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US nuclear-powered supercarrier heads towards Middle East while Trump announces ‘Board of Peace’ for Gaza, reports of secret Israel-Iran understanding via Russia. Read details

Rukma Rathore
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US nuclear-powered supercarrier heads towards Middle East while Trump announces ‘Board of Peace’ for Gaza, reports of secret Israel-Iran understanding via Russia. Read details

The pentagon has directed the USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN-72) to move to the US Central Command area of responsibility, which involves the Middle East as tensions between Washington and Tehran remain high. The fifth among the Nimitz class nuclear-powered supercarriers, CVN-72, has been patrolling in the South China Sea and carried out live-fire drills and a replenishment-at-sea as part of its regular operations.

Visuals from Copernicus, a satellite data company that tracks maritime movement, showed the carrier and its strike group heading west away from the Indo-Pacific area. The strike group consists of guided missile destroyers, fighter planes and at least one attack submarine. The transition would at least take a week.

According to insiders, US military equipment from the air, land and sea is anticipated to arrive in the area in the upcoming days and weeks, reported Fox News. The intent is to offer armed alternatives to President Donald Trump in the event that he chooses to launch strikes against Iran. Officials referred to the movements as a part of “setting the force.”

If the president wants to use force then “this will be different, more offensive,” a source highlighted and added that US military strategists are planning a variety of possibilities that will rely on the actions of the Iranian government in the days ahead. Officials informed that nearly 30,000 American personnel are presently stationed in the US Central Command region.

Israel, Iran use Russia to discreetly assure each other: Report

Meanwhile, Israeli officials have informed the Iranian leaders that they would not attack the country unless the Jewish state was hit first, reported The Washington Post. The message was conveyed through Russia, only a few days prior to the unrest which rocked Iran in the last week of December. WaPo quoted “individuals with knowledge of the development” saying Iran replied that it would likewise abstain from a preemptive strike via the same channel.

Sources further disclosed that Iranian officials reacted favourably to the outreach but were suspicious of Israel’s objectives. The officials suspected that even if the guarantee was sincere, there continues to be a possibility of a potential of US assault on the Islamic Republic as an element of a joint effort executed by the two partners as Israel was focussing its arsenal on Hezbollah.

However, a senior regional official stressed that “for Iran, it was a good deal” to avoid any conflict between Israel and Hezbollah. US officials noted that the internal strife in the nation has already decreased its substantial backing for the outfit.

“Israel is giving the US the leading role (in any potential strikes against Iran), but there is no question Israel would love to see regime change because that would change the Middle East, as well as Hezbollah. But Israel could be a target for the Iranian response, and therefore Israel has already taken a lot of steps to be better defended and prepared,” expressed Sima Shine. She was the chief of research for Mossad before becoming a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.

Israel’s goal at the time was to isolate Hezbollah if it lauched an attack on the group while keeping Iran on the sidelines. An Israeli official mentioned that the “same logic” might apply now with the country attempting to stop a direct confrontation between the two sides even if only momentarily.

The person added that regardless of what happens with Iran, strikes against Hezbollah, which was described as a “threat” remained a potential outcome. “The (Lebanon) campaign will take place, and Hezbollah will be heavily targeted, The question is if it’s during or after the Iran war,” the official asserted.

Trump announces “Board of Peace”

On 15th January (Thursday), Trump announced the formation of a Gaza “Board of Peace,” amid the violatile situation with Iran. He referred to the formation as his “great honor” and pointed out, “The members of the board will be announced shortly.” He called it “the greatest and most prestigious board ever assembled at any time, any place.” Trump is reportedly going to preside over the panel which will include international figures to monitor its functioning.

The establishment of the board follows the unveiling of a 15-member Palestinian technocratic council tasked with overseeing Gaza’s regular administration during the dispute. Trump first recommended it in 2024 as a transitory body that would oversee a technocratic panel of Palestinian officials and manage Gaza’s rehabilitation. It has been created to oversee Gaza’s post-war government and direct political and security choices throughout the transitional phase.

Furthermore, Steve Witkoff, the president’s foreign envoy, also declared the start of Phase Two of the 20-point plan to resolve the Gaza crisis. “Phase Two establishes a transitional technocratic Palestinian administration in Gaza, the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG), and begins the full demilitarisation and reconstruction of Gaza, primarily the disarmament of all unauthorised personnel,” he wrote on social media.

He emphasised that the US expects that Hamas would fulfil all of its commitments, including returning the last hostage who had died, and then threatened the jihadi organisation of “dire repercussions” if it failed to comply.

Witkoff also lauded the Phase One and remarked that it “delivered historic humanitarian aid, maintained the ceasefire, returned all living hostages and the remains of twenty-seven of the twenty-eight deceased hostages. We are deeply grateful to Egypt, Turkey, and Qatar for their indispensable mediation efforts that made all progress to date possible.”

Trump’s plan proposed the deployment of an International Stabilisation Force to assist with managing Gaza and provide training to Palestinian police units that have been vetted.

UGC ‘equity’ Regulation: Explicit bias against ‘general caste’, uncanny similarities with Congress’ Communal Violence Bill, no safeguard for false SC/ST complaints and more

Nupur J Sharma
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UGC ‘equity’ Regulation: Explicit bias against ‘general caste’, uncanny similarities with Congress’ Communal Violence Bill, no safeguard for false SC/ST complaints and more

On January 13, 2026, the University Grant Commission (UGC) announced the Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions Regulations, 2026, replacing the earlier 2012 framework. It is rooted in the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020’s emphasis on “equity and inclusion” and it claims that its aim is to institutionalise procedures to deal with discrimination in Indian colleges and universities.

The stated goal of the Regulation is, “to eradicate discrimination only on the basis of religion, race, gender, place of birth, caste, or disability, particularly against the members of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, socially and educationally backward classes, economically weaker sections, persons with disabilities, or any of them, and to promote full equity and inclusion amongst the stakeholders in higher education institutions”.

While this bare reading would hardly raise an eyebrow because that’s how affirmative action has been in this country for decades, the subsequent wording of the notification does not make it “particularly against” but “exclusively for” individuals belonging to the SC/ST/OBC category, and entirely ruling out members of general caste as possible victims of discrimination on basis of their caste identity.

To achieve the aforementioned stated goal, the UGC mandates the creation of Equal Opportunity Centres, Equity Committees, round-the-clock helplines, and time-bound grievance redressal systems across all higher education institutions in the country. The regulation significantly expands the role of institutional authorities in monitoring behaviour, adjudicating grievances, and enforcing compliance, at a time when campuses are becoming increasingly venues for social, political, and ideological contestation. It represents a shift from advisory guidelines to a compliance-driven framework.

The design and execution of such a regulatory regime have significant ramifications for due process, academic autonomy, and institutional neutrality.

While the goal of reducing discrimination is both important and reasonable, the regulations framed under ‘Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions Regulations, 2026’ have come under severe criticism for their provisions, which strengthen a dangerous stereotype where those belonging to the general castes have been ruled out as victims of any possible discrimination based on caste. The regulations also impose no penalty for false complaints of caste discrimination, thereby furthering the patently false assumption that any complaint by an individual belonging to the SC/ST category is de facto true and that any individual belonging to the general caste category is a criminal ab initio, making the Regulation wildly draconian.

