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Insult to Vande Mataram to be a criminal offence? Read what the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill says

Shriti Sagar
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Insult to Vande Mataram to be a criminal offence? Read what the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill says

The central government is all set to introduce an important piece of legislation in the Rajya Sabha on Monday, 20th July, marking the very first day of the Parliament’s Monsoon Session. Union Home Minister Amit Shah will introduce the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill, 2026, which aims to make any insult or obstruction to the national song, Vande Mataram, a criminal offence.

The bill has already been formally listed on the Rajya Sabha’s agenda for the day, following a prior clearance by the Union Cabinet. This legislative move comes as part of the country’s year-long celebrations marking the historic 150th anniversary of the creation of Vande Mataram.

If Parliament passes the Bill, deliberately insulting Vande Mataram, stopping its rendition or creating a disturbance while it is being sung could attract punishment of up to three years in jail, a fine, or both.

At present, the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971 provides legal protection to the National Flag, the Constitution, and the National Anthem. However, there is no specific provision in the law that deals with insults to the National Song. The proposed amendment aims to fill this gap by bringing Vande Mataram within the scope of the Act.

According to the Bill’s statement of objects and reasons, there is currently “no specific legal provision” to prevent anyone from intentionally disrupting or insulting the singing of Vande Mataram. “The proposed amendment seeks to prohibit any person from deliberately preventing the singing of the National Song or causing disturbance during its rendition by making such acts punishable under law,” the government has said.

The Union Cabinet had earlier approved the proposal to amend the 1971 Act before it was listed for introduction in Parliament.

What the Bill will change

The biggest change proposed by the Bill is that Vande Mataram will receive the same statutory protection as Jana Gana Mana. Once the amendment becomes law, any deliberate act of insulting the National Song or intentionally disrupting its performance will be treated as a criminal offence in the same manner as offences involving the National Anthem or National Flag.

The government says the move is aimed at ensuring equal respect for both national symbols. “The objective is to extend the same legal protection to the National Song that already exists for the National Anthem under the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act,” the proposed legislation states.

The amendment is also being brought as part of the year-long celebrations marking the 150th anniversary of Vande Mataram, which has played an important role in India’s freedom movement.

Key changes and legal penalties under the proposed law 

Once this proposed legislation is passed by the parliament, any deliberate insult directed at Vande Mataram or any intentional disruption created during its rendition will become a criminal offence. 

The legal consequences for breaking this law are stringent. Anyone found guilty of intentionally insulting the song or deliberately obstructing people from singing it will face a prison term of up to three years, a fine, or both. The government hopes that by introducing these tough penalties, the song will receive the highest level of legal dignity and protection across the country.

Alongside the criminal penalties, the new bill outlines a very specific set of protocol guidelines regarding how the national song should be performed and respected. The legislation mandates that Vande Mataram must be sung at all official government functions and should be performed right before the commencement of these official programmes. 

Furthermore, the guidelines state that all six stanzas of the song must be rendered during these occasions, which takes a total time of approximately 3 minutes and 10 seconds. The law also requires that people remain standing in the attention position while the song is being sung. 

Additionally, schools will be required to play or sing Vande Mataram every day before their morning prayers begin.

Earlier, the Union Home Ministry had directed states to ensure that wherever the National Anthem is played during official events, the National Song should also be performed according to the prescribed protocol, with Jana Gana Mana following Vande Mataram.

Historical significance of India’s National Song

Vande Mataram was written by renowned author Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay. The song, written in a blend of Sanskrit and Bengali, consists of six stanzas and first appeared in his famous novel Anandamath.

It was publicly sung for the first time in Calcutta in 1896 and later became one of the most powerful symbols of India’s freedom struggle. Over the decades, the song has remained closely associated with the country’s nationalist movement and continues to hold a special place in India’s cultural and political history.

Political debate begins before the introduction 

Even before the Bill is formally introduced in Parliament, it has triggered a political debate.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has described the proposed legislation as an important step towards strengthening respect for national symbols and preserving the dignity of Vande Mataram.

The Congress, however, has criticised the move, arguing that it reflects what it called the Modi government’s “jail first” approach to governance. Opposition leaders have questioned whether criminal penalties are the right way to promote respect for national symbols.

The CPI(M) is also opposing the Bill. Speaking to media, CPI(M) MP John Brittas stated, “I have also written a letter to Amit Shah, saying that he should forthwith withdraw this Bill. When this issue came up in the Supreme Court in March, the Supreme Court had said that there is no legal burden and there is no penal provisions attached to this and that they are not entertaining the plea. Now, since the Govt failed on its executive mission, they want to come around with a legislative move to thrust this upon us. They shouldn’t enter into a situation whereby patriotism can be manufactured by such acts of criminalising anything concerning Vande Mataram”

He accused the government of playing the politics of polarisation.

Remember Chandan Gupta? How the Vande Mataram Bill in Parliament is necessary because of Islamist hatred for national symbols

Anurag
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Remember Chandan Gupta? How the Vande Mataram Bill in Parliament is necessary because of Islamist hatred for national symbols

The Government of India is set to introduce the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill, 2026. It aims to provide statutory protection to the National Song, Vande Mataram. The proposed amendment will expand Section 3 of the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971, which currently punishes anyone who intentionally prevents the singing of the National Anthem or disrupts an assembly engaged in singing it. According to media reports, the words “national song” will now be added alongside “national anthem”.

That means once the amendment is passed by Parliament, anyone who intentionally prevents the singing of Vande Mataram or disturbs an assembly singing it could face imprisonment of up to three years, a fine, or both. A person convicted again under the law would face a minimum prison sentence of one year. The Bill has been listed for introduction in the Rajya Sabha during the Monsoon Session that began on 20th July.

The amendment came after the Union Home Ministry issued guidelines requiring the complete version of Vande Mataram to be sung at state functions and civil investiture ceremonies. However, the penal provision quoted in the proposed Bill deals with intentional prevention and disruption. It does not state that a person would be jailed merely for remaining silent or choosing not to sing.

The Statement of Objects and Reasons refers to the Constituent Assembly meeting held on 24th January 1950. Constituent Assembly president Rajendra Prasad had declared that Vande Mataram, which played a historic role in India’s freedom struggle, would be honoured equally with Jana Gana Mana and would have equal status.

Despite this declaration, the national song remained outside the legal protection available to the National Anthem, the Indian flag and the Constitution. Section 3 of the existing Act only criminalises the intentional prevention or disruption of the National Anthem.

Islamists and the Left oppose the Vande Mataram decision

Even before the amendment reached Parliament, Islamist organisations, Left parties and opposition leaders had launched a campaign against the government’s decision to require the singing of all six stanzas of Vande Mataram at official functions and schools.

The All India Muslim Personal Law Board described the direction as unconstitutional, contrary to religious freedom and unacceptable to Muslims. It threatened to challenge the government’s decision in court.

AIMPLB general secretary Maulana Mohammed Fazlur Rahim Mujaddidi argued that references to Hindu deities in the later stanzas conflicted with Islamic monotheism. He claimed that Muslims could not accept the direction because Islam prohibits associating partners with Allah.

Both factions of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind also opposed the decision. Maulana Arshad Madani called it biased and portrayed it as a conspiracy to take away the religious freedom of Muslims. He further described it as a coercive attempt to curtail minority rights.

The CPI(M) demanded the withdrawal of the order and accused the government of manufacturing a controversy around national symbols. CPI Rajya Sabha MP Sandosh Kumar P accused the government of “weaponising culture”, while the Trinamool Congress claimed that the Centre was distorting the history and lyrics of Vande Mataram.

Congress MLA Arif Masood similarly objected to the complete rendition of the national song in Madhya Pradesh, claiming that imposing it would restrict religious freedom.

These arguments may be used to debate which version should be performed at official ceremonies. However, they do not explain why anyone should have the right to physically obstruct other citizens from singing Vande Mataram, disturb an assembly, desecrate the national flag or use violence against a patriotic procession.

The proposed provision does not criminalise a theological objection expressed through lawful means. It criminalises intentional interference with the right of others to sing the national song.

Remember what happened to Chandan Gupta

The murder of 22-year-old Chandan Gupta in Kasganj showed why hostility towards national symbols cannot always be dismissed as disagreement, political rhetoric or a matter of personal religious belief.

On 26th January 2018, Chandan Gupta, his brother Vivek and several other youths participated in a Tiranga Yatra organised in Kasganj, Uttar Pradesh, to celebrate Republic Day. They carried the Indian flag and raised slogans including “Bharat Mata Ki Jai” and “Vande Mataram”.

According to the FIR, witness statements and court documents accessed by OpIndia, an armed Muslim mob blocked the procession near the Government Girls’ Inter College.

Members of the mob snatched the national flag from the participants, threw it on the ground and raised slogans of “Pakistan Zindabad” and “Hindustan Murdabad”. They demanded that the participants chant “Pakistan Zindabad” before they would be allowed to pass.

Chandan opposed the demand. The mob began pelting stones and opened fire. Saleem shot Chandan, causing fatal injuries to his lungs and heart. Chandan was rushed to the district hospital, where he was declared dead.

The attack was not simply the result of two groups disagreeing over a route, as sections of the media attempted to portray it at the time. The national flag was snatched and desecrated. A Tiranga Yatra was forcibly stopped. Patriotic slogans, including “Vande Mataram”, were answered with pro-Pakistan slogans. Those carrying the Indian flag were ordered to praise Pakistan, and Chandan was shot when he resisted.

On 2nd January 2025, a Special NIA court convicted 28 people in connection with Chandan Gupta’s murder. On 3rd January, all 28 convicts were sentenced to life imprisonment.

The court observed that members of the mob were armed with firearms, rods and sticks and had carried out communal violence against the Hindu participants. It described communalism as a mindset in which religious interests are placed above the interests of society and the nation.

Chandan’s family also faced intimidation during the trial. His father, Sushil Gupta, told the court that the influence of accused Munazir Rafi had created such a hostile environment in Kasganj that senior lawyers refused to represent the family. The Allahabad High Court eventually accepted the family’s apprehension and transferred the trial outside Kasganj.

