A Pakistani-Canadian individual named Sadiq Ali, who is based in Toronto, has been exposed for operating a large-scale online network spreading hate and misinformation against India and Indians. The revelation resulted in the deletion of one of his associated Telegram groups and the suspension of related X accounts.
The controversy emerged after a screenshot from a Telegram group called “Poop world order,” administered by Sadiq Ali under the handle Sadiqqqq, went viral. In the message, he urged his followers to intensify efforts so that hatred against Indians becomes normalised to the extent that people do not hesitate to beat or even kill them occasionally.
Sadiq used the claims of a Korean man disguised as a pregnant woman harassed in India to incite anti-India hatred, saying that a video on it posted on his X account @iShowPooo went viral, and asked people to spread it more. He wrote, “amplify it even harder now, we are winning.”
He wrote that his main X was ‘search banned’, so he was using his alternative account. He asked everyone to share the video with captions like “young Korean tried to prove that India isn’t bad, bit got destroyed the moment he entered in India masquerading as a woman”.
Sadiq then added after that, “We hv to make sure indian are hate is normalised enough that ppl dont hesitate to beat them or even k!ll them occasionally.” He further said that he has paid some Arab and Western X accounts to amplify it more.
As expected, it was all part of the Pakistani hate and propaganda wing, DGISPR. Look at how they're boasting about hacking the algorithm and requesting their followers to normalize hate against Indians to the point where people don't even hesitate to kill them. https://t.co/MC4lde3eEZpic.twitter.com/SVs5x1JsBB
Notably, the Korean content creator Sumin has clarified that there was no harassment in India and that his video was deceptively edited to incite hostility toward India. In a post on Thread, Sumin wrote, “Hello, this is Sumin, the creator of the video content currently being circulated. I am writing to address the recent misuse of my videos, which have been deceptively edited to incite hostility toward a specific country. I find it deeply troubling that my content is being manipulated for the purpose of spreading misinformation and fueling hatred.”
He clarified that the video was shot in Bangladesh, not India, and he appeared during Holi in India without any disguise, and added, “Claims that I was cross-dressing or pretending to be a pregnant woman simply because I have long hair are entirely baseless.”
Therefore, the Korean vlogger was harassed in Bangladesh, but Sadiq made it a mission to defame India for it. He even paid others to amplify the fake claim.
The Telegram post by Sadiq showed how Sadiq boasted about manipulating algorithms to spread false anti-India content on social media. However, as soon as the screenshot of the chat went viral, it generated widespread outrage against Sadiq. His open call for violence against Indians was prominent in the screenshot, prompting him to delete the Telegram group.
Subsequently, his X account @PooWorldOrderr also got suspended, but his alternative X account remains.
X user @AgniVesa_07 identified Sadiq Ali as the head of “TF-2990” or Task Force 2990, and posted screenshots of Telegram discussion under TF-2992. The user further claimed that Sadiq coordinates dozens of accounts focused on anti-Indian propaganda and operates or influences multiple Telegram groups with thousands of members collectively. Participants in these groups are reportedly instructed to create larping or impersonation accounts, cross-post content, use specific keywords to game algorithms, and target “low-hanging fruit” to fuel racist engagement.
Meet Sadiq ali, the pakistani canadian, living in toronto, he's the head of TF-2990, and runs dozens of similar accs, his soul purpose is to spread misinfo and hatred against indians on a massive scale by manipulating twitter algorithm.
The activities are said to have intensified following Operation Sindoor, India’s military response in May 2025 to terror attacks. The thread also alleges that TF-2990 was initiated by Pakistan’s Directorate General of Inter-Services Public Relations (DGISPR) to spread hate and misinformation against Indians, though this remains an unverified allegation without publicly available documentary evidence.
Sadiq Ali’s X accounts have a large number of followers, who diligently amplify his posts. Most such followers have Hindu-Indian names, but post and repost anti-India and Hinduphobic messages, indicating that those accounts are using fake identities.
@AgniVesa_07 was able to join Sadiq’s main discussion group on Telegram using a fake account and took screenshots of discussions and instructions to amplify anti-India content.
Following the viral backlash after the screenshots were posted, one of the key Telegram groups linked to Sadiq Ali was promptly deleted. Sadiq’s main X account was also suspended after mass reporting by Indian netizens.
A look at his alternative account @iShowPooo shows that it is dedicated to spreading anti-Indian content. He posts specific videos like dirty drains, unhygienic street food etc to create the impression that entire India is same. He also amplifies videos targeting Indians in other countries, often with fake claims. He often uses videos from Pakistan, Bangladesh, and other countries claiming them to be from India.
On 4th June 2026, High Commission of India in London condemned the ‘indecorous audience behaviour’ at a lecture by Chief Justice of India, Surya Kant. The reaction from the High Commission came after video of individuals hackling CJI surfaced online.
In the official statement, HCI said, “On 04 June 2026, Hon’ble Chief Justice of India attended an event at the University of London, Birkbeck, at the invitation of the organizers, to deliver a lecture on ‘Artificial Intelligence and International Law’.
A lively discussion followed his address. Thereafter, a certain individual tried to disrupt the event. Such indecorous audience behavior is unacceptable and inconsistent with respectful engagement that should govern public discourse. Differences of opinion are a natural part of a democratic society. However, they must be expressed in a manner that is civil and respectful.”
In the viral video, an attendee was seen raising question about the state of dissent in India. CJI was attending an interactive session where he gave a lecture on ‘Artificial Intelligence and International Law’ at Birkbeck College, University of London.
In the 1st video, the lady interrupting CJI Suryakant is not a student but a Professor of Geography and anti-India activist, Kalpana Wilson. She is daughter of Amrit Wilson whose OCI was cancelled by GoI few months ago. She is ideologically aligned to India's CPI(ML). She has a… https://t.co/AeXxhRa7Ma
— Stop Hindu Hate Advocacy Network (SHHAN) (@HinduHate) June 7, 2026
The attendee, a woman, in question, first referred to CJI’s remarks and then asked him about dissent. She was heard saying, “His Lordship made some very important points, I think, about the Indian track record of protecting democracy in the context of AI. We now hear from a number of legal observers within the country as well as internationally that there’s a great deal of concern about growing hostility to dissent within India. And it does seem that this hostility is somewhat reflected in His Lordship’s speech and it’s very well publicised.” Before she could complete the question, the moderator on the stage declined the question as it was not on the topic of discussion.
Later the woman was identified as Kalpana Wilson, daughter of Amrit Wilson. Kalpana is serving as Professor of Geography at the Birbeck University.
Who is Kalpana Wilson?
According to her profile on Birbeck University, she is serving as a Senior Lecture in the School of Social Sciences, and her work revolves around critical international development and social justice. She has done research on topics around race/gender, labour, neoliberalism, and reproductive rights and justice, with a particular focus on South Asia and its diasporas.
Kalpana holds BA (Hons) in Economics from the University of Sussex, and an MA in Area Studies (South Asia). She has also done PhD in Political Economy from SOAS, University of London. Before joining Birbeck, she was employed at the London school of Economics and at SOAS.
However, her academic record cannot overshadow her consistent anti-India activities. Her bio on social media platform X suggests that she writes about “racism and international development, gender, neoliberalism, imperialism and Hindutva fascism” and she identifies herself as “Marxist Feminist”.
Kalpana is married to CPI(M) Liberation All India General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya. The couple has a daughter Ananya.
Her association with leftist and anti-India networks
Her association with leftist and anti-India networks is not limited to academic writing. Kalpana Wilson has regularly appeared on platforms and in campaigns that paint India, the BJP, RSS and Hindu organisations as fascist, majoritarian and oppressive, while extending support to those accused of anti-national activities or violent mobilisation.
Blaming Hindus for the Leicester violence
In 2022, Kalpana Wilson, her mother Amrit Wilson and their group blamed Hindus for the communal violence in Leicester in the United Kingdom. Instead of acknowledging the targeted violence and intimidation faced by Hindus in the city, their activism focused on blaming “Hindutva” for the tensions. They also protested outside the Indian High Commission in London against what they described as the growing influence of Hindutva in UK politics. OpIndia’s detailed coverage on Leicester violence can be checked here.
Protests against India linked issues
The same network has also been involved in protests on several India linked issues. They protested for waiving Pakistan’s debt, against bulldozer action on illegal constructions in India, against the film The Kashmir Files, which they described as “Turning Tragedy into Propaganda”, supported the farmers’ protest in India, and held a vigil over the 2002 Gujarat violence, projecting it through a familiar anti-Modi lens.