What the regulation says

The UGC Promotion of Equity Regulations apply to all higher education institutions in India, including central, state, private, and deemed universities. The regulation covers all the stakeholders, including students, faculty, staff, and institutional authorities, and came into force upon its publication in the Official Gazette.

The regulation adopts a broad definition of discrimination, covering both explicit and implicit acts that impair equality of treatment or violate human dignity. Discrimination is defined on grounds such as caste, religion, gender, disability, and place of birth, with particular and exclusive emphasis on SCs, STs, OBCs, EWS, and persons with disabilities.

To implement these provisions, every institution must establish an Equal Opportunity Centre (EOC). The EOC functions as the nodal body for promoting equity, providing counselling, coordinating with external agencies, maintaining complaint portals, and overseeing inclusion-related initiatives. Where a college lacks sufficient faculty, these functions are transferred to the affiliating university.

Each EOC operates through an Equity Committee, chaired by the Head of the Institution and comprising faculty members, staff, students, and civil society representatives, with mandatory representation from disadvantaged groups. The committee is responsible for inquiring into complaints of discrimination and submitting recommendations for action.

The regulation also introduces ‘Equity Squads’ and ‘Equity Ambassadors’ to monitor campus spaces and report potential violations, as well as a 24×7 Equity Helpline accessible to all stakeholders. Complaints may be filed online, in writing, or via the helpline, with provisions for confidentiality. Complaints that prima facie disclose criminal offences are to be forwarded to the police.

Core structural flaws in the Regulation

The structural design of the UGC Promotion of Equity Regulations, 2026, raises serious concerns about procedural balance and institutional fairness. The framework prioritises speed, perception, and compliance, but leaves critical gaps in safeguards, clarity, and due process, thereby furthering dangerous stereotypes, assuming guilt, and demonising those belonging to the general category, while disregarding false complaints and their impact on the lives of innocent students.

Absence of safeguards against false SC/ST complaints: Presumption of ‘general caste’ guilt

One of the most critical omissions in the regulation is the lack of an explicit provision addressing malicious or knowingly false complaints. The framework provides substantial attention to protecting complaints through confidentiality, rapid inquiry timelines, and anti-retaliation safeguards. It is silent on the consequences for misuse.

The handling of the false allegations is left entirely to vague institutional rules and administrative discretion. Essentially, the Regulation only states that anyone aggrieved by a committee report may appeal the decision within 30 days, and the Ombudsman must dispose of the appeal within 30 days of receiving it.

There are no provisions that put a punitive cost on false complaints and allegations, making it easy for anyone belonging to the SC/ST category hurl an unsubstantiated allegation and send a general caste individual to prison, based on little to no evidence.

As a result, there is an imbalance of risk: the cost of filing is low, but the consequences for the accused may include reputational harm, academic disruption, psychological stress and even prison.

There is substantial proof that such false accusations have resulted in prolonged incarcerations of innocent people.

In January 2025, during a division-bench workshop on the SC/ST Act and its implementation held in Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh High Court judge Vivek Agarwal raised concerns over the rampant misuse of this Act. He also expressed concern over the misuse of laws related to crimes against women.

Justice Agarwal, the chief guest at the event held on 12th January 2025, stressed the need for a sincere investigation and an honest prosecution of matters related to the SC/ST Act. He urged prosecution and police officials to investigate cases to thoroughly distinguish between genuine and false accusations. He said, “If we have the right, we also have the duty to ensure that an innocent person is not wrongfully punished. It is imperative to filter out inconsistencies and bring out the truth.”

Justice Agrawal warned the public prosecution and police administration that there is a provision for compensation in the SC/ST Act. Therefore, as soon as such cases come to light, many middlemen also become active and trap innocent people in the name of getting compensation for the complainant. He highlighted how middlemen or brokers exploit the legal system by filing bogus cases under the SC/ST Act to obtain compensation for victims and then claim a share of the payout.

“Many times, people are falsely implicated in SC/ST. Investigating officers should take care that in such cases, innocent people are not implicated, and the guilty should not escape. In this case, the administration, police and judiciary are lacking somewhere. Therefore, during the investigation, we should keep in mind that our credibility is not being damaged because of the middlemen. If we have the right, we also have the duty to ensure that an innocent person is not wrongfully punished. It is imperative to filter out inconsistencies and bring out the truth,” Justice Agarwal said.

In 2024, a case came to light in which the judge quashed criminal proceedings against a general caste individual, saying that provisions of the stringent SC/ST Act were being invoked to protect the land mafia.

In Aligarh, a family had extorted lakhs by filing false SC/ST cases. They had filed 15 fake cases in 10 years to extort money from individuals belonging to the general caste.

This is, of course, only the tip of the iceberg.

In fact, with rising false complaints against the SC/ST Act, even the courts have taken cognisance of the menace and, in several cases, sent the complainant to prison over their false accusation.

In October 2025, a special SC/ST court in Lucknow sentenced a woman to 3 years in jail for filing a false complaint, remarking that such cases under the SC/ST Act are on the rise.

The woman has been sentenced to six months’ simple imprisonment under Section 182 of the Indian Penal Code (giving false information to a public servant) and three years under Section 211 (false charge of offence made with intent to injure).

In July 2025, former CJI BR Gavai also commented on how the SC/ST Act cannot be invoked to settle personal scores. The case was a land allotment dispute between two SC groups, but the complainant had invoked the SC/ST Act. The case involved allegations that a land allotment dispute was maliciously used to falsely implicate a Scheduled Caste man under the SC/ST Act, even though the conflict was between two SC groups.

“Prosecution needs to be quashed at an early stage to prevent undue harassment of the accused where there is clear legal infirmity in the prosecution case, such as the allegations, even if taken at their face value, do not disclose an offence or the entire case is a bad faith exercise weaponized to settle personal scores, rather than seeking justice,” the bench had said.

There is substantial evidence that an overwhelming number of cases filed under the SC/ST Act are false. Several are to settle personal scores, use the act to tip the scales of justice in their favour unduly or even owing to hatred against individuals belonging to the general caste, owing to their caste identity.

Under such circumstances, there would be no logical explanation for why the Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions Regulations, 2026 would have no provisions or stringent punitive measures against false complaints, marking the absence of clear deterrents against bad-faith complaints.

The regulation risks incentivising misuse rather than discouraging. 

Selective neutrality in definition of ‘Discrimination’: Neutrality in gender, not in caste identity

The law adopts a broad definition of discrimination, which includes latent bias and behaviour that could compromise equality of treatment or dignity, in addition to overt acts. This width adds subjectivity and interpretive uncertainty. More importantly, the regulation applies neutrality selectively across categories. According to the law, “gender” means and includes male, female, and third gender. Under ‘Gender’, the framework is explicitly neutral, without any caveats, covering men, women, and the third gender without turning any group into the de facto perpetrator. This is notable, as it departs from the common policy tendency to load gender protections in favour of women by default.

However, a similar neutrality is absent from the treatment of caste.

According to the regulation, “caste-based discrimination’’ means discrimination only based on caste or tribe against the members of the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, and other backwards classes. In everyday institutional settings, individuals are often socially identified and categorised through surnames rather than personal attributes. For example, a student named Rohit Sharma is far more likely to encounter categorisation based on caste-indicative identity than on gender. Yet the regulation conceptually frames caste-based discrimination almost exclusively around predefined disadvantaged groups, without explicitly acknowledging that caste-based bias can also operate outside those categories.