From religious objection to jihadist hostility

There is a difference between declining to sing a song because of a personal belief and attacking people for singing it. A citizen may approach a court, question the government’s guidelines, challenge the inclusion of particular stanzas or peacefully remain silent. Such actions fall within the realm of constitutional and political debate.

However, Islamists have repeatedly attempted to convert their religious objection into a veto over the behaviour of everyone else. The objection is no longer limited to saying, “I will not sing.” It becomes, “You will not sing either.” In its most violent form, as seen in Kasganj, it becomes an armed mob stopping a procession, throwing the Indian flag on the ground, forcing Indians to chant pro-Pakistan slogans and killing a Hindu who refuses.

Therefore, the Chandan Gupta case is central to understanding why there is a need for such an amendment. A national symbol cannot enjoy equal constitutional status only on paper while organised groups remain free to physically disrupt its rendition or threaten citizens participating in an event where the National Song is being sung.

There is an interesting aspect to the ideological hostility in the case of Vande Mataram, and it is clearly selective. The organisations and individuals who invoke religious freedom to oppose Vande Mataram fail to explain why the freedom of other Indians to sing the National Song should be subject to Islamist approval.

Furthermore, Left-liberal political parties fail to explain why protecting Vande Mataram from intentional disruption amounts to imposing religion. The existing law has protected the National Anthem for decades. Extending the same protection to a national song that the Constituent Assembly placed on an equal footing is neither unprecedented nor extraordinary. In fact, it is something that the Indian government should have done decades ago.

Beyond theology: How Islamist opposition to Vande Mataram reflects a deeper rejection of national symbols

The proposed amendment, when passed, will ensure that the law does not have to wait for another Chandan Gupta to be killed before recognising the danger posed by those who believe their religious ideology gives them the right to obstruct, intimidate or attack Indians honouring their national song.

The proposed amendment also raises a larger ideological question that goes beyond the legal protection of Vande Mataram. For Islamists, the opposition has rarely been confined to specific lyrics or theological concerns. Their resistance often stems from a worldview that places the concept of the Ummah, the global community of Muslims, above the nation-state as the primary locus of political and civilisational loyalty. From this perspective, expressions of territorial nationalism are frequently viewed with suspicion, particularly when they are rooted in India’s historical and cultural traditions. It is this ideological framework, rather than merely isolated religious objections, that critics argue explains the recurring hostility towards national symbols such as Vande Mataram, the Tricolour and even slogans like “Bharat Mata Ki Jai”.

This pattern is evident in the way several Islamist groups have consistently opposed Vande Mataram over the decades while advancing arguments that are legally and historically tenuous. The Constitution does not compel citizens to profess any religious belief through the National Song, nor does the proposed amendment criminalise a person’s decision to abstain from singing it. Instead, it penalises the deliberate disruption of others exercising their right to honour a national symbol. The debate, therefore, is no longer about personal conscience but about whether organised groups can invoke religious objections to deny fellow citizens the freedom to peacefully express patriotism.

The murder of Chandan Gupta remains a grim reminder of how ideological hostility towards national symbols can escalate beyond rhetoric into violence. When patriotic processions are attacked, the Tricolour is desecrated, Vande Mataram is met with intimidation, or participants are coerced into raising slogans for another country, the issue ceases to be one of religious freedom and becomes one of public order and national integrity. Seen in that context, supporters argue that extending statutory protection to Vande Mataram is not an attempt to compel belief, but to ensure that no citizen faces intimidation, disruption or violence for participating in a lawful expression of national pride.

Polygamy banned, equal inheritance rights ensured: All you need to know about the Madhya Pradesh Uniform Civil Code Bill

Rukma Rathore
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Polygamy banned, equal inheritance rights ensured: All you need to know about the Madhya Pradesh Uniform Civil Code Bill

On 19th July (Sunday), the Madhya Pradesh government approved the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) bill at a special cabinet meeting in Jagdishpur close to Bhopal. It has been drafted by a six-member committee and is going to be tabled in the legislative assembly during the five-day monsoon session commencing on Monday. The bill exempts the state’s tribal population and would not apply to Scheduled Tribes or Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) residing in protected areas not to interfere with their “unique cultural heritage and traditional lifestyle.”

It seeks to uphold the interest of women and children in marriage, divorce, inheritance, succession and live-in relationships across all communities. The proposed law has banned practices like polygamy, triple talaq and nikah-halala. Chief Minister Dr Mohan explained that the objective is to secure women’s dignity, ascertain equal rights, foster social harmony and enhance national unity by putting an end to discriminatory behaviours.

Marriage and divorce

Yadav informed, “Under the marriage provisions, only one marriage is permitted while a spouse is alive, with divorce valid only through legal procedure and court decision. The minimum age for marriage is set at 21 years for men and 18 years for women, and registration of marriages is mandatory across all levels, from panchayat to municipal corporation.” Such unions beyond these age limits will be prohibited.

The sub-divisional magistrate (SDM), municipality, or village panchayat is set to handle the process in rural regions while Madhya Pradesh’s e-Municipality portal would take care of it in urban areas to guarantee marital rights, alimony and legal protections for women.

The initiation of a second marriage is contingent upon the legal termination of the first marriage. An official conveyed, “Verbal divorce or decisions made by informal panchayats have been declared completely illegal. A marriage can be dissolved only on clear and statutory grounds prescribed by law.”

The bill read, “Accepting, promoting, or forcing degrading or humiliating conditions such as ‘nikah halala’ for remarriage to the same spouse after divorce will be treated as a punishable criminal offence.” It is also forbidden to get married based on invalid consent or within forbidden degrees of relationship (unless custom permits).

Yadav stated, “If a married person enters a live-in relationship, the law provides for punishment of up to five years. Religious freedom is safeguarded, with individuals free to follow their rituals, worship methods, and ceremonies without compulsion, and no religion has been demeaned.”

Live-in relationships

The couples must submit a “Statement of Live-in Relationship” to the registrar within one month and the age criteria is the same as that for marriage. Otherwise, non-compliance could lead to incarceration of up to three months or a fine of Rs 10,000. Likewise, false data might prompt a penalty of Rs 25,000 and three months in jail. A punishment of Rs 25,000 and up to six months in jail could result from a failure to present the necessary statement, even after being notified by the registrar.

A woman can also file for maintenance in a court of competent jurisdiction after her male live-in partner deserts her. The details about the start and end of the live-in relationship will be sent to their parents or guardians and the local police. “The proposed UCC will ensure that whether it’s Ram (Hindu), Rahim (Muslim), Ravindra (Sikh) or Robin (Christian), their marriage, divorce, inheritance and succession are governed by a common civil code,” Yadav reiterated.

Inheritance rights

The recommended legislation also offers equal authority and inheritance rights to both sons and daughters irrespective of their marital status. “The code has removed the term ‘illegitimate’ from the legal framework. Children of married or unmarried parents whether biological, adopted, or born through surrogacy or Assisted Reproductive Technology (ART) will enjoy equal legal status,” the officer underscored.

Additionally, widowers and widows will be recognised equally in the deceased’s estate. The surviving mother and father will be considered as Class I heirs, obtaining equal parts of their departed child’s assets with the spouse and offsprings. Three categories, Class I, Class II and other relatives shall progressively acquire the property of a person who passes away intestate (without a lawful will).

For previous generations, a “right of survivorship” and a “unit system” is created. If someone is found guilty of killing the property owner or helping in the act, they will never be able to inherit. According to the escheat principle, the property will be handed over to the state in the absence of an authorised successor.

Any adult of sound mind can hand over 100% of their property, including inherited and self-acquired, to any individual through a will under the secular framework which has eliminated limitations on obligatory succession, such as Islamic law’s one-third rule. The Indian Succession Act of 1925 will regulate the procedure.

Overwhelming support for the bill from Muslim women

According to the chief minister, the bill does not breach the fundamental rights. He outlined that all of the state’s districts and divisions were consulted by a committee led by former Supreme Court judge Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai before to its preparation. He added that political parties including Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Left along with social groups from other religions were also involved in important state-level talks in Bhopal, but Indian National Congress did not participate.

Yadav charged, “I don’t know what the Congress sees in the Hindu-Muslim votes. They always have a dilemma over one nation, one symbol and one law.” He also highlighted that the consultations showed strong support among Muslims, with 40% of males and nearly 80% of women wanting the adoption of a unified law.

He added, “Some Muslim brothers faced opposition, many emphasised that just as Hindu daughters deserve safety, so too should their own sisters and daughters.” They declared that the law would protect their mothers and sisters. Yadav remarked, “For us, whether Ramchandra or Rahim, everyone deserves equality. This law is a major step in that direction,” pointing out how the move is intended to grant equal opportunities and rights to all people of all faith.

Yadav stressed that the government solicited opinions from the general public at the district and state levels, even though the bill could have been adopted directly in the legislative assembly. He characterised the decision as both a “major and historic step” toward assuring “equality, equity, justice and secularism” for all people and a tribute to the state’s illustrious past.

The aforementioned official expressed, “Respecting constitutional safeguards, this law will not apply to Scheduled Tribes (such as Bhil, Gond, Korku, Baiga, Sahariya, and Bharia) covered under Articles 342 and 366 (Clause 25) of the Constitution. Furthermore, communities whose traditional rights are protected under Part XXI of the Constitution have also been specifically exempted.”

Meanwhile, Yadav connected it to the spirit of sacrifice and patriotism ingrained in Jagdishpur’s soil, recalling the bravery of Rani Kamalapati who stood up for her dignity during trying times. He stressed, “Henceforth, there will be no special laws for specific groups in the state. People of all faiths will live under a unified legal framework. Whether it concerns live-in relationships or any other aspect of life, everything will be governed by the same set of rules.”

The UCC has been a significant agenda for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which initiates its implementation after gaining power. Goa has historically adhered to it. Uttarakhand, Gujarat and Assam have officially enacted it whereas states like Maharashtra, West Bengal and Rajasthan formed expert committees to design their respective regulations.

From The Wire’s Arfa to The Hindu’s Vijaita Singh: How the near-lynching of journalists they disagree with is being cheered on

Shraddha Pandey
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From The Wire’s Arfa to The Hindu’s Vijaita Singh: How the near-lynching of journalists they disagree with is being cheered on

Left-liberals portray themselves as ‘intellectual’, ‘tolerant’, and ‘champions of dissent’, and ‘defenders of free speech’. However, in the face of even slight criticism, the same lot gleefully supports even the near-lynching of anyone they declare an ideological adversary. A video has gone viral online showing protestors at the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protest at Jantar Mantar attacking and manhandling an ABP News reporter. Instead of condemning, the usual leftist suspects are cheering the attack.