Communist politics and attacks on capitalism
Kalpana Wilson’s ideological position has also shaped her writings on India’s economy and politics. As a Communist Marxist, she has opposed capitalism in India and has accused big industrial houses of spreading inequality and helping the growth of Hindutva. She has described the RSS, BJP and other Hindu groups as “pro capitalist”. Her writings have appeared on the website of the Communist Party of India, Marxist Leninist Liberation, CPI(ML), further underlining her links with leftist political networks.
Stand during the Karnataka hijab controversy
During the hijab controversy in Karnataka, Kalpana Wilson accused the state government of excluding Muslim girls from colleges merely because they expressed their faith by wearing hijab. She also claimed that Muslim girl students were being taunted and harassed by gangs shouting Islamophobic abuse, allegedly empowered by the ruling party. Her framing of the controversy again followed the familiar template of portraying India as hostile to minorities while ignoring the legal and institutional aspects of the debate. Details of Karnataka Hijab row can be checked here.
The original question: don't the #HijabBan, harassment of Muslim girl students by #Sanghi thugs, humiliation of Muslim women students, use of an educational institution for #BajrangDal terrorist arms training, expose @drashwathcn and BJP claims to equity & inclusion in education? pic.twitter.com/EY4qFPpk0P
— SouthAsia Solidarity (@SAsiaSolidarity) May 19, 2022
Support for Stan Swamy
Kalpana Wilson also came out in support of Stan Swamy, the Jesuit priest accused by India’s National Investigation Agency of links with the banned CPI (Maoist). Swamy was arrested in connection with the Elgar Parishad case and was accused of being part of a larger Maoist conspiracy. Wilson’s support for him was consistent with the wider leftist campaign that projected him as a human rights activist while downplaying the serious charges levelled by the investigating agency.
Source: X
Participation in the India EU Summit
In 2021, Kalpana Wilson was one of the speakers at the India EU Summit sponsored by IAMC and Foundation, The London Story. The panel featured several familiar anti-India voices, including Anand Grover, Christophe Jaffrelot, Pradyumna Jairam, Nodeep Kaur, Ravinder Kaur, Umair Khan of the Indian Council of International Muslims, CPI(ML) member Kavita Krishnan, Harsh Mander, Nikhil Mandalaparth and Sravya Tadepalli of Hindus for Human Rights, Ritumbra Manuvie of Foundation, The London Story, Raqeeb Hamid Naik, Karuna Nundy, Aakar Patel, Pamela Philipose, N Ram, Manu Sebastian, Pratik Sinha, Ashok Swain, Audrey Truschke and Richard Wilson, among others.
Speaker at ‘India at the Brink: Preventing Genocide’
She was also a speaker at the event titled “India at the Brink: Preventing Genocide”. The event included Australian Greens Party members David Shoebridge, Janet Rice and Lee Rhiannon, Haroon Kasim of The Humanism Project, Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, CPI(ML) member Kavita Krishnan, Mohan Dutta of Massey University, Pieter Friedrich, former AAP linked IPS officer R B Sreekumar, Teesta Setalvad, IAMC’s Rashid Ahmed, Delhi riots accused Safoora Zargar, Suchitra Vijayan of The Polis Project, Aakar Patel, Raqeeb Hamid Naik, Ritumbra Manuvie, Sunita Viswanath of Hindus for Human Rights and Angana Chatterjee.
Dismissal of Hinduphobia concerns
In another event organised by Educate, Organise, Resist, Australia, Kalpana Wilson and Keval Bharadia attended a session titled “Exposing the Myth of Hinduphobia, Building Anti-Fascist Solidarities”. During the discussion, Wilson said it was “not useful” to describe killings and attacks on temples in Bangladesh as Hinduphobia. She claimed that communal and sectarian violence has existed in South Asia since the colonial period and linked its intensification to the rise of Hindutva in India and the return of the Taliban in Afghanistan. She further argued that attacks on Hindus are not global in the same manner as attacks on Muslims and Jews.
Support for the Dismantling Global Hindutva conference
Wilson also supported the Dismantling Global Hindutva conference, a controversial event that claimed to distinguish between Hinduism and Hindutva, but where several participants pushed arguments that effectively targeted Hindu identity, Hindu organisations and Hindu civilisational assertions under the garb of opposing Hindutva.
Source: X
“Dismantling Global Hindutva” was a 3-day conference co-sponsored by 60+ Departments or Centres from 45+ Universities, mostly from the US. It took place in September 2021. There were several anti-Hindu elements associated with the conference including Audrey Truschke, Anand Patwardhan and Nandini Sunder.
Links with The Polis Project and anti India Kashmir narratives
In a conversation with The Polis Project in 2019, Kalpana Wilson spoke about “Hindu fascism” and Hindutva ideology. The Polis Project has been known for its anti-India and anti-Hindu positions. Its co-founder Suchitra Vijayan has supported separatist narratives on Kashmir and has appeared on platforms where Pakistan backed anti-India voices have also been present. In the interview, Wilson opposed the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A and claimed that outsiders were buying land and plundering Kashmir after the constitutional changes.
Article 370, Covid lockdown and allegations of fascism
Her views on Kashmir have repeatedly mirrored the language used by separatist and leftist networks. In 2020, while writing on India’s Covid lockdown in an article titled “Locking down rights, ramping up hate: fascism and Covid 19 in India”, Wilson accused the Indian government of using the pandemic to mobilise religious and caste based hate. She also claimed that by abrogating Article 370, India was “occupying” Kashmir through an Israeli style “settler colonialism” and denying Kashmiris access to life saving information through partial internet shutdowns.
Repeated attacks on the Modi government
Her writings have repeatedly described the Modi government as fascist and Hindu supremacist. In her article, she claimed that the pandemic in India had confirmed what many on the left already believed, that the regime represented a form of fascism in which Hindu supremacism and neoliberalism were linked. She claimed that the Modi government’s central focus during the pandemic was to weaponise the virus as part of its ideological project.
Support for Umar Khalid and call to repeal UAPA
Kalpana Wilson has also extended support to Umar Khalid, accused in the larger conspiracy case linked to the anti-Hindu Delhi riots of 2020. Khalid has been denied bail by courts, with observations regarding premeditation and the attempt to create unrest during the visit of then US President Donald Trump. Wilson has also called for the repeal of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and demanded the release of so called political prisoners, including Umar Khalid. Details of role of Umar Khalid in larger conspiracy can be checked here and the details of anti-Hindu Delhi Riots 2020 can be checked here.
Her attacks on the Indian government have also extended to flagship welfare and development schemes. In 2017, she made a bizarre comparison between lynchings, development and the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, claiming that the Clean India Mission was violent for the poor. The comment reflected her tendency to interpret even sanitation and public welfare initiatives through a rigid ideological lens.
SASG panel and pitch for ‘freeing’ Kashmir
In 2019, the CPI(ML) covered a panel discussion held by the South Asia Solidarity Group (SASG) at SOAS, London, under the title “Resisting Fascism, Building Solidarities, India Kashmir and Beyond”. The event featured Kavita Krishnan, Dibyesh Anand, Amrit Wilson, Kalpana Wilson, Satpal Muma, Sajjad Hassan, Rajratna Ambedkar, Nitasha Kaul and others. The CPI(ML) write up made a pitch for “freeing” Kashmir, once again placing Wilson in the ecosystem that routinely internationalises India’s internal matters and amplifies separatist narratives.
SASG was also condemned by National Investigation Agency (NIA) Court in the judgment of Chandan Gupta murder case. The court expressed concerns over the influence of certain NGOs, including Alliance for Justice and Accountability (New York), Citizens for Justice and Peace (Mumbai), Indian American Muslim Council (Washington DC), People’s Union for Civil Liberties (New Delhi), Rihaee Manch (Lucknow), South Asia Solidarity Group (London), and United Against Hate (New Delhi). It stated, “The communal sentiment subtly infiltrates human activities at the ideological level and is often manifested through reports and interventions by such NGOs. This court has often observed that when accused persons involved in anti-national activities are brought for trial, certain advocates, reportedly linked to these NGOs, are already present with vakalatnamas to represent them.” The court also raised questions over the funding of these NGOs. Details of the case, judgment and these NGOs can be checked here.
Praise for CPI(ML) and allegations against NIA
In a 2014 article for The Guardian titled “It’s not just India’s middle classes who have a problem with Narendra Modi”, Kalpana Wilson praised the CPI(ML)’s electoral victory in a village in Bihar. In the same article, she made serious allegations against India’s National Investigation Agency in connection with arrests after the Patna blasts during a Modi rally, claiming that Muslim youths were detained and tortured to extract false confessions. The allegations were made without providing credible evidence.