If neutrality is both feasible and desirable in the case of gender, the lack of a comparable explicit, category-agnostic articulation for caste indicates a design mismatch and/or a wilful ignorance of ground realities.

In other words, if the Regulation can acknowledge that men and women, both could be the victims of discrimination based on gender identity, one has to ask and wonder why the regulation failed to acknowledge that those belonging to any caste could be subjected to caste-based discrimination. The regulation almost explicitly evaluates discrimination based on a victim’s identity, which is to say that if the caste identity of a victim is not what is considered “historically oppressed”, then they, under no circumstances, can be victims of oppression or discrimination on the basis of their caste identity – a conclusion which is certainly not backed by ground realities. Such framing of discrimination does not facilitate equity or justice; it divides, endangers and instigates.

Concentration of power within the Institution

The grievance redressal framework concentrates substantial authority within the institution itself. The institution’s head appoints and oversees the Equity Committee, which investigates allegations of prejudice. The same authority is also responsible for taking action in response to the committee’s conclusions.

External oversight is introduced only at the appellate stage through the Ombudsperson (an individual appointed by the University Grants Commission). By this time, initial findings and administrative action may already have produced irreversible consequences. This structure leaves the process vulnerable to institutional risk-aversion, political pressure, or ideological alignment, particularly in contentious cases. The absence of an independent external member at the first stage weakens the mechanism’s credibility and perceived impartiality.

Equal Opportunity Centre – problematic inclusion of NGOs and “Civil Society Members”

The Regulation provides that, “Every HEI shall establish an Equal Opportunity Centre to oversee the effective implementation of policies and programmes for disadvantaged groups; to provide guidance and counselling regarding academic, financial, social, and other matters; and to enhance the diversity within the campus. Provided that if a college does not have at least five faculty members to establish the Equal Opportunity Centre, the functions of the Equal Opportunity Centre of the college shall be performed by the Equal Opportunity Centre of the university to which the college is affiliated”.

For this purpose, the Regulation says that these EOCs would be established in “coordination with civil society, local media, police, district administration, non-government organisations working in the field, faculty members, staff, and parents to realise the objective of these regulations”.

The inclusion of civil society members and NGOs is problematic in the composition, given how, historically, such entities have only deepened the fissures in the Hindu society for political ends.

Let us consider the ‘Dalit rights’ organisation Equality Labs, for example. Under the new Regulation, Equality Lab would qualify as a civil society member organisation and an NGO, to ensure that the “objectives of these regulations” are realised.

Equality Labs is a radical Left organisation in the US that has actively worked against Hindus for several years. Disinfo Lab published a detailed report on ‘Operation Tupac’ where they decoded the various organisations that were working on a concert to exploit the fault lines in India. Equality Labs found a detailed mention in it.

The report says:

One key organization that operates on the Caste Faultline in the US is Equality Labs, which was formed in 2016 as an Ambedkarite South Asian power-building organization in the US with the motive to combat ‘Caste Discrimination’. Equality Labs was founded by Thenmozhi Soundararajan, a Dalit techie, artist, and activist born and brought up in the US. While the organization claims to be progressive and aims to combat caste discrimination, it also strives hard to succinctly paint India as a nation with an endemic caste problem and widespread oppression, a colonial-era narrative widely purported by the British to justify their imposition of Western value systems. Another co-founder of Equality Labs is Sharmin Hossain, a Bangladeshi American, who served as the Political Director before rendering her resignation in March 2021. 3 In April 2021, she founded a new organization Queer Crescent, which is described as a political home for LGBTQI+ Muslims.

In 2018, Equality Labs published a caste report in the US with the assistance of several organizations such as IAMC, OFMI, and Alliance for Justice and Accountability (AJA)- a coalition of Dalit organizations alongside IAMC, OFMI, and Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR).

In July 2020, the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing and two Indian origin employees in the USA filed a lawsuit against IT firm Cisco Systems Inc. on the grounds of caste discrimination against one of its Indian-American employees. 7 The suit alleged that a Dalit employee at the IT company (referred to as John Doe) was discriminated against by two of his fellow Indian origin colleagues, Sundar Iyer and Ramana Kompella beginning in November 2016. The lawsuit also referred to the 2018 caste report of Equality Labs. Soon after the lawsuit, Equality Labs and its founder Thenmozhi Soundararajan further raked up the issue by appearing on various media platforms.

Apart from working on the caste line, Equality Labs takes deep interest in the internal matters of India and works on different trajectories which coincidentally also happen to be the fault lines in India. Equality Labs became active during the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests which were happening in India. During that time, Equality Labs collated CAA, National Register of Citizens (NRC), and National Population Register (NPR) with Genocide in India and released a one-page pamphlet on that.

It also released a toolkit titled “organizing against Hindu Fascism” to organize protests and run online campaigns against the Indian establishment. The toolkit gave sample tweets as well as creativity to run the campaigns and also hold protests. The password to access the toolkit is “rejectcaa”. The toolkit also calls for supporting various news platforms and advocacy groups such as AltNews, Internet Freedom Foundation, and The Software Freedom Law Centre – SFLC.

On November 14, 2017, Equality Labs founder Thenmozhi Soundarajan and Pieter Friedrich staged a protest at the California Department of Education against changing the subject of the caste system in India from California History and Social Sciences Curriculum. OFMI, was founded by Pieter Friedrich, a self-proclaimed expert on South Asia, and ally of Khalistanis terrorist Bhajan Singh Bhinder. OFMI was jointly run by Bhajan Singh Bhinder and his employee Pieter Friedrich, who once worked with the ISI to send weapons to India for terror attacks in the 1990s, according to the research by Disinfo Lab.

In May 2019, Equality Labs’ founder also hosted an event alongside Sikhs For Justice (SFJ) terrorist Gurpatwant Pannu, which is a proscribed Khalistanis terror outfit. HinduPACT, which shared the photograph, said that it was from an event that took place on 22nd May 2019. This particular event shows a much larger sinister plan, as it was just one day before the Lok Sabha 2019 elections results were announced. On the same day, Soundararajan’s Equality Lab, in partnership with South Asian Americans Leading Together (SAALT), then-API Chaya, and the office of representative Pramila Jayapal held a congressional briefing on caste discrimination in the US in Washington DC. Notably, that briefing was based on the dubious survey conducted by Equality Labs on caste discrimination. The same survey led to the SB403 bill.

Now, according to the new regulations, this Jamaat-e-Islami, Khalistani and anti-Hindu elements backed organisation would be an appropriate partner to ensure the realisation of equality, equity and fairness in Indian universities, since it claims to focus on Dalit rights. With the lack of safeguards against all denominations and the presumption of guilt, the Regulation would inevitably end up accepting the partnership of such organisations that explicitly work against the interests of India and Hindus, facilitating injustice rather than equality.

Absence of a defined standard of proof: General caste to prove negative, no burden of proof of complainant

The regulation does not specify any standard of proof to guide inquiries. There is no clarity on the evidentiary threshold required, the burden of proof, or the relative weight to be assigned to testimony, documentation, or circumstantial evidence. In the absence of such guidance, inquiries risk becoming narrative-driven rather than evidence-driven, with outcomes shaped by perception and interpretation rather than verifiable facts. This weakens fundamental principles of due process and creates the possibility of inconsistent outcomes across institutions, undermining both fairness and legal robustness.