While the video is from early June 2026, it has regained virality online on 19th-20th July, as the CJP protest seeking Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation over the NEET paper leak has intensified.

The viral video shows a male ABP News reporter, who was covering the CJP protests, being surrounded by a protesting mob, who raised “Godi Media Go Back!” slogans, booed him, manhandled him, and interrupted his reporting, creating an intimidating and near-lynching situation.

As the video of CJP protestors manhandling the ABP reporter went viral online again, the left liberal media and the extended anti-BJP cabal cheered and justified the attack.

Sharing the video on X on 19th July, Islamo-leftist rag The Wire’s Arfa Khanum Sherwani wrote, “It hurts to see reporters in this state. When star anchors spread hatred and Modi propaganda day and night in the studio, the junior reporter in the field has to pay the price.”

Arfa’s “it hurts” remarks should not be mistaken for genuine concern but a deranged enjoyment of watching those not ideologically aligned with her getting heckled by a frenzied mob that claims to be protesting against a ‘fascist’ government.

Similarly, Vijaita Singh, the Deputy Editor at The Hindu, while reacting to another video showing a journalist being heckled by CJP cockroaches, advised people to make a distinction between “hate-spewing TV news anchors/presenters/senior journalists and TV reporters, most of whom are extremely hardworking.”

Singh justified the mob lynching of journalists she and her ideological cabal declare “hate-spewing”. This is blatant glorification of ‘mob justice’, which the Islamo-leftists vehemently criticise when carried out by mobs not aligned with them ideologically.

The social media posts by Arfa Khanum Sherwani and Vijaita Singh were not about the serious danger the non-left journalists were in, or that outrageous mob assault against journalists; it was about issuing a cleverly worded justification for the mob’s attack.

Vijaita Singh has drawn sharp criticism even from the likes of Shekhar Gupta, who wrote, “No Vijeta. We can’t leave it to the mobs to decide which journalist to love or hate. All journalists, senior or not, must feel entirely safe on the job. One mob’s good ‘guy’ is another’s monster. This trend began during Anna movement, and many partisans cheered it. It was wrong then, is wrong now.”

Back on 6th June, when the video of a near-assault on the ABP News reporter first surfaced online, a pro-Congress troll drew “peak satisfaction” from watching a journalist getting manhandled for simply doing his job and not outright glorifying the CJP protestors.

Another ‘journalist ’, Sachin Gupta, had even insinuated that it is TV anchors like Rubkia Liyaqat, Sudhir Chaudhary, Anjana Om Kashyap, and Chitra Tripathi who should be facing near-lynching by an unruly mob instead of the ABP field reporter.

It has been seen that the CJP claimed that the protest was being organised against the central government, especially the education minister, over exam irregularities and leaks; anti-national slogans of “Azadi-Azadi” were raised during the protests. Derogatory remarks were made about Hindu deities by notorious Hinduphobes like Kunal Kamra.

Last month, OpIndia journalist Anurag Mishra had a similar experience at the protests when he tried to speak to the CJP supporters regarding their demands. The CJP cockroaches, who claimed to be fighting for the freedom of expression, surrounded Anurag Mishra and screeched slogans calling him “Godi Media”. Mishra had merely asked the CJP supporters why the turnout at the ground was so low while the CJP has millions of followers on social media. The CJP supporters became irritated by the question and began intimidating him and shouting at him.

Since the beginning of the CJP protest, numerous journalists have been nearly assaulted by the protesting cockroaches. In some incidents, police had to intervene and rescue the journalists. A common pattern? “Godi Media” slogans, fury over critical questions, gherao, and near-assault.

OpIndia reported about several incidents of near-assault on journalists by CJP cockroaches, including one on a female reporter. It appears that the only thing stopping the cockroaches from resorting to full-fledged violence is heavy police presence.

This “Godi media” label has become a convenient delegitimising tool for leftists to brand media critics who refuse to act as anti-BJP darbaris. For left-liberals, journalists are fearless professionals and the fourth pillar of democracy only when they toe the leftist ideological line; otherwise, their safety and dignity can be compromised in the name of ‘outburst of public anger’ and celebrated as “they had it coming”, and “very satisfying”.

The CJP mobs are no different from Islamist mobs who target, assault and at times lynch journalists, be it during anti-Waqf Bill protests, over questioning illegal slaughter houses or cow slaughter, for asking sharp questions instead of peddling victimhood narratives.

It is, however, unsurprising that the left-liberals are cheering over so-called ‘Godi Media’ journalists being manhandled and near-assaulted by CJP cockroaches. The CJP protests and its supporters have demonstrated support for the likes of Umar Khalid, who is accused of masterminding the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots, which also, incidentally, was hailed as a ‘peaceful protest’.

For Islamo-leftists, the rule is simple: “My mob is good, yours is bad”, and “when we do violence, it is ultimate justice; when you do violence, it is sheer hatred and intolerance”.

The message is clear: Either play our tune, or stay silent, else we will silence you.

From honey traps to CCTV espionage: How Pakistani handlers are recruiting vulnerable Hindus in India

Anurag
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From honey traps to CCTV espionage: How Pakistani handlers are recruiting vulnerable Hindus in India

It was 7th May 2025. India launched Operation Sindoor against terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir. What followed inside India was a crackdown on people reportedly supplying information, communication facilities and logistical support to Pakistan-linked operatives.

A year after Operation Sindoor was launched, on 8th May 2026, Punjab Police said in a statement that 457 Pakistan-linked spies or associates had been identified and arrested across 17 states and Union Territories. That number covers people with different roles, and trials are underway in these cases. While convictions have not yet been secured in a court of law, the figure indicates the scale of Pakistani attempts to build human networks inside India.

Those who came under investigation were influencers, students, health workers, contractors, shopkeepers, defence employees and unemployed youths. Some were reportedly offered money, some were groomed online by women using Hindu names, while others received visas, foreign trips or social media-related opportunities. Several were assigned tasks that appeared harmless until they developed into surveillance of military installations and troop movements.

According to investigators, Lahore-based travel operator Naushaba Masood was running a dual espionage and propaganda operation. Visa seekers were first asked to publish pro-Pakistan videos. Those who cooperated could be introduced to Pakistani Army and ISI officials. Reportedly, Masood targeted people specifically from the Hindu and Sikh communities.

In the Ghaziabad CCTV case, reports suggest that the police investigation revealed that Pakistan-linked handlers hired Hindu youths to install surveillance cameras because their presence would attract less suspicion. The cameras were reportedly placed near Delhi Cantonment and Sonipat railway station to livestream security-force movement. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) later took over the case. A seperate investigation report was filed against five juveniles.

These are not cases in which the religious identity of an accused is being guessed from a surname. They are accounts in which investigators explicitly described the targeting or deployment of Hindus as part of the operational method, which, in fact, is the smoking gun.

Pakistan-based handlers were not only looking for anyone willing to sell information. They were specifically looking to exploit Hindus by using their religious identity as camouflage. The same identity could later provide another benefit. Once such a module is exposed, the Hindu names at the Indian end can be highlighted while the Pakistani handlers, money trail and terror infrastructure controlling them are pushed into the background.

Jyoti Malhotra – From travel content to intelligence links

One of the earliest arrests made post-Operation Sindoor was that of Haryana-based travel influencer Jyoti Malhotra. She was arrested on 16th May 2025 and booked under the Official Secrets Act and Section 152 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

According to the investigators, she maintained contact with Pakistani officials and intelligence-linked persons after travelling to Pakistan. Police stated that she communicated with them through WhatsApp, Telegram and Snapchat. One reported contact was saved under a false Indian-looking name. Her public identity as a travel creator gave her an ordinary explanation for foreign trips, filming locations and building relationships across the border.

The case also fits into the network operated by Naushaba Masood. Investigators said Masood offered expedited visas and free travel to influencers. The initial return was not necessarily a military secret. It could be a favourable video about Pakistan. That content served propaganda goals while also testing whether the creator was cooperative and willing to follow instructions.

Malhotra’s bail was rejected by the Punjab and Haryana High Court on 7th March 2026. The court found sufficient prima facie material to deny bail but expressly clarified that its observations were not a final finding on guilt. On 5th June 2026, the Supreme Court declined to interfere with that decision and described the allegations as serious. She consequently remained in custody awaiting trial.

Her case demonstrates why an influencer is valuable to an intelligence operation. A creator can travel without appearing unusual. A camera is part of the job. Meetings with officials can be presented as content opportunities. The creator also has an audience through which propaganda can be circulated without appearing to originate from Pakistan.

From propaganda videos to espionage assignments

It has to be understood that the recruitment system need not always begin with a demand for classified information. It often starts with a small favour. Naushaba Masood’s network reportedly offered visas and travel assistance. Recruits were asked to upload pro-Pakistan videos. Those who complied could be given SIM cards, introduced to officials or assigned further work. Investigators described it as a calculated combination of intelligence collection and propaganda dissemination.

This model reduces resistance, and those who leak information often remain under the radar of investigative agencies. Publishing a tourism video does not feel like espionage. Sharing an OTP may be presented as a technical formality. Photographing a publicly visible building may not appear serious. The recruit is gradually made comfortable with secrecy, foreign contacts and payments.

Then, the assignments become part of what can be described as a well-orchestrated espionage network. Basically, the operatives first identify vulnerable individuals, develop friendly contact, ask for a small favour and provide payment or travel benefits. Once the recruit is comfortable enough, he or she is introduced to a Pakistani intelligence handler who would assign sensitive tasks and take control not only of the information the recruit is providing but also of the narrative for the future.

This progression is illustrated by the case of Sahdevsinh Gohil, who was a contractual health worker from Kutch. He was reportedly contacted by a Pakistani operative using the Hindu name “Aditi Bharadwaj”. According to Gujarat ATS, he supplied photographs and videos of BSF and Indian Navy facilities.