Writing for Communist website Salvage
Writing for the Communist website Salvage in an article titled “Hedge funds, Hype and Hindu Fascism”, Wilson linked the RSS, cow protection groups, caste, Gujarat 2002, poverty, malnutrition, capitalism and British colonialism to attack Hindutva. In the same piece, she accused Hindutva of being colonial, Brahmanical, patriarchal and masculinist, and claimed that it seeks to homogenise Hinduism. She even alleged that the Hindutva project involved destroying temples of Hindu goddesses and gods whose origins lie in indigenous religions or those worshipped by Dalits.
Signatory to campaigns against India
Kalpana Wilson has also been a signatory to letters condemning alleged assaults on students and staff at Jawaharlal Nehru University, raising the Rohith Vemula case, and criticising the Indian government over violence against women and girls. Her activism, writings and public engagements show a consistent pattern of targeting India, the Modi government, Hindu organisations and Hindutva, while aligning with leftist, Islamist linked and anti-India advocacy networks on international platforms.
OCI card of Kalpana Wilson’s mother revoked, no relief from Delhi High Court
Amrit Wilson, mother of Kalpana Wilson, had lost her OCI previleges for her consistent anti-India stance. She had approached Delhi High Court which refused to intervene saying that the court cannot allow the country to be maligned. Wilson has publicly criticised various policies of the Government of India. She has opposed the Citizenship Amendment Act, CAA, the proposed National Register of Citizens, NRC, and the National Population Register, NPR. She has described Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his government in strong terms in public forums, often calling them fascist.
It is important to note that while protests against NRC and NPR were widespread, no operational rules were ever notified for implementation of NRC or NPR at a nationwide level. In addition to criticism of domestic politics, Wilson has participated in international events where India’s legislative measures were described as Islamophobic and as steps towards “ethnic cleansing”. She has also made statements regarding the unrest in Leicester. She claimed that RSS supporters were transported to provoke conflict and to strengthen a narrative of Hindus as victims. Such claims were strongly contested by several community organisations and commentators who cited evidence of Islamist mobs attacking Hindu homes and temples.
Wilson has been associated with the South Asia Solidarity Group based in Britain, which has organised protests outside the Indian High Commission and has frequently posted material critical of the BJP and RSS on social media. The group has portrayed developments in Kashmir through a lens that aligns with separatist narratives and has participated in campaigns framing India as an aggressor in the region.
Her social media activity has included use of symbolic imagery associated with separatist campaigns after the abrogation of Article 370, further placing her in alignment with narratives viewed by the Indian government as hostile to its territorial integrity. In short, both mother and daughter have a long history of anti-India activities.
Not an isolated academic intervention
The hackling of CJI cannot be seen as an isolated event. Kalpana’s presence at the event itself raises questions about her intensions given her history and previous statements.
The newly elected Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) government in Kerala has released a detailed White Paper on the state’s finances on Thursday, 4th June, presenting what it describes as a grim picture of an economy pushed into severe financial distress during the ten years of Left Democratic Front (LDF) rule. Titled “Kerala’s Fiscal Health: A Status Report”, the 195-page document was prepared by an expert committee headed by former Cabinet Secretary K M Chandrasekhar and was tabled in the Assembly by Chief Minister V D Satheesan, who also holds the Finance Ministry.
The White Paper was among the first major decisions taken by the new UDF government after assuming office. It seeks to explain the scale of the fiscal challenge inherited by the administration and argues that Kerala’s economy is suffering from deep structural problems that have accumulated over the past decade.
Among other things, the White Paper on Kerala’s fiscal health, tabled in the State Legislative Assembly on June 4, has reopened the debate on whether the State should have nuclear power plants to boost internal power generation.https://t.co/lmjRZHQp2q
According to the report, Kerala has violated the basic principle of public finance that governments should “borrow to invest, and growth will repay.” Instead, borrowing increasingly financed consumption and recurring expenditure rather than productive investments. As a result, the state’s growth-generating capacity weakened while debt continued to pile up.
The White Paper comes at a politically significant moment. It has been projected by the UDF as an honest assessment of the state’s finances and as a roadmap for future corrective action. However, it also opens up a larger political debate: whether Congress governments across India have developed a pattern of blaming previous administrations for financial troubles and then finding themselves trapped by similar fiscal challenges after coming to power.
How LDF ruined Kerala’s economy in the last ten years
The most striking finding of the White Paper is the scale of Kerala’s public debt. According to the report, total public debt has ballooned to ₹5.07 lakh crore. Such a large debt burden means a significant portion of the state’s resources now goes toward servicing old liabilities rather than creating new assets or funding development projects.
An excerpt from the report
The report argues that the financial situation has reached a stage where future governments will continue to carry the burden of decisions taken during the previous decade. Rising debt has translated into rising interest obligations, creating a vicious cycle in which more borrowing is required merely to meet existing commitments.
Another major concern highlighted in the report is the state’s committed expenditure. Nearly 77% of total revenue receipts are already pre-committed to salaries, pensions and interest payments. This leaves very little fiscal space for fresh development initiatives, infrastructure creation or social sector investments.
Interest payments alone account for more than one-fifth of the state’s revenue receipts. In practical terms, this means a substantial amount of taxpayer money is being spent simply to service old debt.
The report also points to Kerala’s poor capital expenditure performance. Capital expenditure is often considered one of the most important indicators of long-term economic health because it creates infrastructure and productive assets that generate future growth. However, Kerala’s capital expenditure has fallen to just 1.3% of GSDP, among the lowest levels in the country.
An excerpt from the report
The White Paper argues that this trend directly contradicts the justification often offered for high borrowing. Governments generally defend borrowing by claiming that the funds are being invested in projects that will generate future growth. However, when capital expenditure remains low despite high borrowing, the benefits of such borrowing become difficult to justify.
KIIFB under the scanner
A major portion of the report focuses on the role of the Kerala Infrastructure Investment Fund Board (KIIFB), a flagship institution promoted during the LDF era.
An excerpt from the report
The White Paper describes KIIFB as a “parallel fiscal authority” and argues that it contributed significantly to Kerala’s present liabilities. According to the report, KIIFB has left the state with financial obligations worth around ₹56,000 crore. Of this amount, nearly ₹21,000 crore relates to loan liabilities while another ₹35,000 crore is linked to projects currently in the pipeline.
The report also raises questions about the geographical distribution of KIIFB spending. It alleges that more than 20% of KIIFB funds were concentrated in Kannur, a district widely considered a political stronghold of the CPI(M). The implication is that political considerations may have influenced investment decisions.
The White Paper further argues that many KIIFB-funded projects increased liabilities without creating sufficient economic returns to justify the costs.
Massive pending liabilities
The UDF government has also highlighted what it calls inherited payment arrears worth ₹48,733 crore. These include substantial Dearness Allowance (DA) and Dearness Relief (DR) arrears owed to government employees and pensioners. The report suggests that the state delayed payments to manage immediate fiscal pressures, effectively pushing liabilities into the future.
As a result, the new government faces the challenge of honouring commitments made years ago while simultaneously trying to stabilise public finances.
A familiar political pattern of Congress-led government
While the Kerala White Paper directly targets the previous LDF government, Congress governments elsewhere have adopted a similar political approach. The pattern, they often begins with blaming the previous administration for financial distress and then, after coming to power, launching expansive welfare schemes and election promises that place additional pressure on state finances.
The results are clearly visible in prominent states such as Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh, where Congress governments have repeatedly cited inherited debt and financial stress while simultaneously struggling to fund their own commitments.
From South India to North India, the story has remained remarkably similar: blame the previous government, announce ambitious welfare guarantees, and then face mounting fiscal challenges when revenue growth fails to keep pace with expenditure.
Karnataka: From revenue surplus to fiscal stress
Karnataka can be seen as a warning about the long-term consequences of aggressive welfare spending without adequate fiscal planning.
When the BJP government under Basavaraj Bommai presented its budget in 2023, Karnataka was in a relatively comfortable fiscal position. The state recorded a revenue surplus and maintained a balance between welfare spending and infrastructure investment.
The budget allocated significant resources to agriculture, education, irrigation and infrastructure projects while avoiding major fiscal disruptions. Education alone received allocations exceeding ₹37,000 crore. Major irrigation projects such as Upper Bhadra and Kalasa-Banduri also received substantial funding.
However, after the Congress government led by Siddaramaiah came to power, it implemented its five flagship guarantee schemes, Gruha Lakshmi, Gruha Jyoti, Anna Bhagya, Shakti and Yuva Nidhi.
These schemes formed the core of Congress’s election campaign and were credited with helping the party secure a decisive victory.
According to a report by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) released last year, the guarantee schemes alone carried a budgetary provision of ₹36,538 crore in 2023-24, equivalent to around 15% of the state’s total revenue expenditure.
