred years. In this long journey, countless people have been companions, contributors, and well-wishers. This journey was full of hard work and challenges, but the unwavering support of ordinary citizens turned it into a fulfilling one. As we pause in the centenary year and look back, memories of many such moments and people come alive, those who devoted their everything to ensure the success of this mission.
In the early years, young karyakartas set forth across the country like dedicated warriors, driven entirely by their love for the nation. Be a family man like Appaji Joshi or full-time pracharaks such as Dadarav Parmarth, Balasaheb and Bhaurao Deoras brothers, Yadavrao Joshi, Eknath Ranade, all of them, under the guidance of Dr Hedgewar, took Sangh work as a sacred vow of lifelong service to the nation.
The progress of the Sangh has always rested on society’s constant support. Because its work remained in tune with the spirit of the people, acceptance grew steadily over time. Once, Swami Vivekananda was asked during his foreign travels: “Most of your countrymen are uneducated, they don’t even know English, so how will they understand these profound things you talk about?” Swamiji had replied, “Just as ants do not need to learn English to find sugar, my people do not need foreign tongues to recognise a noble and spiritual cause. Their inner wisdom will guide them.” This statement turned out to be remarkably true. Similarly, despite the slow pace, society at large has continuously recognised and supported the Sangh’s sincere efforts.
From the very beginning, Sangh Karyakartas received blessings, shelter, and encouragement from ordinary families. In fact, the households of swayamsevaks themselves became the foundational centres of the work. The contribution of mothers and sisters has been critical in giving completeness to this journey. Inspired figures like Dattopant Thengadi, Yashwantrao Kelkar, Balasaheb Deshpande, Eknath Ranade, Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Dadasaheb Apte drew strength from the Sangh and went on to build several organisations in different walks of social life. Today these organisations, with immense growth, have brought about constructive changes across many fields. Among women too, towering personalities like Mausiji Kelkar and Pramila Tai Medhe, through the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, have offered a motherly strength that has been central to this mission.
Over the decades, the Sangh has raised several issues of national importance, always with society standing in support. At times even those publicly opposed have lent their voices for the larger Hindu cause. The Sangh consistently sought consensus and cooperation on matters of Hindu unity, national security, social harmony, democracy, and preservation of culture. Thousands of Swayamsevaks endured unimaginable hardships, and many laid down their lives. Through all this, society’s hand of support was always there.
In 1981, when a few Hindus in Meenakshipuram, Tamil Nadu, were converted under misleading circumstances, a massive Hindu awakening movement followed. A conference attended by nearly half a million people was presided over by Dr. Karan Singh, then a senior Congress leader. In 1964, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad was founded with the active participation of renowned spiritual leaders like Swami Chinmayananda, Master Tara Singh, Jain muni Sushil Kumar, Buddhist bhikshu Kushok Bakula, and Namdhari Sikh Guru Jagjit Singh. The initiative was inspired by Shri Guruji Golwalkar, with the purpose of reaffirming that untouchability had no place in Hindu scriptures. To uphold this principle a grand World Hindu Conference was conveyed in Udupi where revered spiritual leaders, saints and mahants came together extending their blessings and support. The spirit voiced earlier at the Prayagraj conference—that Na Hindu patito bhavet (No Hindu can ever fall from grace) was echoed at this conference as Hindavah Sodara Sarve (All Hindus are brothers, children of Bharat Mata). From the campaign for cow protection, to the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, Sant-samaj (saintly fraternity) has always given blessings to the Sangh swayamsevaks.
After Independence, when political reasons led to a ban on the Sangh’s activities, it was not only ordinary people but also highly respected figures who openly stood by it, giving courage in those difficult times. The same was experienced during the Emergency. That is why, despite so many obstacles, Sangh work has continued seamlessly and steadily. Through crises, it has often been the mothers and sisters who shouldered the responsibility of keeping Swayamsevaks and their work intact, becoming a constant source of inspiration.
Looking ahead, in this centenary year, Sangh Swayamsevaks will make a special effort to reach every household, across big cities, remote villages, and among all sections of society, to invite wider cooperation and participation in the mission of national service. With the coordinated effort of all well-meaning forces of society, the next stage of our nation’s journey, towards holistic development, will certainly be smoother and more successful.
(The writer is the Sarkaryavah of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh)