In January 2025, he reportedly obtained an Indian SIM using his Aadhaar and shared the OTP, which allowed the account to be operated from Pakistan. Investigators said he received a payment of Rs 40,000 for the task.

The use of the name “Aditi Bharadwaj” was itself part of the deception. A Pakistani operative did not approach the target under an obviously Pakistani identity. She adopted a name that would appear familiar and trustworthy to a Hindu Indian.

A similar method was reported in Rajasthan. Mangat Singh was arrested on 10th October 2025 after being honey-trapped by a Pakistani handler using the name “Isha Sharma”. Officials said emotional manipulation and financial inducements were used to obtain information about military activity around Alwar.

Pakistan’s handlers therefore use Hindu identity at both ends of the conversation. A fake Hindu woman is used to approach the target. Hindu recruits are used to perform tasks without attracting suspicion. Once exposed, those same recruits can be cited as evidence against Hindus collectively.

Ghaziabad module – Hindu youths were hired to avoid suspicion

The Uttar Pradesh investigation provides clearer evidence that religious identity had operational value. The first arrests included Suhail Malik, Praveel, Sana Iram alias Mehek, Raj Valmiki, Shiva Valmiki and Ritik Gangwar. Police stated that members of the group shared photographs, videos and locations of security-force establishments with foreign contacts. Later arrests included Ganesh Giri, Vivek Rai, Gagan Prajapati and Durgesh Nishad. Five juveniles were also detained.

Investigators recovered solar-powered, SIM-enabled CCTV cameras. One camera installed near Sonipat railway station reportedly remained active for 18 days. Another was linked to surveillance near Delhi Cantonment. The handlers intended to install dozens of cameras near sensitive sites. Recruits were paid small amounts for each photograph, video or installation.

Reports suggest that the Special Investigation Team (SIT) found that the cell had hired Hindu youths to carry out the installations so they could blend into normal activity and escape scrutiny. It was not simply that some accused happened to be Hindu. Their Hindu identity made them more useful.

A Muslim operative behaving suspiciously near a cantonment, railway route or security installation may attract attention. A local Hindu student, labourer, shopkeeper or technician installing a camera could be mistaken for someone performing an ordinary commercial task. The handler remains in Pakistan. The camera remains in India. The person exposed at the site has an Indian identity and no visible connection to a jihadist organisation.

More arrests were made including a woman named Meera Thakur who was married to a Muslim man involved in criminal activities. Notably, she was earlier arrested by the Special Cell of Delhi Police in an illegal arms and fake currency case, but later released on humanitarian grounds. 

The NIA subsequently said the conspiracy involved solar-powered cameras at sensitive railway locations, Pakistan-based suspected terrorists’ access to live feeds, the procurement of Indian SIM cards and the transmission of photographs, videos and GPS coordinates. By May 2026, the agency said 21 accused had been arrested in the case.

Punjab’s solar-powered CCTV network

Punjab investigations revealed that the Ghaziabad operation was not an isolated experiment. Pakistan-linked handlers were repeatedly using inexpensive commercial cameras to obtain persistent surveillance without sending a trained operative across the border.

On 30th April 2026, Punjab Police announced the arrest of Sukhwinder Singh alias Sukha in one operation and Sona and Sandeep Singh alias Sonu in another. Police recovered China-made cameras with solar panels, SIM cards and 4G connectivity. The devices were installed near military-linked locations and configured to transmit live footage through mobile applications.

In the Kapurthala module, police said a shop near an Army cantonment was used to place a SIM-enabled camera on a pole. A Pakistan-based handler identified as “Fauji” paid Rs 35,000 for the installation. Police also linked Sandeep Singh to cross-border drug smuggling.

On 21st May 2026, Pathankot Police arrested Baljit Singh alias Bittu. He installed an internet-connected CCTV camera at a shop along NH-44 to monitor Army and paramilitary convoys travelling on the Pathankot-Jammu corridor. Police said the live feed was sent to Pakistan-based handlers. Singh reportedly received Rs 40,000 and instructions from a Dubai-based contact.

A day later, police arrested shopkeeper Ankit Sharma for facilitating the installation and concealing the camera and modem after becoming aware of police searches. Investigators said two other suspects were already lodged in jail in a narcotics case.

In June 2026, Ashok Singh and Akashdeep Singh were arrested over another solar-powered camera placed near the Bathinda-Sriganganagar highway. Police said that the camera had transmitted footage for around three months.

Such cameras do not need a wired electricity connection. They can operate in an isolated location. An embedded SIM sends the feed online. Once installed, the human recruit can walk away. Pakistani handlers can watch military movement continuously from across the border.

A camera costing a few thousand rupees can therefore replace a human spy who would otherwise need to remain near the target. The risk is transferred almost entirely to the local recruit.

A network built from ordinary people

Pakistan’s intelligence machinery does not need every recruit to possess classified files. It can assemble intelligence from ordinary observations. A contractor at an airbase knows when repair work is being carried out. A guest-house manager knows which scientists have arrived. A shopkeeper on a highway can observe military convoys. A health worker near the border can photograph new security infrastructure. A student can install a camera near a railway station. An influencer can travel, meet officials and publish content.

Individually, each piece of information may appear minor. When collected over weeks, it can reveal deployment patterns, convoy timings, construction activity, personnel movement and changes in readiness.

These cases also show that handlers search for different weaknesses, including money, romance, travel and visas, social recognition, personal distress, criminal exposure and blackmail.

The 15-year-old Pathankot boy arrested in January 2026 reportedly believed that his father had been murdered. Police said Pakistani accounts exploited his emotional vulnerability and persuaded him to send security-related information.

The recruitment chain is therefore not based only on ideological radicalisation. The ideology may come later. Pakistan first identifies the wound and then presents itself as the solution.

Key Pakistan-linked cases since Operation Sindoor

Jyoti Malhotra was arrested in Haryana on 16th May 2025. The travel influencer was accused of maintaining contact with Pakistani intelligence-linked persons and sharing sensitive information. Investigators said that travel access, official contacts and social-media cultivation were used to draw her into the network. Her bail was rejected by the Punjab and Haryana High Court and later by the Supreme Court. Her trial remains pending.

Sahdevsinh Gohil was arrested in Gujarat on 24th May 2025. The contractual health worker was accused of sending photographs and videos of BSF and Indian Navy facilities to a Pakistani operative using the name “Aditi Bharadwaj”. Gujarat ATS said that he received money and also provided access to an Indian SIM through an OTP. The case remains pending.

Abhishek Bhardwaj was arrested in Himachal Pradesh on 28th May 2025. Police said sensitive and objectionable material was recovered from the college dropout’s phone. He was booked under Section 152 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita over suspected links with Pakistani handlers. The precise method through which he was recruited has not been publicly established.

Mukesh Rajak and Rakesh Kumar Gupta were arrested in West Bengal in July 2025. Investigators said that they provided Indian SIM cards and OTPs used by Pakistani intelligence operatives to create WhatsApp accounts and honey-trap profiles. The men were accused of helping establish the Indian communication infrastructure needed by the foreign handlers. The investigation remains pending.

Mahendra Prasad was arrested in Rajasthan in August 2025. He worked as the manager of a DRDO guest house and supplied details about scientists, officers and defence-related activity. Investigators said he was in contact with a suspected Pakistani handler through social media. He was booked under the Official Secrets Act.

Mangat Singh was arrested in Rajasthan on 10th October 2025. The electrician lived near a military area in Alwar and was accused of sharing information about defence activity. Officials said a Pakistani handler using the name “Isha Sharma” honey-trapped him and used emotional manipulation along with financial inducements. He was arrested under the Official Secrets Act.

Prakash Singh alias Badal was arrested on 1st December 2025. Investigators accused him of sharing details about Army movements, roads, bridges, railway lines and military locations. He communicated through WhatsApp and received payments from Pakistani handlers. Officials also said that he supplied OTPs linked to Indian numbers. He was booked under the Official Secrets Act.

The Ghaziabad CCTV module was uncovered in Uttar Pradesh in March 2026. Those arrested included students, labourers and unemployed youths. Investigators said that the group installed cameras and supplied photographs, videos and live surveillance from areas near defence and railway locations. Small payments and online instructions were reportedly used to control the recruits. Investigators also said Hindu youths were selected for some tasks because they were less likely to attract suspicion. By May 2026, the NIA had reportedly arrested 21 people in connection with the wider conspiracy.

Sukhwinder Singh alias Sukha, Sona and Sandeep Singh alias Sonu were arrested in Punjab in April 2026. Police accused them of installing solar-powered and SIM-enabled cameras near military-linked locations. One module was reportedly controlled by a Pakistan-based handler called “Fauji”, who paid for the installation. Investigators also examined possible links with drug-smuggling networks.

Baljit Singh alias Bittu was arrested in Punjab on 21st May 2026. Police said that he installed an internet-connected camera along NH-44 to monitor Army and paramilitary convoys travelling towards Jammu. The live feed was reportedly accessible to Pakistan-based handlers. Investigators said he received Rs 40,000 and acted on instructions routed through a Dubai-based contact. Shopkeeper Ankit Sharma was arrested the following day for helping install the equipment and later concealing it. The wider network remains under investigation.

The propaganda operation was built into the recruitment system

The strongest evidence of propaganda intent does not come from speculation about what Pakistan may do in the future. Investigators described propaganda as part of the recruitment process itself.

Naushaba Masood’s recruits were asked to publish pro-Pakistan videos before being moved deeper into the network. Investigators explicitly described her system as a dual strategy combining intelligence collection with propaganda. Hindu and Sikh influencers were reportedly targeted because they offered greater credibility. Praise for Pakistan carries a different value when it comes from an Indian Hindu or Sikh creator rather than when it comes from a Pakistani government account.

This gives the handler three advantages. First, the recruit appears less suspicious while gathering information. Second, the recruit can generate apparently independent Indian propaganda. Third, if the network is exposed, Pakistan can point to the Indian Hindu face of the operation and obscure the foreign organisation that created it.

The propaganda value was visible after Prakash Singh’s arrest. A post in the r/indianmuslims community was titled “Not a Muslim”. Comments used formulations such as “Not all Hindus but always a Hindu” and described Hindus collectively as spies and terrorists. The Pakistani handlers disappeared from the communal framing. The identity of the Indian accused became the story.