Karnataka state government has borrowed Rs 63,000 Crore to finance the guarantee schemes and the resulting deficits. This is Rs 37,000 crore higher than last year's net debt of Rs 26,000 crore, a CAG report stated.
Of the capital expenditure earmarked for infrastructure in…
The impact on Karnataka’s finances was shocking. Revenue grew by only 1.86% while expenditure surged by 12.54%. The state slipped into a revenue deficit of ₹9,271 crore.
The fiscal deficit rose sharply from ₹46,623 crore in 2022-23 to ₹65,522 crore in 2023-24. To bridge the gap, Karnataka borrowed nearly ₹63,000 crore from the market, almost two and a half times the borrowing of the previous year.
Meanwhile, capital expenditure fell substantially, leading to delays and unfinished infrastructure projects.
Congress leaders themselves sound alarm bells
Perhaps the strongest criticism of Karnataka’s financial position has come from within the Congress ecosystem itself.
On 11th July, 2024, Siddaramaiah’s financial advisor, Basavaraj Rayareddy, openly acknowledged the strain on state finances.
“Many MLAs are demanding funds for development works in their constituencies; however, there is no money with the government. We are spending approximately Rs 65,000 crore on guarantee schemes,” he said.
#BREAKING | Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah's economic advisor Basavaraj Rayareddy states that guarantees have become a huge burden.
"As we have directed Rs 58,000 Cr for guarantees it has become a huge financial burden to us. We are holding discussions on what to do. In the primary… pic.twitter.com/AkiiffHNps
He added: “People want development. But believe me, there is absolutely no money.”
The remarks triggered a major political debate because they appeared to confirm what opposition parties had been alleging for months.
Congress’s freebies have even resulted in internal strife. There are some Congress leaders who claim that the schemes failed to provide the electoral returns anticipated, and there are doubts about whether such lavish expenditure was worth the price.
The financial strain has been acknowledged on several occasions by senior Congress leaders themselves. CM DK Shivakumar admitted in July 2023 that the government was finding it difficult to have funds for development because ₹40,000 crore had to be kept aside for party’s guarantees.
These admissions have been used by critics to argue that Karnataka’s fiscal stress is no longer merely an opposition talking point.
The impact on infrastructure
As expenditure on welfare schemes increased, concerns emerged regarding infrastructure spending.
The CAG noted a decline in capital expenditure and a sharp rise in incomplete projects. Critics argue that resources which could have gone toward roads, irrigation, transport and industrial infrastructure are increasingly being diverted toward recurring welfare obligations.
The situation has also affected state-owned transport corporations. Under the Shakti scheme, women are provided free bus travel. However, transport corporations later reported significant financial pressures and delayed obligations.
KSRTC salary crisis: how ‘Shakti’ broke public transport
Earlier, in August last year, workers of the Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation (KSRTC) and Bengaluru Metropolitan Transport Corporation (BMTC) went on a strike against unpaid salary revisions and arrears.
They were demanding a 25% hike in salary and payment of arrears for 38 months, which totals ₹1,800 crore. The state government, however, proposed to settle arrears of just 14 months due to financial constraints.
What infuriated workers was that their salaries were being withheld even while the government was spending thousands of crores on the Shakti scheme, under which women get free bus travel. The Congress government owes ₹1,600 crore to the four state-owned transport corporations (KSRTC, BMTC, NWKRTC, KKRTC) for carrying out Shakti.
The debate in Karnataka has therefore evolved into a broader question: how should governments balance welfare commitments with long-term development spending?
Himachal Pradesh: A similar story in the hills
The financial debate surrounding Congress governments is not limited to South states only.
In Himachal Pradesh, where Congress came to power under Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu in December 2022, concerns over fiscal stress have repeatedly surfaced.
Before the election, Congress promised a range of welfare measures, including free electricity, monthly financial assistance for women, restoration of the Old Pension Scheme, government jobs and several subsidy-based initiatives. After coming to power, however, the state increasingly faced fiscal pressures.
Reports emerged of difficulties in meeting salary and pension obligations. The government reportedly struggled with monthly commitments of nearly ₹2,000 crore toward salaries and pensions alone.
At one stage, delays in salary and pension payments affected hundreds of thousands of employees and retirees, sparking a major political controversy. The state also resorted to additional borrowing to meet expenditure requirements.
New taxes, higher charges and cost-cutting measures
As fiscal pressures mounted, the Himachal government introduced several measures aimed at increasing revenue.
The Assembly approved amendments introducing environmental cess and milk cess. The government also reduced some subsidy benefits and increased certain user charges.
Opposition leaders accused the government of burdening ordinary citizens after winning elections on promises of generous welfare schemes. Among the controversial decisions were the withdrawal of some free power benefits, higher diesel prices and increased water charges in rural areas. The government also explored new revenue sources, including discussions around regulated cannabis cultivation for industrial and medicinal purposes.
These measures are evidence that the state’s finances were under severe stress.
Even temple trusts drawn into the debate
One of the most politically sensitive controversies emerged when a notification encouraged temple trusts to contribute funds toward welfare schemes such as the Mukhyamantri Sukh-Aashray Yojana and Mukhyamantri Sukh Shiksha Yojana.
The move generated intense political reactions and became another symbol cited by opponents who argue that the state government is struggling to finance its welfare commitments.
Ally with those who hold Sanatan in contempt, oppose legal moves that will allow sanatanis to regain control of their places of worship but then without batting an eyelid, also milk Sanatanis for funds. Indeed, Congress government in Himachal has called on temples to release… pic.twitter.com/o3GWXoNhiY
Meanwhile, Chief Minister Sukhu has continued to argue that much of the state’s debt burden was inherited and that a large portion of recent borrowing has gone toward repaying old loans and interest obligations.
The same blame game in Kerala, Karnataka, and Himachal
The Kerala White Paper has reignited a broader pattern of blame game and about fiscal responsibility and freebies politics.
The Congress-led UDF government in Kerala has presented the report as evidence of financial mismanagement under the previous LDF administration. The document highlights rising debt, mounting liabilities, low capital expenditure and structural weaknesses in the state’s finances.
However, similar explanations have been offered by Congress governments in Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh after assuming power. In both states, the previous governments were blamed for fiscal difficulties, but concerns later emerged regarding the sustainability of new welfare commitments and the resulting pressure on public finances.
As Kerala begins examining the financial legacy of the past decade under the LDF through its White Paper, the experiences of Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh are likely to remain central to the debate.
The much-awaited Cockcroach Janta Party (CJP) protest was organised at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi on Saturday (6th June). With all the social media hype around the protest, it was expected that at least thousands of supporters of the CJP, which has millions of followers on social media, would attend the protest. However, the protest turned out to be a flop show, with very few people gathering at the site. The protestors were outnumbered by media persons and the police personnel.
Interestingly, many of the CJP supporters, who came to protest, had little idea about the agenda and purpose of the protest. While the CJP had claimed that the protest was being organised against the central government, especially the education minister, over recent issues like NEET and CBSE exams, anti-national slogans of Azadi-Azadi were raised during the protests. When some journalists tried speaking to the protestors to understand their agenda and questioned the anti-national slogans being raised by CJP supporters, they were heckled and intimidated. Many protestors pushed and hounded journalists who were only doing their jobs.
OpIndia journalist Anurag Mishra had a similar experience at the protests when he tried to speak to the CJP supporters regarding their demands. The CJP supporters, who claim to be fighting for the freedom of expression, surrounded Anurag Mishra and started shouting slogans calling him “Godi Media”. Mishra had merely asked the CJP supporters why the turnout at the ground was so low while the CJP has millions of followers on social media. The CJP supporters got irritated by the question and started intimidating and shouting at him.
A few days ago, these cockroaches were abusing PM Modi for "not taking questions."
Now, the same cockroaches tried to heckle @OpIndia_com reporter for asking questions, while calling him "Godi Media."
The OpIndia journalist was not the only one who was nearly assaulted by CJP supporters at the protest site; another journalist from Zee News also had a similar experience. The journalist was covering the protest when several CJP protestors came charging at him, raising slogans of “Godi Media”. As the situation grew tense, some police personnel intervened and rescued the journalist.
Some women journalists had a tough time covering the protests as they were harassed by CJP supporters. In a viral video, CJP protestors were seen encircling a woman journalist, shouting slogans and showing her an obscene gesture.
CJP Supporters showing middle finger to Female Journalist.
Another woman journalist was also targeted by CJP hooligans, who heckled her as she was trying to cover the protests, accusing her of being a government agent. One of the CJP protestors taunted her, saying, “Modi (PM Modi) must have handed her a ₹500 note”, as others shouted slogans at her.