In fact, when the Regulation presumes guilt of one section (the general caste), it explicitly shifts the burden of proof and lowers the standard, owing to the presumption of guilt. The individual who files the complaint would essentially not have to prove that he was discriminated against, but the accused would have to prove a negative – that he has not done what he is being accused of, which would be almost impossible, not only because it is difficult to prove a negative in such cases but also because he has already been presumed guilty under the new Regulations.

Speed-driven process and its consequences

While the regulation focuses on swift actions to prevent institutional inertia, its aggressive timelines prioritise speed over procedural depth. Complex cases involving serious allegations, academic judgment, interpersonal conflict, or competing narratives require time and careful examination to deliver justice.

According to these guidelines, the committee shall meet within 24 hours to take appropriate action; the Equity Committee shall submit its report to the Head of the Institution within 15 working days; and the Head of the Institution shall initiate further action as per the rules of the HEI within 7 working days.

The result is a framework that risks overcorrection. It encourages defensive decision-making by institutions seeking compliance rather than careful adjudication. Over time, this may chill academic interaction, discourage candid engagement, and replace deliberative processes with precautionary enforcement.

What could have been done better

While the regulation extends strong procedural protections to complainants from SC/ST or OBC groups, it does not create or provide corresponding safeguards for the general category. The absence of explicit deterrents against malicious complaints, a defined standard of proof, or an independent first-stage oversight mechanism affects all stakeholders.

A more robust framework would have avoided this draconian approach by adopting symmetrical safeguards. This could have included explicit provisions addressing bad-faith complaints, clearer evidentiary standards, and neutral articulation across all categories. Similar to the regulation’s approach to gender, which is explicitly inclusive without presuming disadvantage. Such measures would have strengthened the regulation’s credibility and reduced perceptions of selective fairness.

By failing to clearly distinguish between protection against discrimination and protection against procedural misuse, the regulation leaves room for mistrust and misinterpretation. Addressing this gap would not have diluted the regulation’s equity objectives. It would have reinforced them by ensuring that fairness operates in both directions.

Intent vs Design: A rehash of Communal Violence Bill

The objective of the UGC Promotion of Equity Regulations, 2026, is to ensure that campuses uphold the constitutional promise of equality and dignity, and that faculty, staff, and students are protected from unjust treatment.

However, Intent cannot replace sound design on its own. A framework that seeks to protect the rights of every person must itself be anchored in due process, evidentiary clarity, and procedural balance. By prioritising speed, perception, and institutional compliance while leaving critical safeguards undefined, the regulation risks replacing one form of arbitrariness with another. Equity mechanisms that operate without clear standards, symmetrical protections, or safeguards against misuse can unintentionally generate fear, self-censorship, and defensive decision-making within academic spaces.

In fact, one could safely say that this UGC Regulation is no better than the Communal Violence Bill, which the Congress government wanted to introduce when it was in power.

The draft of the Communal Violence Bill, officially referred to as the Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2011, would have been one of the most disastrous laws if enacted. The Bill assumed that only religious or linguistic minorities and people from the Scheduled Castes and Tribes could be the victims of communal violence, conveniently ignoring all ground realities. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley had correctly said then that the bill was anti-majority and presumed that the majority community is always to blame for the communal violence. The current regulation appears to be a regurgitation of the draconian Communal Violence Bill, which was drafted by a group of 32 “civil society members” and NGOs, with foreign links and nefarious antecedents.

It is also true that in the recent past, the anti-Brahmin rhetoric has reached a feverish pitch, with the scale of discrimination tipping squarely against those considered ‘general caste’. A 2024 research, for example, concluded that the same hate that Nazis had for jews was being normalised against Brahmins by DEI programs.

Nazi hate against Brahmins: What a research paper said

A recent study published by Rutgers University and the Network Contagion Research Institute (NCRI) titled INSTRUCTING ANIMOSITY: HOW DEI PEDAGOGY PRODUCES THE HOSTILE ATTRIBUTION BIAS, revealed that DEI programs are spreading negative stereotypes and animosity against certain religious, racial and caste groups like the Brahmins while evoking unwarranted sympathy for the Muslim community.

While evaluating the impact of caste sensitivity training, the research used caste sensitivity training materials from the anti-Brahmin Caste activism group Equality Labs as the experimental condition or intervention text, designed to evaluate the effects of DEI rhetoric. The researchers also used neutral academic sources as control text (neutral text). There were two respondent groups that received intervention and control text respectively.

After both the respondent groups read the assigned texts, they were given a neutral scenario with no explicit caste indicators to measure their perceptions of caste-based bias. The study found that exposure to the Equality Labs intervention led to significantly higher perceptions of microaggressions, perceived harm, and assumptions of bias during the interview process (increases of 32.5%, 15.6%, and 11%, respectively) compared to the control condition.

Further assessment found that participants who read the Equality Labs text showed more willingness—19%— to punish the administrator in the fictional scenario provided to them and about 47% of them perceived Hindus as “racist” compared to the participants who read the neutral text. This indicates that DEI content instead of eliminating, is actually creating prejudices against Hindus, particularly the so-called “upper-caste” Hindus like Brahmins, who are already at the receiving end of hate campaigns of the anti-Hindu elements.

Similarly, when the participants who read the DEI-inspired material looked at modified past statements from German despot Adolf Hitler and his autobiography Mein Kampf that replaced the word “Jew” with “Brahmin,” they were more likely to agree that Brahmins were ‘parasites’ (+35.4%), ‘viruses’ (+33.8%), and ‘the devil personified’ (+27.1%).”

The Rutgers-NCRI research findings indicate that contrary to the supposed purpose of DEI programs, the hatred Nazis had for Jews is being normalised by some DEI programs against Brahmins. The Jewish holocaust in Nazi Germany did not happen overnight, it was a culmination of the gradual but virulent spread of propaganda and hostile sentiments against Jews. While the Jewish people have over the centuries been subjected to expulsions, segregation, and violence in various parts of the world, after the defeat of Germany in World War I and the economic depression of 1929, hatred against Jews intensified to an unprecedented extent. From speeches, and pamphlets to the 1935 Nuremberg Laws stripping Jews of citizenship rights to anti-Jew violence, segregation, and eventual condemnation of Jews to concentration and death camps where they were gassed to death, the hatred against Jews was systematically propagated and this hatred magnified over time and resulted in the Jewish Holocaust. It must be remembered that dehumanising rhetoric always precedes genocides.

OpIndia wrote at the time that while the Islamo-leftist cabal would dismiss the argument that Brahmins face an existential threat and a threat of potential genocide, even those in the Hindu Dharmic fold would find this apprehension as exaggerated. However, much like Jews, Brahmins too have seen their fair share of misery and persecution. One notable example was the anti-Brahmin riots in Maharashtra in 1948, which followed MK Gandhi’s assassination by Nathuram Godse, a Chitpavan Brahmin. During this time, Gandhi supporters and Congress leaders attacked Brahmins, resulting in genocidal violence and persecution. The rioters killed numerous Brahmins and destroyed their houses and properties.

The killings and exodus of Kashmiri Pandits in 1980s at the hands of Islamists serves as a grim reminder and a cautionary tale that anti-Brahmin violence in an independent India was very much possible, it happened and may happen again if the propagation of hatred against Brahmins continues to go unchecked and rather celebrated as advocacy of ‘social justice’.