This is precisely why the Hindu identity of recruits matters. Pakistan does not need to formally announce a “Hindu terror” operation. The optics develop automatically. A Pakistani-controlled network is transformed into evidence against Hindus.

A pre-existing intellectual and media framework is already available for this purpose. In a 2019 opinion article for Al Jazeera, Rana Ayyub accused the BJP of downplaying incidents of “Hindu terrorism”. Her earlier writing demonstrates that the terminology and political framework were already established long before these arrests.

Kasab’s kalawa – Pakistan had used the Hindu disguise before

The clearest historical precedent came during the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attack. David Coleman Headley testified before a Mumbai court that he visited the Siddhivinayak temple and purchased red-and-yellow sacred threads. He said the ten terrorists could wear them as cover so people would believe they were Indians. Other accounts of his testimony record that he handed the threads to Lashkar-e-Taiba handler Sajid Mir.

Ajmal Kasab and the other terrorists were also given fake Indian college identity cards bearing Hindu names. Kasab’s card identified him as Sameer or Samir Choudhary, son of Dinesh Choudhary, associated with Arunodaya Degree College. Kasab’s confession recorded that the attackers were told the cards and sacred threads would deceive the police and help them complete the mission.

The operation therefore contained a manufactured Hindu trail that included Hindu names, fake Indian college identities, a kalawa, shaved or altered appearances, removal of identifying labels and a plan under which the terrorists were expected to die.

Former Mumbai Police Commissioner Rakesh Maria later wrote that had Kasab been killed, he would have been discovered as Samir Dinesh Chaudhari with a red thread on his wrist. He wrote that newspapers would have carried headlines about “Hindu terrorists” attacking Mumbai.

Special prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam later clarified that Maria had not categorically claimed that Lashkar’s declared objective was to manufacture the phrase “Hindu terror”. Nikam believed the fake cards were intended to conceal the attackers’ Pakistani nationality and mislead investigators.

That clarification does not erase the central fact. Pakistan-trained jihadists were deliberately made to resemble Hindu Indians. The disguise provided immediate operational cover. Had all ten died, the same disguise could have produced a false public conclusion about their identity. In fact, Congress leader Digvijay Singh’s promotion of the narrative that the RSS was behind the 26/11 attack, through the launch of the book titled “RSS ki Sazish 26/11”, is the clearest sign of what the intentions were and what would have happened if Kasab had not been caught alive.

Whether “Hindu terror” was the formal title of the operation is secondary. Pakistan created the evidence from which such a narrative could emerge. The post-Operation Sindoor cases follow the same underlying logic. Hindu identities help an operation blend into India. They also provide a false Indian face to an operation directed from Pakistan.

Abhinav Bharat and the construction of the “Hindu terror” narrative

The political expression “Hindu terror” gained prominence during investigations into the Malegaon, Samjhauta Express, Ajmer and Mecca Masjid blasts. The name Abhinav Bharat became central to several allegations involving right-wing activists.

The historical Abhinav Bharat was a revolutionary organisation associated with VD Savarkar and was disbanded after Independence. A different organisation using the same name emerged decades later and became part of the Malegaon investigation.

Former Home Ministry official RVS Mani has stated that the defunct name was deliberately revived in 2005-06 and used to bring right-wing individuals into a structure that could support the “Hindu terror” theory. A later review of his book Deception records his claim that the organisation was revived to provide a base for the narrative.

In The Myth of Hindu Terror, Mani says that the NIA’s investigations during 2009-10 overlooked the original lines of evidence in cases such as Samjhauta, Malegaon and Ajmer and replaced them with material supporting a Hindu-terror narrative. He also says that the agency was used politically to propagate the terms “Hindu terror” and “saffron terror”. These are the author’s claims based on his experience in the Home Ministry, not findings accepted by a court.

Mani separately questions the speed with which the 2008 Malegaon investigation moved towards Lt Col Shrikant Purohit and Hindu organisations. He says that the political establishment wanted terror incidents to be coloured “saffron”.

Pakistan benefits when that category is available. If Pakistani handlers recruit a Hindu youth, direct him to install a camera and pay him through an intermediary, the exposed operative is Hindu. Yet the plan, handler and beneficiary remain Pakistani. Once the Hindu name is extracted from the chain and presented without its controller, a Pakistan-backed operation can be repackaged as a Hindu security threat.

The pattern that emerges

The evidence since Operation Sindoor establishes four connected facts.

First, Pakistan-linked operatives are recruiting Indians for both espionage and propaganda. The Naushaba Masood investigation explicitly described those twin objectives.

Second, Hindus and Sikhs were specifically targeted in at least one influencer and visa network. This was not inferred from names. Investigators stated it directly.

Third, Hindu youths were selected in the Ghaziabad module because they would attract less suspicion while installing surveillance equipment.

Fourth, Pakistan and Lashkar-e-Taiba previously manufactured Hindu appearances and identities for the 26/11 terrorists. The kalawas and fake Hindu names are recorded in testimony, the chargesheet, Kasab’s confession and accounts of the trial.

Taken together, this is not a random collection of unrelated details. Hindu identity has repeatedly provided Pakistan-backed operations with camouflage, credibility and deniability.

The precise endgame may vary. One recruit is used to film a cantonment. Another activates an Indian SIM. Another publishes favourable videos. Another installs a solar-powered camera. The handler does not need every recruit to understand the larger operation. The common result is the same. Pakistan obtains information or influence while the person visible on Indian soil is an Indian Hindu or Sikh.

Pakistan recruits vulnerabilities, but identity multiplies their value

Money, honey traps and blackmail explain why a person may agree to work for a hostile intelligence service. They do not fully explain why particular profiles are valuable.

A Hindu influencer praising Pakistan has more propaganda value than a Pakistani official praising Pakistan. A Hindu youth installing a camera near a defence location draws less suspicion than an identifiable member of an Islamist module. A Hindu name on a dead terrorist’s identity card can misdirect an investigation. A Hindu accused, stripped of the context of his Pakistani handler, can later be held up as evidence of “Hindu terror”.

This is why the post-Operation Sindoor arrests cannot be dismissed as individual greed alone. The handlers are exploiting vulnerabilities, but they are also exploiting identity.

The operational method has evolved since 26/11. Fake identity cards and sacred threads have been replaced by influencers, Indian SIM cards, encrypted applications and solar-powered cameras. The purpose remains familiar: conceal the Pakistani hand behind an Indian face.

India’s counter-intelligence response must therefore look beyond conventional jihadist profiles. Hindu students, influencers, contractors, pilgrims and civilians living near defence installations are now targets for recruitment. Awareness campaigns must explain how friendly online contact, visa assistance, small payments and seemingly harmless requests can become the first stage of espionage.

Pakistan does not need to convert every recruit ideologically. It needs access, obedience and an Indian identity that can carry the blame when the operation is exposed.

The Hindu religious identity of a person involved in a Pakistani espionage network is not an incidental detail. It is part of the weapon that a hostile nation’s intelligence network is using against India.

Who is Anish Gawande, NCP (SP) leader, whose house Abhijit Dipke was staying in?

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Who is Anish Gawande, NCP (SP) leader, whose house Abhijit Dipke was staying in?

NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar) spokesperson Anish Gawande condemned the Delhi Police action against ‘activist’ Sonam Wangchuk. Police removed Wangchuk from the Cockroach Janta Party’s protest at Jantar Mantar on 18th July. He had been on a hunger strike for nearly 20 days. Gawande urged people to join the protest in large numbers.

He claimed that Wangchuk’s removal from the protest site was an ‘arrest’ and that the police had acted without any explanation or written order. Notably, Wangchuk was removed from the protest site by the Delhi Police and admitted to Safdarjung Hospital due to his deteriorating health condition.

Gawande later claimed that the police action did not arise from the government’s concern about Wangchuk’s health, but rather it was aimed at disrupting the ongoing protests.

Gawande is popular for being the first openly gay person to be appointed as the spokesperson of a political party. He has openly supported and been associated with the CJP protest. Notably, CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke was at Gawande’s house to change clothes when the police briefly detained him as Wangchuk was being removed from the protest site.

Gawande alleged that police personnel detained and beat Dipke while he was on the staircase of his house. He further alleged that Dipke was screaming as the cops thrashed him.

Who is Anish Gawande

According to information available about him, Gawande is the grandson of freedom fighter, lawyer and prominent educationist T K Tope. He was raised in Mumbai and received his education at Greenlawns School, Worli, and Cathedral and John Connon School, Fort. He went to Columbia University to study Comparative Literature, and later pursued postgraduate studies in intellectual history and public policy at the University of Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar.

Before joining politics, Anish Gawande was an LGBTQ+ rights activist and a writer. He is also the founder of the Pink List India, a database of politicians supportive of LGBTQ+ rights.

After declaring his gay identity, Gawande studied Francophone West Africa and Senegalese linguistic politics and planned to join academia as a professor. However, in 2018, he is said to have had an opportunity to run an election campaign in India, which changed his course. In August 2024, Gawande was appointed as the national spokesperson of NCP (SP).

Gawande is a supporter of horizontal reservation and wants it to be extended to categories that exist alongside caste, for example, sports quotas or reservations for women and people with disabilities. He also feels that a comprehensive anti-discrimination law would entirely solve the problem of discrimination in the country.

Recently, expressed support for the Khalistani propaganda movie, Satluj, which was taken down immediately after release on the Zee5 OTT platform.

“Forty-eight hours. That’s how long Satluj, the film in which Diljit Dosanjh plays the human-rights investigator Jaswant Singh Khalsa, lasted on an Indian screen before it was quietly pulled “until further notice.” A film about people made to disappear, made to disappear. My column this week is about that vanishing: about Khalra, who counted Punjab’s unnamed dead and was himself never found; about Gulzar’s Maachis, which once trusted us to look our own cruelties in the eye; and about the oldest, most unfashionable kind of patriotism, the kind brave enough to remember,” Gawande wrote in support of the movie in an Instagram post.