एक महिला पत्रकार को भी भारी विरोध का सामना करना पड़ा है। मोदी जी के चेले..मोदीजी के चेले… कहकर कुछ Cockroaches ने विरोध किया है। Godi Media कहकर बुलाया गया है।
Similarly, a News24 journalist was pushed around and hounded by CJP supporters as he was trying to ask them questions. The journalist tried to reason with the protestors, but they kept shouting slogans of “Shame, Shame” and “Godi Media Vapas Jao” (Go Back Godi Media).
The same News24 that is known for its AAP/CJP-friendly coverage saw its own journalist get beaten up by CJP supporters today 🤣
In yet another incident, an ABP journalist was roughed up by the CJP supporters as he was trying to speak to them. The journalist displayed great calm despite being pushed and shoved by protestors, who were aggressively shouting provocative slogans.
इसके जिम्मेदार अंजना, रूबिका, चित्रा, सुधीर जैसे लोग हैं। भुगतना फील्ड रिपोर्टर को पड़ता है। इस बहादुर रिपोर्टर की सहनशीलता को नमन है, जिन्होने सारी आवाजों को इग्नोर कर अपने Work पर फोकस रखा। pic.twitter.com/EBQkC731Qz
These incidents of journalists who came to cover the protests being heckled by CJP supporters expose the hypocrisy of CJP leaders, who portrayed the entire campaign against the government and the protest as an attempt to ‘raise a voice’ or ‘to be heard’. On the one hand, the party wants to ask questions to the government and fight for the freedom of expression and liberal values, and on the other hand, its supporters harass and intimidate people asking questions to them.
Union Minister for Petroleum and Natural Gas Hardeep Singh Puri launched E85 fuel at an Indian Oil retail outlet in New Delhi on World Environment Day, June 5, 2026. Senior officials from the Ministry and CMDs of public sector oil marketing companies (OMCs) attended the event. The launch marks the commencement of E85 rollout across 48 retail outlets of Public Sector OMCs, with plans for nationwide expansion to around 500 outlets by December 2026 and about 5,000 by December 2027, enabling flex-fuel vehicle users to access this cleaner fuel. This initiative is expected to help raise India’s aggregate ethanol blending levels to nearly 26 per cent by 2030-31.
E85 is a high-ethanol blended fuel comprising 80–85 per cent ethanol and 14–19 per cent petrol. It is specifically designed for use in flex-fuel vehicles (FFVs), which are capable of operating on ethanol blends ranging from E20 all the way to E100 without restricting consumers to a single blend. Ethanol for this fuel is produced domestically primarily from sugarcane and other agricultural feedstocks, supporting farmers and reducing reliance on imported crude oil.
Public sector OMCs such as Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum are leading the production and distribution in collaboration with ethanol suppliers under the government’s Ethanol Blended Petrol (EBP) programme. This builds on the successful increase in ethanol blending from just 1.53 per cent in 2014 to 20 per cent today, achieved five years ahead of schedule, which has already saved over ₹1.84 lakh crore in foreign exchange and substituted nearly 302 lakh metric tonnes of crude oil imports.
In Delhi, E85 is priced nearly ₹20 per litre lower than conventional E20 petrol, passing on the economic benefits of domestically produced ethanol directly to consumers. For instance, it is available at around ₹82 per litre compared to higher prices for regular petrol. This lower price is the result of ethanol’s production economics, though its lower energy density means vehicles may experience a noticeable drop in mileage.
Beyond cost savings, E85 offers substantial environmental advantages. Flex-fuel vehicles running on E85 can reduce lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions by around 61 per cent compared to conventional petrol vehicles. With ethanol’s high Research Octane Number (RON) of about 108, it provides superior knock resistance, enabling engines to run at higher compression ratios and optimised ignition timing for better performance. Higher ethanol blends also promote cleaner and more complete combustion, resulting in near-zero particulate matter emissions that significantly improve urban air quality.
E85 compatible vehicles
Only specially designed flex-fuel vehicles (FFVs) can safely use E85. Standard petrol vehicles, including most E20-compliant models on Indian roads, are not compatible. Using E85 in non-FFVs risks corrosion of fuel system components, damage to seals and hoses, starting issues in cold weather, and overall performance degradation.
Flex-fuel vehicles feature modified engines, fuel lines, injectors, pumps, and sensors engineered to handle the corrosive properties and different combustion characteristics of high-ethanol fuels. They offer the flexibility to run on any blend from E20 to E85 (or even E100 in some cases) depending on availability.
Prominent flex-fuel models already introduced or showcased include Maruti Suzuki’s WagonR Flex Fuel, India’s first mass-market flex-fuel passenger car, which supports blends up to E85 and has been positioned for commercial buyers initially. Hero MotoCorp has launched flex-fuel variants of popular motorcycles such as the Splendor+ Flex Fuel and HF Deluxe Flex Fuel. A Toyota Innova flex-fuel model was also unveiled in 2023.
Other models like the Maruti Suzuki Fronx Flex Fuel are expected in the coming months, prototypes of which were already demonstrated. More two-wheeler and four-wheeler FFVs from various manufacturers are anticipated as the ecosystem matures. Automakers including Maruti Suzuki and Hero MotoCorp are actively supporting the transition, with industry associations on board. Most models contain the words Flex Fuel in their names, to avoid any confusion.
Minister Hardeep Singh Puri emphasised that E85 is meant exclusively for these specially designed flex-fuel vehicles and not for normal petrol cars. He addressed common misconceptions by noting that since E20 became the standard fuel, there has not been a single reported case of engine failure or vehicle breakdown due to ethanol blending. E20-compatible vehicles often deliver improved acceleration and better ride quality, especially in city conditions, and ethanol use does not affect vehicle insurance validity.
FFVs also remain competitive with electric vehicles due to lower upfront costs and utilisation of existing infrastructure, while relying on domestically produced ethanol from Indian farmers rather than imported batteries and minerals.
If 50 per cent of new two-wheelers and four-wheelers transition to flex-fuel technology, it could generate demand for over 312 crore litres of ethanol annually, directing nearly ₹12,403 crore directly to farmers, saving about ₹15,151 crore in foreign exchange, and reducing CO2 emissions by 66.4 lakh metric tonnes. The initiative draws inspiration from Brazil’s successful experience, where over 80 per cent of the light vehicle fleet operates on flex-fuel technology. States have been urged to support the shift through favourable taxation policies for E85 and FFVs.
This launch advances India’s broader biofuel strategy and Atmanirbhar Bharat goals by reducing oil imports, boosting rural economies, and promoting cleaner mobility. E85 will be dispensed from dedicated pumps to prevent misuse. While initial availability is limited and most existing vehicles will continue using E20 petrol, the expanding FFV options and infrastructure promise greater choices for consumers seeking cheaper, greener fuel.
Recently, the newly elected BJP government in West Bengal intensified action against illegal immigrants in the state, directing the state authorities to ‘detect, delete and deport’ those residing in the state illegally. For decades, West Bengal has been reeling under the effects of rising population, crumbling law and order and a rapidly changing demography. The stiff stance of the state government against illegal immigrants has irked the usual suspects, the champions of selective human rights, whose idea of human rights never aligns with national interests.
Senior Advocate Sanjay Hegde recently wrote an article published in the Deccan Herald, lashing out at the West Bengal government for deporting illegal immigrants residing in the state. The article is nothing but a sophisticated rant against the Indian government’s hardened stance against illegal immigrants. The article contains every element of a catchy piece, from sob stories and emotional appeals to legal jargon, except reasonableness and common sense.
An emotional appeal to cover a legal wrong
In the article, Hedge picks out an example of an Indian family allegedly deported to Bangladesh by the Indian authorities on suspicion of being illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. To suggest that the Indian authorities displayed insensitivity in deporting immigrant families who entered and have been living in the country illegally, Hegde carefully picks out this story where the woman, as claimed by him, was pregnant. He writes how, when he approached the Supreme Court, challenging the action of the Indian authorities, the court allowed the pregnant woman to be brought back to India on humanitarian grounds.
The court’s decision to allow relief to an illegal immigrant on humanitarian grounds does not render the action of the authorities invalid. Just because the Supreme Court displayed empathy and sensitivity and permitted a pregnant illegal immigrant to stay in the country while clearly stating that the case should not be used as a precedent, does not strike at the core of the policy for the deportation of illegal immigrants. Courts often grant relief when procedural safeguards were not followed in a particular case. That does not establish that every person removed in the operation was an Indian citizen or that every action taken by authorities was unlawful.