The Brahmin-hating ‘activists’ and organisations are using all means at hand from cinema, media, politics, to even DEI programs to instil and normalise the idea of hating Brahmins despite there being no requisite of doing so. As the Rutgers-NCRI research findings revealed, even the hateful rhetoric of Jewish genocidaire Adolf Hitler seems justified when presented in the context of Brahmins, it can be understood that the anti-Brahmin elements are infiltrating the minds of neutral people and instilling the same extent of hatred against Brahmins as Hitler and Nazis harboured for Jews.

Even in contemporary times, calls for violence against Brahmins are casually given by anti-Brahmin elements without having to face any stringent legal consequences whatsoever. In fact, Brahmin bashing, negative caricaturing and demonisation are accepted as signifiers of progressiveness, liberalism, and an equalitarian mindset in the Brahmin-hating left-liberal ecosystem.

Accurate equity cannot be built on procedural imbalance or the threat of reputational and institutional harm. It must rest on fairness that works in both directions by protecting those who face discrimination while also safeguarding individuals from unsubstantiated or bad-faith allegations. A regulation meant to protect dignity must itself be disciplined by clarity, restraint, and respect for due process.

NOTE: We have sent a detailed questionnaire to the Chairman of UGC, Dr Vineet Joshi. This article will be updated with his response if and when we get a reply.

Uttar Pradesh: Kerala origin pastor jailed over religious conversion racket operating through house church in Kanpur

Anurag
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Uttar Pradesh: Kerala origin pastor jailed over religious conversion racket operating through house church in Kanpur

On 13th January, Ghatampur Police in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, arrested a Kerala origin pastor and sent him to jail for converting Hindus to Christianity through inducement and intimidation. The conversions were taking place in a house church in Nauranga village in the Ghatampur area. The pastor was running an illegal house church and luring economically vulnerable Hindus to convert to Christianity.

The police initiated the action following a written complaint submitted by Mukesh Kumar, a resident of Jahanabad in Fatehpur district. Based on his complaint, a First Information Report (FIR) was registered against the pastor. He was produced before a court and subsequently sent to judicial custody. OpIndia accessed a copy of the FIR.

The incident occurred on 13th January when information was received about a prayer meeting being held inside a residential house in Nauranga. Bajrang Dal activists reached the location where they found that religious conversion activities were taking place disguised as prayer and healing sessions. They immediately informed the police about the conversions. Police reached the spot and brought all those present to the police station for questioning.

Bajrang Dal district convenor Shubham Shaurya Agnihotri submitted a written complaint to ACP Krishnakant Yadav, stating that a house church was being run from a residence in Nauranga, where Kerala resident Albin and his wife were allegedly inducing Hindus to convert their religion.

After a preliminary inquiry, the police released all individuals except the pastor. A complaint was filed by Mukesh based on which the FIR was registered and the accused pastor was booked for inducement based conversion and criminal intimidation.

Allegations of inducement based conversion

According to the complaint and subsequent police investigation, the accused, who has been identified as Pastor Albin, had converted his residence into a house church which he was using for prayer meetings and healing sessions. These sessions were being organised regularly. Media reports suggest that poor and vulnerable Hindus were called to these meetings and offered financial incentives and other assurances to persuade them to convert to Christianity.

While speaking to the media, locals said that the pastor claimed miraculous healing powers and asserted that prayers offered at his house could cure serious illnesses. In several instances, people were told their ailments were caused by evil forces and that only conversion would bring relief.

During the investigation, police recovered files, documents, and a large quantity of religious publicity material from the so called house church. Further probe is underway to determine whether these materials were used to systematically influence and induce people into changing their religion from Hinduism to Christianity.

Background of the accused and foreign funding angle

Police inquiry revealed that the accused originally hails from Kerala. He has been residing in the Nauranga area for nearly ten years. He initially lived in rented accommodation and later purchased land, constructed his own house in 2022, and converted it into an illegal house church.

Kerala-origin Pastor Albin (Image: Shubham Shaurya/Facebook)

Despite not being engaged in any known employment or business, the accused was allegedly living a comfortable lifestyle, which has raised suspicion of foreign funding. The police have initiated an investigation into the source of funds used to run the house church, organise prayer meetings, and support associated activities.

Officials are also examining whether the accused was operating independently or was part of a larger network involved in religious conversion activities across districts.

What FIR says

According to the FIR accessed by OpIndia, the complaint was filed by Bajrang Dal activist Mukesh Kumar on 13th January. Based on his complaint, an FIR under Sections 352 and 351(3) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, along with Sections 3 and 5(1) of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021, was lodged.

Source: Bajrang Dal

Mukesh said that he received information that in Nauranga village, Albin had converted his house into a church and was calling poor people inside, offering inducements and persuading them to convert to Christianity.

Source: Bajrang Dal

He further added that when he went to the church with his friend Manish Sachan, they saw that the accused was forcing people to sit inside the house, conducting prayers, and motivating them to adopt Christianity. When they objected, the accused allegedly issued threats and abused them, following which the people present left the house.

Complaint filed against Bajrang Dal activists

Following the arrest of the pastor, his family members and several locals submitted a separate complaint claiming misbehaviour and assault by Bajrang Dal activists. Police officials said these allegations are being probed independently and will be acted upon if evidence is found.

Wider scrutiny of conversion networks

The recent case has once again brought focus on conversion related investigations in the Ghatampur region. Several such incidents have come to light in the past. Police officials have indicated that the present case will also be probed to determine if it has links to previous cases. Furthermore, police are probing to determine if the pastor was acting alone or if he is part of any organised conversion network operating across districts.

Authorities have stated that further action will follow based on documentary evidence, witness statements, and funding trails uncovered during the investigation.

US freezes visas for Pakistani immigrants: Read how Islamabad’s continuous bootlicking has no impact on the Trump administration

Rukma Rathore
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US freezes visas for Pakistani immigrants: Read how Islamabad’s continuous bootlicking has no impact on the Trump administration

On 14th January (Wednesday), the US State Department announced that it will halt the processing of immigrant visas for people of 75 countries, such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Russia and Iran. The suspension is going to start on 21st January and last indefinitely until the department reevaluates how immigrant visas are processed.

The Trump administration mentioned that only immigrant visas that are intended for permanent relocation are impacted by the freeze. Tourist, business and other short-term travel visas would be processed routinely. The Trump administration explained that the move targets nations whose immigrants rely significantly on the country’s welfare systems. The injunction shall remain in effect until the United States ensures that new immigrants won’t put a financial strain on American taxpayers.

It might be unexpected to find Pakistan on the list, given the “close ties” shared by the two countries. However, the move is not particularly surprising for those familiar with the longstanding relationship between the countries, and this is merely a continuation of that history. Washington has persistently reduced Islamabad to the role of a vassal state deemed only suitable for executing the directives issued by the former, based on its national and strategic advances in the region in exchange for financial assistance.

The Islamic Republic has similarly behaved as a facilitator of the US interests as it received billions of dollars, especially under the guise of the “War on Terror”, while harbouring the terrorists that American forces were seeking in Afghanistan. The two have consistently exploited one another for their benefits; however, this does not detract from the reality that the country has been a servant to US interests since its inception, based on communal lines.