Gujarat tops NITI Aayog’s Investment Friendliness Index: From ports to semiconductors, read how it became the first choice of investors

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Gujarat tops NITI Aayog’s Investment Friendliness Index: From ports to semiconductors, read how it became the first choice of investors

When an industrialist in the country decides to invest ₹500 crore or ₹5,000 crore, the biggest question for him is not just where to get cheaper land or where to get more tax concessions. He first asks one thing: if I invest money in this state, will my factory be built on time? Will the government work with me like a partner, or will I have to scramble for months amidst piles of files? How close is the port? Will electricity be available 24 hours a day? Will goods reach the country and abroad quickly? And most importantly, will the policies that are in place today still be trusted after five years?

These questions seem very common on paper, but the decision on which country or state billions of dollars of investment will go to around the world is often based on the answers to such questions. In the investment world, there is a common belief that companies look at the attitude of a government before they look at the map. Geography matters, but governance matters even more.

In India, too, there has been a competition between states to attract investment for years. Some states offer cheap land, some announce tax breaks, some create special economic zones, while others organise grand summits inviting industrialists from all over the world. But amidst all this, one question has never been systematically answered: which is the most favourable state from the investor’s perspective?

NITI Aayog has now attempted to answer that question by releasing India’s first-ever Investment Friendliness Index, which evaluates all states and Union Territories on a common set of parameters. All the states and union territories of the country were tested on the same criteria, not only government claims but also the experience of investors were given importance, and in the results that came out, Gujarat emerged as the most investment-friendly state in the country. Maharashtra came second, and Tamil Nadu came third. 

While the headline may simply read “Gujarat ranks first”, the significance of the report goes much deeper. Because this is not a general ranking, not an award from any media house and not an assessment from any department. This is an effort in which the government has tried to understand for the first time that if an investor comes to India with his money, which state gives him the most confidence.

And when the answer to this question comes to Gujarat, it is not just the work of a year behind it. Behind it is a strategy that has been going on for years, the impact of which is often not immediately visible to the common man.

This index is not just for ranking; it is for India’s future

India is today one of the fastest-growing major economies in the world. There is constant talk of making India a major hub for manufacturing, exports and global supply chains in the next two decades. But mere expression of desire does not bring investment. The world’s big companies no longer look only at cheap labour. They look at policy stability, legal clarity, infrastructure, skilled manpower, power, water, ports, logistics and the speed of government decision-making, all of these together.

NITI Aayog has also emphasised this in its report. The goal of making India a developed nation by 2047 cannot be achieved by the central government alone. Ultimately, industries are set up in the states, employment is created in the states, and the biggest impact of investment also falls on the states. Therefore, if India is to be made a global investment hub, it becomes necessary to measure how ready each state is. 

This idea was not born in a day. In July 2024, in the Governing Council meeting of NITI Aayog, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had stressed the need to create an investment-friendly framework for states. Then, it was officially announced in the Union Budget 2025-26, and finally, this index was prepared. Its purpose was not just to give numbers to states, but to encourage them to learn from each other and become better. 

This is why this index should be seen as more of a ‘roadmap’ than a simple ranking.

What does the investor ultimately see?

Imagine a German automobile company planning to build a manufacturing plant in India. Or a semiconductor company from Japan, Taiwan or the United States considering an investment worth thousands of crores.

What will it do? First, it will look at the market. Then it will check the availability of raw materials. Then it will evaluate the government policies. It will want to know how long it takes to get approvals, how transparent the environmental processes are, how reliable the electricity and water supply is, what the law and order situation is, and if the government changes tomorrow, will there not be a major change in the policies, right?

NITI Aayog attempted to convert these concerns into measurable indicators.

A total of 84 indicators have been divided into eight major pillars. From infrastructure to institutional structure, business climate to financial health and environmental resilience, all issues have been taken into account. Not only this, instead of relying only on the claims of governments, an investor perception survey was also conducted, so that the difference between what is written on paper and what is experienced on the ground can also be revealed. 

This is where the story of Gujarat begins. Because Gujarat’s success did not come from any single plan. It is the result of a series of decisions, one after the other, which gradually made the state not only industrial, but also a trustworthy state for investors.

Gujarat’s greatest strength is not roads or ports; it is trust

Gujarat has always enjoyed certain geographical advantages, including a long coastline and strategic access to ports. But geography alone does not automatically transform a state into an industrial powerhouse. Many other states also possess ports and industrial land. But because it only has land, global companies do not invest crores of rupees. The question was whether the state could convert its geographical strength into policy strength. Gujarat has probably done this most successfully in the last two decades.

When Vibrant Gujarat was launched during the time of then CM Narendra Modi, many people considered it just a grand conference of investors. But over time, it became clear that its purpose was not just to get MoUs signed. Its real purpose was to send a message to the world that Gujarat is ready for investment, the government is ready to listen to you, and there will be no delay in taking decisions.

This was a message. But a message alone doesn’t work. A system has to be built behind it. And perhaps from here Gujarat chose a different path from many other states.

Not policies, but a strategy to create a complete ecosystem

If we analyse Gujarat’s industrial journey, one thing is clear: the state has never relied on just one big project. Instead, it has gradually created an ecosystem where almost everything an investor needs complements each other. If a company has land available but no electricity, investment will stall. If there is electricity but no good road to reach the port, production will become expensive. If there is a port but government approvals take years, the company will choose another state. That is why Gujarat has not pursued different projects separately, but as part of a single development model.

That is why today, if we look at the map of Gujarat, we see not just cities, but interconnected economic centres. Ports like Kandla and Mundra have become the gateways to the country’s trade. The Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor directly connects the state with North India. Dedicated freight corridors speed up freight transport. 

New industrial cities like Dholera are coming up, keeping in mind the needs of the future. Sanand is becoming a hub for new industries ranging from automobiles to semiconductors. If you look at all these projects separately, their impact may not seem that big, but when all these are connected to each other, Gujarat emerges as a complete investment ecosystem.

Perhaps this is why NITI Aayog has not limited infrastructure to roads and bridges. The report clearly states that institutional capacity and policy stability are as important as physical facilities for investment. That is why this index has given equal importance to pillars like business climate, governance, resources and institutional environment along with infrastructure. 

Gujarat not only invited industries, but it also gave confidence to industries

Many states in India invite investors. They hold big summits, announce MoUs worth thousands of crores and even announce tax concessions. But investors are not just influenced by advertisements. They have watched the behaviour of the state for years.

The biggest capital for an industrialist is not money, but time. If there is a delay of two years in starting a plant, there can be a loss of thousands of crores. That is why for companies around the world, ‘Ease of Doing Business’ means not just a certificate, but their real experience with every department of the government.

Gujarat has carved out a distinct identity for itself here. Over the years, the state has tried to simplify approval processes. The single-window system, time-bound clearances, digital processes and the proactive role of the industry department have sent a message that the government is not just a regulator, but also a development partner.

This issue has also been given importance by the NITI Aayog. The report has clarified that policy transparency for investors, speed of decision-making and an easy coordination process with the government are among the most important factors for investment. Perhaps this is the reason why when a new global company thinks of coming to India, Gujarat’s name keeps coming up first in the discussion.

Preparations for what is seen today began years ago

Today, Gujarat talks about semiconductors. Brings a special policy for data centres. Is ahead in green hydrogen, green energy, shipbuilding and high-tech manufacturing. But all this did not start suddenly. If we look at the journey of two decades, it is clear that the state has kept changing its priorities with time.

There was a time when the goal was to strengthen the textile, chemical and petrochemical industries. Then the focus shifted to the automobile sector. Then pharma and engineering. Now the world is moving towards semiconductors, artificial intelligence (AI), data centres and green manufacturing; Gujarat is also taking its policies in the same direction.

This constant change is perhaps Gujarat’s greatest speciality. While many states are busy saving old industries, Gujarat has already started preparing for where the industries of the next decade will be.

A recent example is the semiconductor sector. As India talks about becoming self-reliant in this sector, Gujarat is at the centre of several major semiconductor projects approved in the country. Similarly, through the data centre policy, the state has also started preparing itself for the next phase of the digital economy.

Seeing all this, one thing is clear: Gujarat is not only competing for today’s investment, but is also securing its place for tomorrow’s investment.

But where is the true test of this success?

Any government can make claims about its development. It can also announce big projects. However, the real test comes when an independent institution evaluates every state using common benchmarks. That is what makes NITI Aayog’s Investment Friendliness Index significant.

This first Investment Friendliness Index of NITI Aayog is the test, and Gujarat’s first position in it shows that the development model adopted by the state in the last two decades was not only sufficient to create projects, but was also successful in continuously strengthening the confidence of investors.

What about ordinary Gujaratis?

Often, when such reports come out, the common man wonders, what is the benefit to me if the state comes first? If investors come, industrialists will benefit, the government will celebrate its achievements, but what will change in the lives of the common citizen? In fact, the entire economy of investment is such that its biggest impact is on the common man.

Imagine a company setting up a plant worth ₹10,000 crore in Gujarat. The news will be that an investment of that many crores has been made. But the real success starts after that. Before the plant is set up, thousands of people get jobs in construction. Then the businesses of those who bring machinery, transporters, warehouse operators, local suppliers, small and big contractors and nearby traders all get a boost. After the plant starts up, not only is direct employment provided, but dozens of small industries associated with it are also set up.

An entire economy gradually develops around a large industry. New residential settlements are built. Schools, hospitals, hotels, restaurants, banks and other services develop. That is why economists do not consider large investments as just investments of one company, but as the engine of development of the entire area.

Perhaps this is why the NITI Aayog report directly links investment not just to setting up industries, but to employment, production, exports, productivity and long-term economic prosperity. The report clearly states that a better investment climate enhances the economic potential of the entire state. 

But coming first is not the ultimate goal.

This first place is a matter of pride for Gujarat, but perhaps an even bigger thing is that now the eyes of the entire country will be on Gujarat. Because this index is not a document that can be created once and then closed. 

The clear objective of the NITI Aayog is that this evaluation should be done periodically, healthy competition between states should increase, and each state should learn good things from other states. So in the coming years, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, and other states will also reform their policies. The competition will become tougher.

So the challenge for Gujarat now is not to get the first place, but to maintain it. Because in the world of investment, current efficiency is more important than past achievements. The state that is ahead today, if it stops improving, may also be left behind tomorrow. Big companies in the world are constantly comparing. 

They compare India not only among the states of India, but also with countries like Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mexico and Eastern Europe. So for Gujarat, the competition is no longer just within the country. The real competition is at the global level.