The courts in India have time and again reiterated that illegal immigrants have no right to stay in India, noting that it causes a grave threat to the internal and external security of the country. Many of the illegal immigrants living in India have been found involved in serious criminal activities such as robberies, drug smuggling, and human trafficking. India, being a sovereign country, has every right to decide who enters its borders, who stays, and who should be deported in accordance with the law of the land. While Hegde tries to argue against the policy of deportation of illegal immigrants by highlighting legalities, he misses the broader logic underlying the policy, which is that no illegal immigrant can claim a right to remain on Indian territory.
Besides, it is a basic principle of law that ‘He who comes into equity must come with clean hands’. The legal principle implies that one cannot be allowed to benefit from one’s own wrong. The principle prevents people from exploiting the law to benefit from their wrongdoings or to achieve illegal ends. The illegal immigrants who manage to enter the borders of India by whatever means cannot later claim a right to continue to reside in the country just because they had lived in the country illegally for decades, or because their children were born here. Illegal presence on Indian territory cannot be a ground to claim citizenship or the right to stay in the country.
Burden on the country’s already strained resources
Hegde criticised West Bengal CM Suvendu Adhikari’s decision that women who were removed from the state’s electoral roll will not receive benefits under the Annapurna Yojana unless their appeals are under consideration by, or have been accepted by, the appellate tribunals. The rationale behind the CM’s decision was that the benefits under the scheme should not go to any non-citizen.
It should not be forgotten that illegal immigrants consume the country’s resources in a parasitic manner without making any contribution. They put a burden on the limited resources of the country, which has a sizable population to feed and maintain. It is not far-fetched to state that the resources do not reach the people they are meant for because they get exhausted by a large number of undeserving infiltrators. Their presence on the Indian territory is a continuing injustice to the people of the country, who toil to make the country what it is and do not infiltrate into other, more prosperous countries to feed on their resources.
The West Bengal government has made an exception for women who have appealed against their removal from the electoral rolls. If such women can prove their identities, they will be included within the ambit of the scheme. The caution taken by the state government is not uncalled for. Many reports have revealed how thousands of illegal immigrants have forged Indian identity cards with the help of local politicians and have even cast votes in local elections. In such a scenario, government scrutiny is warranted to make sure that the country’s resources are not squandered on illegal immigrants.
Procedures are important and necessary
Hegde rightly points out that removal from the electoral roll does not mean stripping of citizenship. He also laments how people have to go through lengthy procedures to get their names included in the electoral rolls or to get any other identity documents made. As far as Hedge’s lament regarding complex procedures is concerned, it cannot be stressed enough how procedures are important and necessary in a country with such a vast population.
The government cannot just assume that everyone residing in the Indian territory is an Indian citizen. No infiltrator or illegal immigrant living in the country would admit their real identity. There is no other practical way but to put the onus on the citizens of the country to produce evidence of their citizenship whenever they are asked to. This is not some arbitrary government diktat but has legal and statutory backing. Statutes like the Foreigners Act, 1946, the Citizenship Act, 1955 and the Indian Passport Act, 1920 lay down the framework for ascertaining the identities of citizens and non-citizens.
Procedures are not something unique to India; every sovereign country with a functioning democracy has a system in place to ensure people’s identities and regulate the movement of people across its borders. One cannot expect the government to verify the identities of people or conduct a background check every time they want to avail themselves of a facility. That’s where identity cards come in. Citizens go through procedures, get their identity cards made and show them whenever they are asked to so that they don’t have to keep proving their identities again and again. It can’t get simpler than that.
Procedures do not exist without a reason; they serve a purpose. There is a procedure to get a ration card, a birth certificate, a voter ID card, a passport and so on, because for a system to run efficiently, honesty or goodness cannot be assumed on people’s part. They can be complex and tiring, but they are a necessary evil.
A generous neighbour is not a permanent refuge
Be it Bangladeshis or Rohingyas or any other people from our neighbourhood, India cannot be used as a convenient backup for people who failed to make their countries worth living in. The people of India, after enduring decades of colonisation, built not just a functional but thriving democracy with their grit and determination, while most of their neighbours failed to do so. Despite facing hostilities from some neighbouring states, India has always acted like a generous and responsible neighbour and stood by its neighbours through thick and thin. But the country has every right to protect its people and resources from being exploited by non-citizens, and no law can prevent it from doing so.
Anything worth having requires time, effort and vigilance. In a country of billions of people, one cannot expect things to be delivered to oneself without the slightest inconvenience. India is a democracy, and in a democracy, it’s the people who make the system work. It is imperative for any functioning government to keep a watch on the movement of people in and out of the country. Because it is the government that is accountable in case of any mishap. Anything good or valuable needs to be safeguarded with constant vigilance, just like how our security forces safeguard the border without relying on the goodness or honesty of our enemies.
On Saturday (6th June), the Cockroach Janta Pary (CJP) held its much-anticipated ‘protest’ at the Jantar Mantar in Delhi. AAP worker turned CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke landed in India from the United States to lead the protests. Several AAP cheerleaders, masquerading as neutral, anti-establishment crusaders, also flocked in large numbers to the protest site in the hopes of getting political mileage. While the congregation of cockroaches was about demanding ‘accountability’ from the government over CBSE and NEET controversy, the politically motivated agenda was crystal clear from the start.
The picture of a woman, however, caught the sight of many protestors. Unlike the brown-skinned protestors, this variant had blonde hair and white skin. Social media user Sameer inquired, “What is a foreigner doing at the protest? Tourist visa doesn’t allow any such activity & @DelhiPolice must immediately take action. Cancel her visa and deport her.”
Soon, the identity of the white woman became evident. She was Hannah Ellis-Petersen, the South Asian correspondent of the British daily, The Guardian.
What is a foreigner doing at the protest? Tourist visa doesn’t allow any such activity & @DelhiPolice must immediately take action
Hannah Ellis-Petersen has a history of downplaying love jihad and falsely associating alleged cases of ‘honour killings’ as consequences of the phenomenon. During the anti-CAA protests in January 2020, she was busy presenting a distorted version of the Citizenship Amendment Act to the readers of The Guardian.
Instead of highlighting how the law seeks to fast-track the citizenship of persecuted religious minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who have been staying illegally in India, the propaganda artist claimed that a women-led protest against the humanitarian law was somehow a counter-narrative of ‘toxic masculinity of Modi’s Hindutva politics.’
Screengrab of the tweets by Hannah Ellis-Petersen
She also attempted to give a clean chit to the Islamists, who ran riots in the National Capital in February 2020, by labelling the anti-Hindu carnage as a ‘clash between Hindus and Muslims.’
Hannah Ellis-Petersen had also lamented how the riots did not affect the US-India ties and instead, the Modi government received praise for upholding religious freedom in the country from the President of the United States.
The ‘journalist’ falsely presented restrictions on the wearing of religious clothing in Karnataka schools as ‘hijab ban’ in South India. She also claimed that the reclamation of disputed structures built on top of Hindu temple was ‘Hindu nationalists rewriting India’s history.’
Screengrab of the tweets by Hannah Ellis-Petersen
Hannah Ellis-Petersen also wrote several provocative pieces for The Guardian where she tried to guilt-trip Hindus for the Ram Janmabhoomi verdict and the Pran Prathistha of the Ram Mandir. She also tried to dilute the significance of the events by referencing the disputed structure that once stood atop the grand Hindu temple.
Moreover, the propaganda artist linked the outbreak of violence in Leicester City of England in 2022 with ‘Hindu nationalism’, despite no evidence for the same.
In reality, the Centre for Democracy, Pluralism and Human Rights (CDPHR) in its fact-finding report pointed out that Islamists weaponised misinformation in Lecister, committed human rights violations against Hindus and attempted ethnic cleansing that resulted in the temporary displacement of Hindu families.
“Institutional Hinduphobia and bias was deduced through the analysis of the reporting of the Leicester unrest by the media houses BBC and the Guardian when compared to the verified police reports, witness accounts and corroborating reports from think tanks,” the report had said.
The propaganda of Hannah Ellis-Petersen is not limited to shaming the Hindu community or downplaying atrocities committed against them by Islamists. She has authored articles, wherein she dehumanised Hindus participating in Kumbh Mela as ‘Covid superspreaders’ despite no evidence to back her claims.
Typical propagandist she is, far from journalism. She is writing hit job on you and few more. Eventually will publish in a series, whether you gove remarks or not. pic.twitter.com/GCBZMmuozg
The ‘journalist’ had also given a clean chit to the actual superspreaders of Covid-19 aka the members of the Tablighi Jamaat, who at one time accounted for 30% of all cases of Coronavirus in the country.
Here’s an important — sensitive, powerful, and moving — truth-telling podcast by The Guardian’s South Asia Correspondent, Hannah Ellis-Petersen. Caution: Listeners may find this distressing: “India’s Covid disaster: a crisis for the world”: https://t.co/tlQRsIHilW
Nonetheless, her grim presentation and eventual fearmongering about India’s Covid-19 situation in 2021 drew praise from ‘journalist’ turned ‘document cropper’ N Ram, infamous for peddling disinformation about the Rafael deal.