Pakistan acts as US doormat during “Operation Sindoor,” endorses Trump’s lies

India dismantled terrorist infrastructure deep inside Pakistan during “Operation Sindoor” following Pahalgam terror attack, resulting in global mortification for the nation that attempted to retaliate by targeting civilian areas. However, these plans were swiftly thwarted by the Indian defence forces, which attacked its military installations.

Pakistan incurred significant losses, including damage to its bases, leading to further embarrassment that forced it to appeal to Washington, pleading for its intervention to preserve what remained of its already eroded reputation. However, the country was instructed by the US to immediately yield and set up a direct line of communication with the Indian Army.

Hence, the desperate “Islamic nuclear power” had to reach out to its neighbour as Major General Kashif Abdullah contacted Lieutenant General Rajiv Ghai on 10th May at 3:35 pm, which was later verified by Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri.

Afterwards, President Donald Trump, in line with his self-aggrandising and megalomaniacal nature, left no chance to assert his role alongside the contribution of his tariffs in the ceasefire, despite the Modi government’s repeated refutations. New Delhi pointed out that the development was a consequence of Islamabad’s initiative.

India firmly opposed Trump’s misleading claims, while Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif thanked him for his alleged mediation efforts between the two nations. As if this were not enough, Pakistan also put forth the president’s name for the “Nobel Prize” for resolving disputes among rival nations and promoted his self-claimed reputation as a “global peacemaker” after Asim Munir, Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan and real power centre in the nation, went to White House for lunch at his invitation. Ironically, Munir took over the position after the country’s “stellar” performance during the military engagement with India.

Interestingly, Trump eventually accepted the truth and stopped crediting himself for the ceasefire before reiterating the lies yet again. However, the Modi government’s resolve to uphold its sovereign policy free from any external pressure and to clearly affirm its strong position on the global stage displeased him, whose ego was being stroked by Pakistan.

As a result, he became more accommodating towards the adversary of India while imposing high tariffs on it for “funding” the Ukraine war. Trump, who previously condemned Pakistan for protecting terrorists despite taking American dollars, developed newfound admiration which delighted its rulers, who intensified their sycophantic efforts akin to a needy dog doing tricks for its owner’s commendation or a treat.

Pakistan’s bonhomie with the US receives a slap of reality

Sharif and Munir presented Trump with a polished tray of “rare earth minerals” in September in an attempt to impress the White House and secure investment, as Bloch rebel groups issued a warning and activists denounced the display as a theatrical attempt to sell stolen wealth. Leaders of the Baloch community accused Pakistan of stealing their land, posing it as its own and trying to mortgage the region’s riches to the United States, just as it had with China.

A few months prior, the United States and Pakistan came to an accord whereby Washington declared to help Islamabad develop its purported oil reserves and even lower tariffs in July. “We are in the process of choosing the Oil Company that will lead this partnership. Who knows, maybe they’ll be selling oil to India some day,” he exclaimed.

The US then issued an Executive Order designating the Majeed Brigade and the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) as Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs). Baloch groups condemned the decision, voicing concerns that the region might become the next target for US oil exploitation. Nevertheless, Pakistan, infamous for putting a price on everything, including its sovereignty, people and land continued to be indifferent as its oppressive policies towards Balochistan remained unchanged.

The US embassy in Pakistan in December mentioned that the country would be delivering equipment valued at about $2 billion to mine precious metals in Balochistan and added that its Export-Import bank authorised $1.25 billion in funding for the Reko Diq mine in the region. The funding was termed as a “game changer” for American companies and local communities by Natalie Baker, Chargé d’Affaires of the US embassy.

Trump’s actions elated the terror state and were touted as proof of the profoundly intertwined bond between the two partners. However, there are no free lunches in the world, and American meals are exceptionally costly. Consequently, the US began to exert extreme pressure on its ally to deploy its troops to Gaza as part of a new stabilisation force, relegating it to its original function of a subordinate of the Western power.

The bully and its henchman

Pakistan is known to obey such orders, a fact that was also demonstrated in Afghanistan, where it commenced a campaign to oust the Soviet Union at the behest of the United States. Pakistani leaders even confessed to undertaking “dirty work” for Washington, representing the essence of their ties, which is that of a global bully and its henchman.

“We have been doing this dirty work for the United States for about 3 decades and the west, including Britain. That was a mistake and we suffered for that, and that is why you are saying this to me. If we had not joined the war against the Soviet Union and later on the war after 9/11, Pakistan’s track record was unimpeachable,” Defence Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif exposed his nation when questioned about the country’s status as a breeding ground for terrorism during an interview with Sky News.

The US dominance over Pakistan was further illustrated by the statement of former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) officer John Kiriakou, who candidly unveiled how Washington bought ex-president General Pervez Musharraf’s loyalty with massive financial support and even obtained control over the nation’s nuclear arsenal for a duration.

“When I was stationed in Pakistan in 2002, I was told unofficially that the Pentagon controlled its nuclear arsenal,” he told ANI. Kiriakou, who presided over the counterterrorism operations there, highlighted that Musharraf ceded authority fearing that nuclear weapons would end up in the hands of terrorists.

Notably, the late general also acknowledged how terrorists have been celebrated in his nation as heroes and are used to infiltrate neighbouring countries such as India and Afghanistan to inflict jihad.

Conclusion

Now, the latest directive that restricts Pakistani immigrants is only another example of the dysfunctional state’s genuine standing in the eyes of its foreign master. Furthermore, just as Pakistan cannot help but betray America despite receiving billions, the latter is unable to refrain from demeaning it even after engaging in performative camaraderie for the cameras.

However, the fact remains that Pakistan, which continually yearns for a few crumbs of US affection, has always been regarded as inferior, and the opinion has not altered under the Trump administration, as they are also aware of Pakistan’s true identity, which oscillates between being a thug for foreign entities and a pimp for its own.



‘Wanted to turn the court into Jantar Mantar?’: SC lashes out at the TMC for organising protests inside Calcutta HC

Shraddha Pandey
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‘Wanted to turn the court into Jantar Mantar?’: SC lashes out at the TMC for organising protests inside Calcutta HC

On 15th January, the Supreme Court came down heavily on the Trinamool Congress (TMC) over the party workers causing uncontrollable chaos in the Calcutta High Court’s courtroom during a hearing on 14th January, on the plea moved by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) against West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.

In its plea, the ED sought an investigation against West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on the accusation that she interfered in the ED’s raid on the political consultancy I-PAC’s office on 8th January.

During the hearing on 15th January, the Supreme Court bench comprising PK Mishra and Vipul Pancholi asked if the TMC wanted to turn the Calcutta High Court’s courtroom into Jantar Mantar.

Justice PK Mishra asked this after Solicitor General Tushar Mehta informed the court that he had placed on record the WhatsApp chats of the legal wing of the TMC, saying that the chats showed that the ruckus created during the hearing was deliberate and well-planned.

“They were all instructed by the legal cell of the party. So, it was intentional. Message says gathering today at gate number…” SG Tushar Mehta said.

In response, Justice Mishra asked, “Was it Jantar Mantar?”

Responding to the judge’s question, SG Mehta said, “Yes, the court was converted into Jantar Mantar. They had arranged buses and transport also for those members. HC passed an order saying only lawyers will enter the court and the hearing will be live-streamed.”