One thing, which is perhaps the most important message of this discussion

One thing is repeatedly understood while reading this index. Niti Aayog has never said that investment will come just by providing cheap land. Nor has it ever said that the state will move forward just by providing tax relief.

Instead, a consistent idea throughout the report is that investment comes when the entire ecosystem inspires confidence in investors. That means good policies, strong infrastructure, fast decision-making, transparency, and a clear direction for the future. 

Perhaps this is why Gujarat’s success cannot be seen as the achievement of just one department or one government. This result is a reflection of a model that has been built over many years, in which ports, roads, industrial corridors, policies, constant dialogue with investors, readiness for new technologies and the efficiency of governance have complemented each other.

Not just first place, a test of the development model

In India, the discussion of development often gets bogged down in political claims and counter-claims. When a government takes credit for itself, the opposition criticises it. But there are occasions when the discussion is not based on political statements, but on a systematic assessment. NITI Aayog’s first Investment Friendliness Index is one such occasion.

This index does not say that Gujarat has no problems or that there is no need for improvement. On the contrary, its purpose is to encourage states to continuously improve. But it does show that Gujarat currently stands ahead of all other states when it comes to various factors required to attract investors. 

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Gujarati.)

How UP won the battle against encephalitis

Divya Bharti
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How UP won the battle against encephalitis

For nearly four decades, eastern Uttar Pradesh lived under the constant shadow of Acute Encephalitis Syndrome (AES) and Japanese Encephalitis (JE). Every year, especially during the monsoon season, districts such as Gorakhpur, Kushinagar, Maharajganj, Deoria and nearby regions witnessed a fresh wave of infections. Hospitals were packed beyond capacity, parents waited outside emergency wards hoping to save their children, and doctors struggled to handle the overwhelming number of patients.

The Baba Raghav Das (BRD) Medical College in Gorakhpur became the centre of this crisis. Hundreds of children suffering from encephalitis were admitted every month during the peak season, and for years, the disease claimed hundreds of young lives annually. The situation had become so serious that encephalitis was no longer seen as a seasonal illness but as one of Uttar Pradesh’s biggest healthcare challenges.

When Yogi Adityanath assumed office as Chief Minister in 2017, the state faced the difficult task of controlling a disease that had remained largely unchecked for decades.

Instead of fighting only disease, the government built a statewide system targeting every cause of encephalitis

The Yogi government decided that encephalitis could not be defeated by hospitals alone. Rather than limiting efforts to treating patients after they became sick, the government adopted a comprehensive strategy aimed at stopping the disease before it spread.

Soon after taking office, the government introduced the Guidelines for Prevention and Treatment of Acute Encephalitis Syndrome, creating a coordinated action plan involving multiple departments. The Health Department became the nodal agency for the 38 encephalitis-affected districts, while departments including Medical Education, Urban Development, Rural Development, Panchayati Raj, Women and Child Welfare, Animal Husbandry and Basic Education worked together under a common framework.

This marked a significant shift in the state’s approach. Vaccination, sanitation, awareness, surveillance, treatment facilities and infrastructure development were all treated as equally important parts of the solution instead of isolated efforts.

Door-to-door vaccination and awareness protected millions of children

One of the biggest pillars of the government’s strategy was prevention through vaccination and public awareness.

In February 2018, Uttar Pradesh launched the Dastak campaign, which aimed to ensure that no child vulnerable to Japanese Encephalitis remained unvaccinated. Instead of waiting for families to visit health centres, ASHA workers, teachers and healthcare staff visited villages and households across affected districts.

They explained how encephalitis spreads, identified children showing early symptoms and encouraged parents to seek immediate medical care whenever warning signs appeared. Schools became centres for awareness programmes, while villages witnessed continuous information campaigns throughout the high-risk season.

The government believes that taking vaccination and awareness directly to people’s homes significantly improved early detection and reduced severe infections.

Sanitation and mosquito control became powerful prevention tools

The administration recognised that encephalitis could not be controlled without improving living conditions in the affected districts.

Along with healthcare interventions, the government integrated the campaign with the Swachh Bharat Mission and encouraged villages to improve sanitation and hygiene. Awareness programmes focused on using safe drinking water, maintaining cleaner surroundings and reducing mosquito breeding.

People were advised not to let children sleep directly on mud floors, to use India Mark-II hand pumps wherever available for safe water, and to keep pig shelters away from residential areas in vulnerable regions. Fogging operations and mosquito control measures were intensified to reduce the spread of Japanese Encephalitis.

Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has repeatedly said that improved sanitation contributed significantly to reducing encephalitis-related deaths in the state.

Better hospitals improved treatment and emergency healthcare services

While preventive measures continued at the community level, the government also strengthened treatment facilities across eastern Uttar Pradesh.

Fifteen block-level encephalitis treatment centres and mini paediatric care centres were established in rural areas so that patients could receive timely treatment without travelling long distances. Block hospitals were equipped with at least three ventilators each to improve emergency response.

More than 3.5 lakh officers and government employees received specialised training on encephalitis prevention, early identification of symptoms and treatment protocols.

These improvements helped reduce the burden on tertiary hospitals such as BRD Medical College and ensured quicker medical attention for critically ill patients.

Cases and deaths declined after coordinated government action

The combined effect of vaccination, sanitation, awareness and healthcare improvements became visible within a few years.

According to Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Uttar Pradesh succeeded in reducing encephalitis cases by around 75 % and deaths by nearly 85 % after launching the coordinated campaign.

The transformation was particularly evident in Gorakhpur, once regarded as the epicentre of the disease. The Chief Minister has stated that between 1977 and 2017, nearly 600 children died every year due to Acute Encephalitis Syndrome in the district. In recent years, however, deaths have fallen dramatically, indicating a significant improvement in disease control.

Hospital admissions also declined sharply. BRD Medical College, which traditionally admitted 500 to 600 encephalitis patients every August, recorded a substantial reduction in admissions after preventive measures were expanded across the affected districts.

Japanese encephalitis cases that once numbered in the 100s have now dropped to a fraction of earlier levels

Government data also reflects a steady decline in Japanese Encephalitis.

Data Source: National Centre for Vector-Borne Disease Control

In 2017, Uttar Pradesh reported 693 JE cases and 93 deaths. The following years showed continuous improvement. In 2018, the state recorded 323 cases and 25 deaths. Cases further reduced to 235 in 2019, followed by 100 cases in 2020, 153 during 2021, 124 in 2022 and only 17 reported cases with zero deaths between January and July 2023.

The National Centre for Vector-Borne Disease Control reported that Japanese Encephalitis cases declined by more than 80 %, while deaths reduced by over 95 % during this period.

On September 9, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath announced that no deaths had been reported in Uttar Pradesh due to Japanese Encephalitis, Chikungunya and Malaria between January 1 and September 7. He described the achievement as the result of sustained efforts launched after 2017 and said the government’s next objective is the complete eradication of the disease.

From hundreds of deaths, the state has been reporting zero encephalitis deaths since 2024. In 2026, while 3 cases of encephalitis have been reported so far, and the patients were successfully treated.

Uttar Pradesh’s encephalitis control model received international recognition from UNICEF

The state’s efforts also drew appreciation from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

UNICEF praised Uttar Pradesh’s large-scale immunisation programme against Japanese Encephalitis and Acute Encephalitis Syndrome under the Dastak campaign. The organisation highlighted the importance of combining vaccination with sanitation, awareness campaigns and active community participation instead of relying solely on hospital-based treatment.

Health workers, teachers and ASHA workers were recognised for ensuring that awareness and vaccination reached even remote villages across the affected districts.

The international recognition has strengthened Uttar Pradesh’s image as a state that managed to significantly reduce a disease that had troubled the region for generations.

What is Japanese Encephalitis, and how does it spread

Japanese Encephalitis (JE) is a viral disease transmitted through infected mosquitoes. The virus naturally circulates among pigs and certain species of birds before mosquitoes spread it to humans. It does not spread directly from one person to another.

The disease attacks the brain and can lead to high fever, headache, vomiting, seizures, confusion and unconsciousness. In severe cases, it can cause permanent neurological damage or death. Children remain the most vulnerable to the infection, making vaccination and early medical care especially important.

Since there is no specific cure for Japanese Encephalitis, public health experts emphasise vaccination, mosquito control, sanitation, early diagnosis and supportive treatment as the most effective ways to reduce deaths.

A public health success built through long-term planning

The fight against encephalitis in Uttar Pradesh shows how a long-standing health crisis can be tackled through coordinated action. By combining vaccination, door-to-door awareness, sanitation, stronger hospitals, trained healthcare workers and coordination across multiple departments, the state addressed the disease from several directions at the same time.

For decades, encephalitis represented one of the biggest health emergencies in eastern Uttar Pradesh, with thousands of families losing children and hospitals struggling every monsoon.

The decline in cases and deaths over the past several years has made the Uttar Pradesh model an important example of how sustained public health efforts can change the course of an epidemic.

How the Cockroach Janta Party is setting the stage for violence with their ‘Parliament march’

Dibakar Dutta
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How the Cockroach Janta Party is setting the stage for violence with their ‘Parliament march’

On Saturday (18th July), the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) suffered a massive blow to its nefarious agenda to hold the State to ransom. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) member turned CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke was hopeful that he could continue to capitalise on the hunger strike of ‘activist’ Sonam Wangchuk and ride the wave of public resentment against NEET paper leaks.

The sinister objective to use a genuine cause concerning the careers of millions of students to his political advantage seems to be in a state of jeopardy. Sonam Wangchuk has been hospitalised, and sources suggest that his hunger strike will soon come to an abrupt end.

Such a development is a matter of grave concern to the Cockroach Janta Party, whose political ambitions would have been determined by the deteriorating health condition of Sonam Wangchuk.

Screengrab of the tweets by Abhijeet Dipke

With none to emotionally manipulate the masses by weaponising an ‘indefinite hunger strike’, Abhijeet Dipke (who has been feasting all along) has decided to follow the footsteps of the absentee activist. And he came to that decision after attempts to create hysteria and panic by peddling lies about his detention failed to work on social media.