In March 2024, OpIndia had stonewalled Hannah Ellis-Petersen’s hit-job attempt against Hindu activist Kajal Hindustani. A month later, she co-authored a contentious article (archive) titled ‘Indian government ordered killings in Pakistan, intelligence officials claim.’
At the very onset, it described Pakistani terrorists as ‘individuals’ who were supposedly assassinated by the Indian government. It relied heavily on anonymous sources, particularly from the Pakistani intelligence, to demonise PM Modi as a facilitator of ‘extra-territorial killings.’ In doing so, The Guardian ended up acknowledging him as a defender of India’s security interests from external threats.
Screengrab of the article by The Guardian
Interestingly, Hannah Ellis-Petersen had also turned down the offer of OpIndia’s Editor-in-Chief, Nupur J Sharma, for a livestreamed debate. She was, however, part of a brain-dead documentary, aimed at peddling disinformation about Hindus and India.
On Friday, 5th June, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Larsen & Toubro’s (L&T) massive manufacturing complex at Hazira in Gujarat, highlighting the growing role of Indian industry in strengthening the country’s defence and strategic manufacturing capabilities. The visit was part of his broader Gujarat tour and marked his first trip to the facility in nearly seven years.
During the visit, the Prime Minister reviewed several indigenous technologies and defence platforms being developed at the Hazira complex. The facility has emerged as one of India’s most important centres for heavy engineering, defence manufacturing and strategic industrial production. Modi spent several hours at the plant and interacted with officials while examining some of the advanced systems being produced there.
PM Modi shares glimpses from Hazira visit
Soon after the visit, the Prime Minister shared photographs and details on X, praising the role played by L&T in advancing India’s self-reliance goals.
“This afternoon, went to the L&T complex at Hazira. Witnessed some of their pioneering innovations across differegunt sectors. The role played by L&T in furthering self-reliance in the defence sector is commendable,” Modi wrote.
This afternoon, went to the L&T complex at Hazira. Witnessed some of their pioneering innovations across different sectors. The role played by L&T in furthering self-reliance in the defence sector is commendable.@larsentoubropic.twitter.com/FZ6eOhTDXF
Among the photographs shared by the Prime Minister, one image attracted particular attention on social media. It showed him standing beside a giant nuclear steam generator manufactured at the Hazira facility in Gujarat. The photograph sparked widespread discussion because these steam generators are among the most sophisticated pieces of equipment manufactured by Indian industry and are critical for the country’s nuclear energy programme.
Here are some more glimpses from the visit to the L&T complex in Hazira, Gujarat. pic.twitter.com/NZjUq70NlD
The steam generator seen in one of the photographs shared by the Prime Minister has an important place in India’s nuclear manufacturing journey. L&T had manufactured its first indigenous 700 MW nuclear steam generator at the Hazira facility in 2022.
A nuclear steam generator is essentially a giant heat exchanger used inside nuclear power plants. It plays a critical role in converting the heat produced inside a nuclear reactor into steam, which is then used to generate electricity.
The reactor core produces enormous amounts of heat. That heat is carried by a coolant system to the steam generator. Inside the steam generator, the heat is transferred to water in a separate circuit, converting it into high-pressure steam. This steam then drives large turbines connected to generators that produce electricity.
Without steam generators, the heat generated inside a nuclear reactor cannot be converted efficiently into usable electrical power.
The steam generators being manufactured at Hazira are designed for India’s indigenously developed 700 MW Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs), which form the backbone of the country’s future nuclear expansion plans.
What you see behind PM Modi is a 700 MW nuclear steam generator, indigenously manufactured in India. Only a handful of countries can manufacture these at scale. For a nuclear engineer, this photograph is actually more impressive than most missile or aircraft photos. It represents… pic.twitter.com/yCuRsJMXue
Why is this manufacturing capability important in India?
The ability to manufacture such massive nuclear components inside India is strategically important for several reasons.
It strengthens the government’s vision of Aatmanirbhar Bharat by reducing dependence on foreign suppliers for critical nuclear equipment.
It allows India to accelerate the construction of new nuclear power plants without being constrained by imports or international supply chain disruptions.
Manufacturing these components domestically helps develop advanced engineering expertise and creates thousands of highly skilled jobs.
India has set ambitious goals for expanding its nuclear energy capacity in the coming decades. The government aims to significantly increase nuclear power generation as part of its strategy to meet rising electricity demand while reducing carbon emissions.
The Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) is currently building a fleet of indigenously designed 700 MW reactors at multiple locations across the country. Steam generators manufactured by companies such as L&T and BHEL are critical components for these projects.
L&T’s Heavy Engineering division has already dispatched multiple 700 MW steam generators ahead of schedule for NPCIL projects. The company manufactures these components at its advanced facilities in Hazira and Vadodara.
Supporting India’s Nuclear expansion
The steam generator that attracted attention during Modi’s visit is part of a broader effort to support India’s long-term nuclear energy ambitions.
According to NPCIL, the successful manufacturing and dispatch of these components strengthens India’s plan to achieve major growth in nuclear power generation by 2047. Industry experts note that the ability to produce these highly specialised systems domestically places India among a relatively small group of countries with advanced nuclear manufacturing capabilities.
Defence platforms also featured during the visit
While the steam generator attracted significant attention, it was only one of many strategic technologies reviewed by the Prime Minister.
The Hazira facility is widely known as the largest private-sector manufacturer of tracked armoured vehicles in India. It has played a major role in producing the Indian Army’s K-9 Vajra self-propelled artillery systems.
This afternoon, went to the L&T complex at Hazira. Witnessed some of their pioneering innovations across different sectors. The role played by L&T in furthering self-reliance in the defence sector is commendable.@larsentoubropic.twitter.com/FZ6eOhTDXF
L&T has already delivered 100 K-9 Vajra artillery guns to the Indian Army. Several of these systems have been deployed in the high-altitude regions of Eastern Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control. The government has also approved the procurement of another 100 units.
The facility also became nationally significant after the rollout of the indigenous Zorawar light tank. Developed in just 19 months, the Zorawar has been specifically designed for high-altitude warfare in the Himalayan region and is currently undergoing trials.
In addition, Hazira is a key centre for L&T’s participation in the Indian Army’s Futuristic Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV) programme, which aims to replace the ageing BMP-2 fleet.
The Prime Minister’s visit to Hazira highlighted how India’s industrial ecosystem is increasingly supporting both strategic defence requirements and critical energy infrastructure.
From advanced artillery systems and indigenous tanks to sophisticated nuclear steam generators, the facility represents the broader push towards self-reliance in sectors that were once heavily dependent on foreign technology.
The controversial Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) is set to protest at the Jantar Mantar in Delhi today (6th June). The CJP founder, Abhijeet Dipke, had urged the party’s supporters to gather in large numbers at the Jantar Mantar to hold a protest against the government.
In a recent press conference, the party’s spokespersons revealed that they deliberately did not seek the permission of the Delhi Police for the protest, as this is the ‘system’ they plan to protest against.
For the past few days, CJP supporters have been trying to create a buzz on social media about the illegal protest. While Dipke, who was associated with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), and the CJP spokespersons have been claiming that they plan to organise a peaceful protest, the views expressed by the party’s supporters on social media hint at the opposite. The CJP leadership had enough time to take the necessary permission from the Delhi Police to organise the protest. But the fact that they chose to defy the rules meant for upholding law and order exposes the intent of the CJP leaders.
OpIndia came across several comments from CJP supporters on social media, in which they were seen directly and indirectly calling for violence during the protests. Here are some of the comments posted by CJP supporters on social media about the protest:
Calls for bloodshed and violence
In response to a few Reddit posts urging people to join the CJP’s illegal protest, a CJP supporter made a clear call for violence during the protests. “This cursed government will not go down without bloodshed and violence,” the CJP supporter wrote.
Screenshot via Reddit
Another comment from the same Reddit account justified violence during the protests, saying, “People in power are goons and use every available tools, and if these goons are this stupid, then it’s only going to violent movement”.
Screenshot via Reddit
Wishing for a Nepal-like Gen Z protest in India
Another CJP supporter wished for a Nepal-like situation where a recent Gen Z-led violent protest pushed the country into a state of anarchy and overthrew the previous government. “But in Nepal, the youths they have joined the protests without worrying about the police or lathicharge. Even Indian youths should have a stronger belief for the unity,” the CJP supporter wrote, encouraging Indian youngesters to take part in the illegal protest.