TMC workers wreaked havoc at the Calcutta High Court on 9th January

It must be recalled that on 9th January, the Calcutta High Court witnessed unprecedented commotion in the courtroom, leading to the adjournment of a crucial hearing involving the ED’s petition against West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee. The matter, linked to obstruction by the CM and state police during ED raids at the premises of political consultancy firm Indian Political Action Committee (I-PAC), was postponed to January 14 due to uncontrollable chaos in the courtroom.

Justice Suvra Ghosh, presiding over the single-judge bench, expressed strong displeasure over the “unmanageable crowd” and large-scale chaos in the courtroom. Despite repeated requests for unrelated persons and lawyers to vacate the premises, the appeals went unheeded, making it impossible to proceed with the hearing. As attempts to clear the court failed, designated advocates struggled to approach the bench amid the packed room. Frustrated, the judge eventually left the courtroom without commencing proceedings, adjourning the matter for 14th January.

Dissatisfied with the adjournment, the ED has approached the Chief Justice of the Calcutta High Court, both verbally and through a written application, seeking an urgent hearing of their petition. The agency requested that the matter be assigned to a special bench or another judge to expedite proceedings if the current judge is unable to hear it.

What the Supreme Court said during the hearing on 15th January

The Supreme Court handed a setback to the TMC on 15th January. Expressing grave concerns over the interference by state authorities, including the CM herself, in the ED’s action against I-PAC, the court issued notices to West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee, Director General of Police Rajeev Kumar, and other senior officials in response to the ED’s petition seeking a CBI probe into the matter. The court also stayed the FIRs filed by the state police against ED officers involved in the raid.

“We are of the prima facie view that the present petition has raised a serious issue relating to the investigation by the ED or other central agencies and interference by State agencies. According to us, for adherence to the rule of law in the country and to allow each organ to function independently, it is necessary to examine the issue so that offenders are not allowed to be protected under the seal of law-enforcing agencies of a particular State,” the court stated.

The court further noted that without addressing such issues, a situation of lawlessness would arise. The bench stated, “According to us, large questions have been raised and are involved in the present matter, which, if allowed to remain undecided, would further worsen the situation, and there will be a situation of lawlessness prevailing in one or other state, considering that different outfits are governing different places.”

The court also questioned whether central agencies could be restricted under the guise of protecting party activities during bona fide probes.

“There are larger questions which emerge and if not answered shall lead to lawlessness. If Central agencies are working bona fide to probe a serious offence, a question arises: can they be obstructed by party activities? Issue notice to the respondents. Let the counter be filed in 2 weeks. It is also directed that the FIRs registered against the ED officers shall remain stayed. till the next date of hearing,” Justice Mishra said.

Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, representing the ED, urged the court to take cognisance of the “very serious” situation, including the alleged theft of an ED officer’s phone and the demoralisation of central forces. Additional Solicitor General SV Raju argued for an immediate CBI probe and suspension of the involved police officers.

The next hearing in the matter will take place on 3rd February 2026.

Before the hearing began on 15th January, the ED filed a plea seeking suspension of West Bengal Director General of Police Rajiv Kumar, Kolkata Police Commissioner Manoj Kumar Verma and South Kolkata Dy Commissioner Priyabatra Roy. The probe agency alleged the officers helped CM Mamata Banerjee in removing crucial evidence during the raids.

Mamata Banerjee is carrying files she removed during the ED raid on the I-PAC office on 8th January. (Image source: Indian Express)

West Bengal Coal Mining Scam, I-PAC and the TMC connection

Back in 2020, the CBI registered an FIR on 27th November 2020, against businessman Anup Maji and others. The FIR spoke about illegal coal mining from the leasehold areas of Eastern Coalfields Limited (ECL) in West Bengal. On 28th November, 2020, the ED registered an ECIR and began tracking the money trail linked to the coal trade.

During the investigation, the ED found that Majee’s network had taken out nearly 25.51 lakh metric tonnes of coal. The coal, worth more than Rs 1,114 crore, was supplied to factories in districts such as Bankura, Purba Bardhaman and Purulia. The agency also uncovered a hawala setup used to move and hide the money earned from this activity.

In 2020, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) registered a fresh case of coal theft and smuggling. It was found that Anup Maji had hired several employees for the maintenance of the record of the illegally mined and stolen coal, which was sold to various companies. The probe further revealed that one Gurapada Maji transferred Rs 89 crore as proceeds of crime via Anup Maji’s associates between 2017 and 2020. Meanwhile, another accused person, Jayadev Mandal, transferred proceeds of crime amounting to Rs 58 crore.

Between January and April 2021, the Enforcement Directorate carried out search and seizure operations at 46 locations linked to the accused persons under Section 17 of the PMLA.

The I-PAC angle emerged in the case as the ED investigation found that one of the Hawala operators in the coal mining scam had facilitated the transfer of crores of rupees to the I-PAC. Following this, the ED launched searches on the premise linked to I-PAC chief Pratik Jain.

It has alleged that coal scam money from Anup Maji was routed through hawala to I-PAC, were used for TMC’s Goa election campaign. Thus, there emerged an alleged direct link between the coal scam funds and TMC’s Goa political financing.

The Enforcement Directorate has alleged that the TMC used “Rs 20 crore proceeds of crime” in Goa between 2021 and 2022. The probe agency mentioned this in a writ petition filed before the Calcutta High Court on 9th January.

These transfers were made through middlemen, including a firm named R. Kanti Lal, and were linked to election-related activities. Statements from those involved and WhatsApp chats have been cited as key evidence.

On 8th January, 2026, ED teams searched ten locations, six in West Bengal and four in Delhi. These included places linked to Majee’s associates, hawala operators, buyers from the Shakambhari Group, and I-PAC.

Searches at Pratik Jain’s Loudon Street residence and the I-PAC office drew attention after West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee arrived with police. The ED later moved the Calcutta High Court seeking a CBI probe. Questions were raised as to why the TMC, particularly Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, is so rattled over the anti-graft agency investigating a private political consultancy firm.

Several ancient statues of Hindu deities discovered during excavations at various places in Bihar, including Vishnu, Ganesha, Surya and Buddha idols

OpIndia Staff
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Several ancient statues of Hindu deities discovered during excavations at various places in Bihar, including Vishnu, Ganesha, Surya and Buddha idols

Several statues of Hindu deities have recently been unearthed at different places in Bihar, revealing the cultural heritage of the state. The relics were discovered in districts like Nalanda, Gaya, Vaishali, and Jamui.

The statues include 1,200–2,000 years old Buddha statues from Nalanda, Gaya and Vaishali, and a 1,500-year-old Ganesha idol from Nagarjuni Hills in Jamui. Some 8th–10th century Vishnu and Surya idols from the Pala period were found at Lakhisarai and Madhubani. In addition to that, over 1000-year-old Jain Tirthankara statues were discovered in Nawada and Gaya. Similarly, Shaivite sculptures from Gopalganj and Rohtas, a 1,300-year-old Vishnu statue from Bhagalpur, and a Surya Dev statue from Jamui were also discovered.

The 1500-year-old Ganesh idol found in Jamui is holding a dessert called ‘Pedakiya’, which is believed to be the original version of the ‘Modak’, a traditional Indian sweet dumpling offered to Lord Ganesh on Ganesh Chaturthi.