Cockroach Janta Party and its violent rhetoric

It is crystal clear that the Cockroach Janta Party, which came into existence based on AAP-backed viral marketing, will not let the opportunity slide. Their spokespersons and supporters have now started speaking the language of violence.

It’s not overt and explicit but veiled and subtle dogwhistling. It began with shrewd incitement and deliberate provocation by Abhijeet Dipke.

CJP spokesperson Ashutosh Ranka followed the same playbook and intentionally peddled fake news about ‘arrest’ of Sonam Wangchuk and assault on Abhijeet Dipke.

Using this as a pretext, he declared, “The Delhi police have shown their true colours. It is not the time now to stay silent. We need to launch ‘peaceful protests’ across India.”

CJP spokesperson Saurav Das first created mass hysteria by claiming that Sonam Wangchuk was being taken to an ‘unknown location.’

Screengrab of the tweet by Saurav Das

Thereafter, he seized the opportunity and called for people to reach ‘Jantar Mantar’ immediately, claiming it to be a fight to ‘save’ India and Sonam Wangchuk.

Saurav Das is well aware that a sudden rush of thousands of protestors could create unrest and disrupt the law and order situation. Due to non-supervision, it could lead to violence and vandalism.

But the CJP spokesperson is instead busy inflaming passions and mobilising a large number of people with little to no accountability for the possible aftermath.

Amid all this, the emphasis remains on a proposed ‘March to Parliament’ (Chalo Sansad) scheduled on 20th July this year. The CJP is hoping for a turnout of 1.5 lakh people on the streets for this anti-government procession.

A leaf from the 2020 Delhi anti-Hindu riots

And with the implicit call for violence, you can see a pattern. This is the same playbook that was followed ahead of the 2020 Delhi anti-Hindu riots.

In the garb of anti-CAA protests, ‘shernis’ of Shaheen Bagh squatted on the roads, brought life to a standstill and created the foundation for the 2020 riots that claimed 52 lives in Northeast Delhi.

But the mobilisation of Islamists started in December 2019 itself, with the first march from the Jamia Millia Islamia University to the Union Parliament. But it was thwarted by the police. Anti-India separatists such as Sharjeel Imam were part of the protest, which saw violence, destruction of properties, and clashes with law enforcement.

Soon after this episode, Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad surfaced at the Jama Masjid and defied a ban on protests amidst heavy police presence. Azad was seen holding up a copy of the preamble of the Constitution along with posters of BR Ambedkar as he led his supporters in a protest inside the gates of the Jama Masjid after Friday prayers.

He was later arrested by the police. According to cops, Azad instigated the crowd which turned violent near Delhi Gate and burnt a car.

The same Chandrasekhar Azad, the flagbearer of ‘Jai Bhim-Jai Meem’, is now out there supporting the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP).

‘Andoolanjeevi’ Yogendra Yadav also came out in support of Sonam Wangchuk and was, in fact, seen consoling CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke. In December 2019, Yadav was introduced to Sharjeel Imam by none other than Umar Khalid.

As per the chargesheet filed by the Delhi police, it was decided between Yogendra Yadav, Sharjeel Imam and Umar Khalid that social media would be used to indoctrinate Muslims and for the mobilisation of people for Chakka Jam. He was also part of a WhatsApp group named CAB-JAM which coordinated violent anti-CAA protests.

Yogendra Yadav with Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam

Ahead of the riots that were coincidentally timed with Donald Trump’s visit to India, another protest march (similar to the one being planned by the CJP) were carried out by Islamists on 10th February 2020.

The march started from the Jamia Millia Islamia University and was supposed to conclude at the Union Parliament. It was later stopped by the Delhi police.

Congress, which has shown its support for CJP, was also dogwhistling about mass mobilisation during the anti-CAA protests.

It may be recalled that in February 2020, the Delhi HC had issued notice to Delhi Police, Delhi government and the Centre in connection with a petition seeking registration of FIRs against Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra for hate speech during anti-Hindu riots in Delhi.

We have also witnessed how Khalistanis, in the garb of farmer protests, carried out a march to the Red Fort in 2021 and desecrated the Indian tricolour.

Conclusion

The Indian government should take precautions not to let ‘protestors’ hold the State to ransom again.

“Those Who Do Not Learn History Are Doomed To Repeat It.” 

The Cockroach Janta Party is planning a dangerous game for 20th July 2026. All-out efforts must be made to nip it in the bud.

From Pooja Pal to Roli Tiwari Mishra and Richa Rajput: Whenever SP leaders are questioned, goons of Akhilesh launch misogynistic, hateful attacks on non-Yadav women

विशेषता
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From Pooja Pal to Roli Tiwari Mishra and Richa Rajput: Whenever SP leaders are questioned, goons of Akhilesh launch misogynistic, hateful attacks on non-Yadav women

The Samajwadi Party (SP) tirelessly portrays itself as a follower of Lohia’s ideology and a champion of ‘social justice’. However, when it comes to respecting women and safeguarding their dignity within the party, its true and deeply troubling face comes to the fore. The party has long displayed a pattern in which women are treated merely as political pawns.

Whenever a woman leader, whether from within the party or outside it, dares to question the party’s policies, the conduct of its leaders, or the dominance of a particular group within the party, the party’s entire machinery, along with its supporters, hounds her and attacks her character.

Whether it is Pooja Pal, Roli Tiwari Mishra, or Richa Rajput (Lodhi), each of these women faced abusive language, threats, and highly offensive online trolling whenever they raised sharp questions before the party’s top leadership.

The language used within the Samajwadi Party towards non-Yadav communities and women is so crude and disgraceful that no civilised society would accept it. The women who speak out, whether while in the party or after leaving it, are subjected to particularly vile forms of targeting.

Pooja Pal said only the Saifai family, Atiq, Mukhtar, and Azam have a future in the SP

The latest controversy erupted after Sirathu MLA Pooja Pal raised a political question, which directly attacked the casteist and narrow-mindedness of the Samajwadi Party. Tagging SP supremo Akhilesh Yadav, Pooja Pal posted an X, “Mr Akhilesh Yadav, you were asking what I got? Today, I will answer your question. Akhilesh ji, I am proud to be a daughter of the Pal community and a BJP member. I am in a party where even a tea seller can become Prime Minister. It depends on my ability. Akhilesh ji, I am in a party where a son or daughter of the Pal community can become an MLA, MP, Minister, Deputy Chief Minister, Chief Minister, Governor, Prime Minister, or President. No one except Atiq, Mukhtar, Azam, and the Saifai family has ever had a future in the SP, nor will they ever have.”

Following this post, SP’s casteist trolls crossed all limits against Pooja Pal. When a daughter of a backward community raised valid questions about merit and participation, the SP trolls began attacking her character and caste. This shows how non-Yadav leaders are treated within the party.

Roli Tiwari Mishra: “If you want to do politics in the SP, get used to being abused.”

When former SP national spokesperson Dr Roli Tiwari Mishra spoke out in support of Sanatan Dharma and the Shri Ramcharitmanas, she faced harassment within the party. An X account featuring Akhilesh Yadav’s photo as the profile picture sent her a message, subjecting her to extremely abusive language.

Posting a screenshot of the message, Roli questioned Akhilesh Yadav, “Mr Akhilesh Yadav, please carefully read this message sent by this thug using your DP and imagine that this message was sent to your daughters, Tina and Aditi. Then, let me know how you feel. If you feel bad, then rein in the thugs thriving within your party. If these thugs in your party don’t reform, one day, Hon. Yogi Adityanath will eliminate them. Has organising the Shri Ramcharitmanas Samman Yatra become such a serious crime that threats and abuse are warranted?”

Furthermore, in a tweet dated June 17, 2026, Roli Tiwari Mishra, while cleaning up the internal mess within the SP, wrote that an advisor of Akhilesh Yadav (who is a Thakur by caste) was the mastermind behind the party’s internal conflict in 2016. Roli said that when she was the national spokesperson and was abused by SP history-sheeter Manurojan Yadav, she talked about filing an FIR. To this, she received a blunt and mean reply: “If you want to do politics in the SP, then get the Ahirs used to calling you ‘r@#$, Panditain.” This reveals the mental torture that women within the SP have to endure.

SP’s official handle’s obscenity against Richa Rajput: Indecent language used

It was the height of misogyny and crassness when the Samajwadi Party’s official Twitter handle openly insulted Dr Richa Rajput (Lodhi). The party’s handle posted extremely shameful tweets against Richa Rajput, in defence of SP leader Manish Jagan Agarwal, whom Akhilesh Yadav tried hard to protect.

Samajwadi Party’s official handle wrote about Richa Rajput, “Putanas and Shurpanakha should not give knowledge, they should do their demonic work as they do, now run away, you were given respect and honour but you could not digest it, you go and serve Chinmayanand, Ram Rahim, Sengar, you will get the real laddu there, the same prasad laddu which Baba Nikala feeds in the Ashram series.”

Another tweet from the Samajwadi Party handle read, “Didi, just tell me about the stolen tap, nozzle, tap handle, whatever it is. After proper fitting, you will get satisfactory service. By the way, it seems you have a lot of complaints about the skill and service of BJP leaders Chinmayanand and Kuldeep Sengar?”

The use of disgusting words like ‘fitting’, ‘satisfactory service’ and ‘special services’ with vulgar undertones, regarding a female doctor and leader from the Samajwadi Party, clearly shows the extent of distorted thinking about women in the party.

Akhilesh Yadav and his digital gangsterism carry the legacy of misogyny

Everyone witnessed the era of Mulayam Singh Yadav, when he defended rapists by saying, “They’re boys, 
boys make mistakes.” Today, under his son, Akhilesh Yadav’s leadership, the misogynist thinking has found a digital expression. When Roli Tiwari is advised to tolerate abusive words like “R@#$,” when Richa Rajput is subjected to taunts like “Surpanakha,” and when a strong backward-caste woman leader like Pooja Pal is insulted, Akhilesh Yadav’s “mysterious silence” pats these thugs on the back.

No matter how much Akhilesh Yadav pretends to be modern and progressive on social media platforms, the reality is that his party still relies on criminals, mafias (Atiq and Mukhtar), and unruly elements. When the national president himself runs from one police station to another to protect a misogynistic troll (Manish Jagan Agarwal), it’s natural for such misogynistic trolls in the to feel emboldened.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

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