Screenshot via Reddit
Nepal is not known for a strong democracy or stable government. Very few of its Prime Ministers have been able to serve their full terms. The country has a history of governments being ousted through revolutions. India, on the other hand, has been a thriving democracy where change in power has always come through elections.
Hoping for “crazy things” to happen during the illegal protests
One of the CJP supporters expressed excitement over the possibility of “crazy things” happening during the protest. “I’m going, and I’ll flood Instagram with stories because crazy things are about to happen for sure,” the CJP supporters wrote. The supporter was sure that something
Screenshot via Reddit
Calling for the overthrow of the Indian judiciary
The intentions of the CJP supporters are limited to overthrowing the democratically elected Indian government, but also the Indian judiciary. “We need to throw out our judiciary too since it’s lost its independence!!” wrote a CJP supporter.
Screenshot via Reddit
Planning for a farmers’ protest-like situation
The CJP supporters want a replication of the months-long farmers’ protests that started in November 2020 and arm-twisted the government into withdrawing the farm laws. A CJP supporter claimed that all the violence and hooliganism that took place during the infamous farmers’ protest was done by elements planted by the central government.
“Not to sound pessimistic but it hundreds gather to protest, they will put few people in the mob to destroy public property and paint the entire protestors as hooligans. Happened with farmers protest and will happen with this as well,” a CJP supporter wrote. The supporter absolved in advance the CJP leaders and supporters for any violence or law and order situation, for which the CJP supporters are only calling, that may arise during the illegal protest.
Screenshot via Reddit
It is clear from the comments of the CJP supporters that the protest is not just a so-called peaceful protest against the government but a vicious plan to create a situation of anarchy in the country through violence. They want to mimic the violent protests in neighbouring Nepal and Bangladesh, which led to the ouster of their respective governments.
The social media campaign and the recent press conference of the CJP spokespersons leave no doubt that they plan to mount the entire protest on the shoulders of the gullible youth of the country. The fact that the CJP leaders did not take permission for organising the protest shows their lack of concern for the law of the country.
It is obvious from the past political associations of the CJP leaders that the protest is not an organic uprising of people unhappy with the current government. Both the protest and the purported public anger are manufactured by people who are not able to replace the current government through a legal and democratic process.
K. Annamalai, one of the most talked-about faces of the BJP not just in Tamil Nadu but across South India, has left the party. He has announced that he will be launching a new party and will now lead a people’s movement in Tamil Nadu and contest elections. He relaunched his We The Leaders foundation as his new political movement.
After his exit, social media has been buzzing with the claim that the BJP abandons its leaders or allies midway through the journey.
However, we will examine in this article how much truth there is to this. Let’s start with the BJP and Annamalai himself. He could have easily resigned from Tamil Nadu, but that’s not what happened.
The BJP made continuous efforts to keep him in the party. From party president Nitin Nadda to Home Minister Amit Shah, they spoke to him, understood his grievances, and assured him of continued support. But things didn’t work out, and Annamalai had his own reasons too.
It was the BJP that gave Annamalai the opportunity to lead the party in Tamil Nadu and put its full strength behind him. On public platforms, from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to senior BJP leaders, the way they addressed him with such warmth made it clear that they saw him as a future leader. But if this partnership didn’t last long, the BJP alone cannot be held responsible.
The allegation is that the BJP finishes off its allies, gradually weakens them, and eventually takes over their political space. This charge has been repeated so often that many people have almost accepted it as fact. But is the picture really that simple? Did the BJP sideline its allies in every state, or in many cases did it give them leadership, respect, and space even when it held the upper hand politically?
If we understand Indian politics not just through accusations but through examples and the sequence of events, another side becomes clear: a major foundation of the BJP’s coalition politics has been the strategy of taking allies along. This strategy hasn’t always succeeded. There have been differences and broken relationships, but calling it the BJP’s inherent nature to destroy allies looks like an incomplete argument in the face of facts.
Let’s look at Bihar first. The relationship between Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) and the BJP is a long-standing one. Nitish has been the Chief Minister of the state alongside the BJP for a long time. In the 2020 Assembly elections, the BJP won 74 seats while the JD(U) was reduced to 43. The BJP had clearly become the bigger party. Normal political arithmetic would suggest the Chief Minister should have been from the BJP, but that didn’t happen.
Nitish Kumar remained Chief Minister. Despite its strong mandate, the BJP prioritised coalition dharma and kept the ally’s leader in the top post. This was no small political event. Power in Indian politics often runs on numbers, but here the BJP put the coalition above numbers.
Later, in 2022, the JD(U) itself left the NDA and joined the Mahagathbandhan, meaning the initiative to break the relationship did not come from the BJP. Now both parties are together again, and the JD(U)’s political space remains just as strong.
Bihar is not limited to just the JD(U). The BJP has consistently given political space to Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). Mukesh Sahni’s VIP party was also accommodated in the alliance, and Chirag Paswan’s LJP (Ram Vilas) has remained in the NDA with continued political relevance.
These were parties with limited seats of their own, yet the BJP gave them political relevance. If the goal was only to finish off allies, why would the BJP accept the compulsion of sharing seats and its vote bank with smaller parties?
Maharashtra’s example is equally interesting. The relationship between the BJP and Shiv Sena was not a 5-10 year one but lasted nearly three decades. From the late 1980s, both parties came together and formed an ideological partnership in Maharashtra’s politics.
In the 2019 Assembly elections, they contested together and secured a majority. The BJP won 105 seats and the Shiv Sena 56. But during government formation, there was a dispute over the Chief Minister’s post, and Uddhav Thackeray decided to form the government with Congress and NCP. Here too, the initiative to break the alliance did not come from the BJP.
Yes, later there was a split in Shiv Sena, and the Eknath Shinde faction joined the BJP. Critics may call this the BJP’s strategy, but an equally big fact is that the BJP could have kept the Chief Minister’s post for itself if it wanted, yet it made Shinde the Chief Minister. Even as the biggest force in Maharashtra, putting forward an ally’s face was part of the BJP’s coalition style.
In Punjab, the Shiromani Akali Dal was the BJP’s oldest ally. Their relationship lasted more than two decades. Differences grew over the farm laws, and in 2020 the Akali Dal decided to leave the NDA. It is another matter that the pressure of the farmers’ movement and Punjab politics forced the Akali Dal to take this decision, but the fact is that the announcement to exit the alliance came from the Akali Dal’s side. The BJP did not push out its oldest ally; the ally itself chose a different path.
In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP’s politics also shows a model of keeping allies together. Whether it is Anupriya Patel of Apna Dal (S) or Sanjay Nishad of the Nishad Party, the BJP has not treated these parties merely as election-time necessities.
They were given representation in the ministry, a share in seats, and space in social equations. The BJP has always understood that politics in a huge state like Uttar Pradesh cannot be fought alone; expanding the social base is only possible with allies.
In the Northeast, the BJP’s coalition policy is perhaps most clearly visible. In Nagaland, the BJP contested with the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) and accepted regional leadership. In Assam, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) was kept along.
In Meghalaya and Manipur too, a model of shared power with regional parties was adopted. The BJP could have played ‘big brother’ politics based on its national strength, but in the Northeast it chose the path of coordination with local leadership and regional aspirations. This is why the NDA expanded fastest in the Northeast.
Andhra Pradesh is a new example. After 2024, when Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP emerged as an important ally for the NDA, the BJP not only gave them importance but also tried to keep the alliance stable. At the national level, the BJP publicly acknowledged the importance of allies in the majority equation. This is the same politics that signals ‘take everyone along’ instead of ‘go it alone’.
Interestingly, the people who level the most accusations against the BJP are the ones who forget Congress’s coalition politics. History is full of such examples. Recently, in Tamil Nadu too, something similar was seen. Congress had been with the DMK for years, but as soon as the political equations changed, distances grew. Congress stabbed the DMK in the back and joined hands with Vijay’s TVK.
It is also true that coalition politics is not always an equal relationship. The bigger party is naturally more influential. The BJP is no exception. Many allies have become weaker, and the mass base of some parties has been affected by the BJP’s expansion. But the question is whether this was the BJP’s ‘conspiracy’ or the natural outcome of Indian politics.
What is clear is that the BJP has, on many occasions, even when in a position of political advantage, given leadership to allies, stepped aside from the Chief Minister’s post, shared seats, and given space to smaller parties in national politics. Examples like Nitish Kumar in Bihar, Shinde in Maharashtra, Apna Dal and Nishad Party in Uttar Pradesh, and many others do not seem like mere coincidences.
Therefore, when it is said that the BJP ‘swallows’ its allies, one should also ask: if that were the case, why do so many regional parties keep returning to it again and again?
Note: This is an English translation of the original Hindi article published on OpIndia Hindi