Pedakiya is a crescent-shaped dessert, said to represent the crescent moon on Lord Shiva’s forehead. Our ancestors

Ancient sites discovered in Odisha and other states

The discovery of ancient idols in Bihar is followed by a rare archaeological discovery at the Bhimmandali mountains in Redakhol, Sambalpur district of Odisha. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) launched an extensive survey of the site, believed to be carrying imprints of a 10,000-year-old civilisation. The ASI found several rock-cut paintings, tools, and other artefacts at 42 locations across Bhima Mandali, Raila, Landimal, and Luhapanka panchayats, and the protected forests of Chhatagada and Brahmani. The rock carvings depict imagery of animals and birds, providing a glimpse into early human artistic expression.

Last year in June, researchers from the Indian Institute of Technology Gandhinagar (IITGN), in collaboration with IIT Kanpur, IUAC Delhi, and PRL Ahmedabad, discovered firm evidence of pre-Harappan human presence in the Kachchh region of Gujarat. The study found that human settlement as old as 5,000 years before the emergence of the Harappan civilisation existed in the region. The researchers found massive heaps of discarded shells, now identified as shell middens. This indicated that prehistoric communities inhabited mangrove-dominated landscapes and consumed shell species such as oysters and gastropods.

Later, in July 2025, a remarkable archaeological finding emerged in Maski town in the Raichur district of Karnataka. It was estimated that humans lived in that are around 4,000 years ago. The discovery was made by scientists who were searching for additional information about the captivating location. A collaborative team of 20 researchers from India, Canada and the United States worked together to find out more about the area’s past. Researchers started excavation around Mallikarjun Hill, close to the Mallikarjuna Temple and the town’s Anjaneya Swamy temple. They came across a variety of artefacts and other tools that date back four millennia, which suggests that the area was once a vibrant settlement. 

From floods to landslides: How the Indian Army became the backbone of India’s Disaster Response

श्रवण शुक्ल
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From floods to landslides: How the Indian Army became the backbone of India’s Disaster Response

Whenever a major crisis strikes India, whether mountains collapse, rivers swell, cyclones wreak havoc, or communal violence disrupts a region, the Indian Army is the first to be called in any emergency. This is no coincidence, but the hallmark of a strong, reliable, and swift-responding organisation. The Indian Army’s mobility, engineering prowess, medical facilities, logistics, and disciplined command structure have made it the nation’s first responder.

This has been the norm for several decades. From natural disasters to internal security crises, the military is always at the forefront. From Defence Ministry reports to ground realities, everything paints the same picture of the Indian Army coming to the rescue when civil administration capabilities are stretched to the limit. In challenging situations, the Indian Army becomes a strong support on which the entire state rests.

The crisis-solving role of the army

The Indian Army’s role as an “aid to civil authorities” is not a new development. Since independence, the Army has been called upon repeatedly to assist civil authorities in emergencies. The 2001 Gujarat earthquake is a prime example, where the Army rescued thousands of people from under the rubble and supplied relief material. However, this role has become more pronounced and institutionalised over the past two decades.

Following the 2004 tsunami in the Indian Ocean, India strengthened its HADR (Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief) capabilities. They were further enhanced after the 2013 Uttarakhand disaster. Since then, the Army’s role has expanded year by year. The Army is now emerging as a first responder not only within the country but also in neighbouring countries. India was the first to respond to incidents such as the Nepal earthquake, the Sri Lanka cyclone, the Turkey earthquake, and the Thailand earthquake.

This transformation occurred because the military’s training and structure allow it to operate in even the most difficult conditions. While civilian agencies rely on infrastructure, the military brings everything with it: food, medicine, communications, engineering equipment, and discipline.

Statistics reflect the reach of the military

According to the Ministry of Defence’s Annual Review 2025, the Indian Army deployed its 141 columns, including Special Engineer Task Forces, across more than 80 locations in 10 states in 2025. In these operations, over 28,000 people were rescued, medical assistance was provided to over 7,000, and relief supplies were provided to thousands of affected people.

A similar picture emerged in 2024, when more than 83 disaster relief teams were deployed across 14 states, rescuing over 30,000 civilians and providing relief to millions. Over the past ten years, this number has averaged over 100 columns annually. These columns are deployed to respond to various emergencies, including floods, landslides, avalanches, cyclones, and internal unrest.

These statistics aren’t just numbers. They tell the story of a system that’s always prepared. Army units are pre-positioned in areas most prone to disasters—the Himalayas, the Northeast, and coastal regions. When a state government sends a requisition, columns are ready to move within hours.

Wayanad Landslide 2024: The Most Recent and Poignant Example

On July 30, 2024, a devastating landslide in Wayanad, Kerala, claimed hundreds of lives. Villages were buried under debris, roads and bridges were washed away, and the entire region was isolated. The state government immediately called for help, and the army was the first to arrive.

Within hours, two flood relief columns departed from Kannur. Six larger HADR columns were subsequently deployed, comprising approximately 500 troops, medical teams, sniffer dogs, and heavy equipment. The army rescued nearly 1,000 people alive from the rubble, provided first aid, and evacuated them to safety. Dozens of bodies were also recovered.

The biggest challenge was access. Rivers were overflowing, and bridges were broken. The Madras Engineer Group built a 190-foot-long Class-24 Bailey bridge, which connects Mundakkayi to the outside world. A temporary footbridge was constructed overnight. Helicopters transported heavy machinery across the rivers.

The Army established a command-control centre in Kozhikode. More than 1,500 rescue workers worked in collaboration with the Navy, Air Force, Coast Guard, NDRF, and state police. But in the initial and most crucial hours, it was the Army that handled the situation.

Sikkim Flash Flood 2023, Challenging High Altitude Expedition

In October 2023, a flood caused by a glacial lake wreaked havoc in Sikkim. The Teesta River overflowed, washing away bridges and leaving 23 soldiers missing. The Army immediately launched a rescue operation, working with the NDRF to rescue thousands of tourists and locals. Army personnel were affected themselves, yet they set up relief camps, delivered relief supplies, and restored roads. This demonstrates the military’s ability to work under testing circumstances.

Operation Surya Hope during the 2013 Uttarakhand Disaster

Who can forget the Uttarakhand floods of June 2013? The entire region, including Kedarnath, was devastated. Thousands of pilgrims were stranded. The Army launched Operation Surya Hope. 2,223 sorties were flown, delivering 1,700 tons of relief supplies, 10,000 blankets, medicines, and food. Millions of lives were saved. The operation was praised worldwide and elevated the Army’s HADR role to new heights.

Assam struggles with floods every year

Assam faces floods every year. The Brahmaputra and its tributaries affect millions of people. The army deploys dozens of columns every year. Boats, helicopters, medical teams, everything is deployed by the army. In 2025, Assam was also allocated a large amount for flood relief, and the army played a key role.

No alternative to the institutional power of the military

Major General RPS Bhadauria (VSM-Retd), ADG of the Centre for Land Warfare Studies, said the Army’s greatest strength lies in its self-contained units. Each column consists of communications, logistics, engineers, and medical teams. Combat engineers can build Bailey bridges and temporary roads. Medical teams can set up field hospitals.

Logistics is so robust that supplies can be delivered by air, road, and river. The command structure is clear—mission-type orders are issued, and soldiers execute them without delay.

The army is always prepared for its role as a crisis rescuer

This remarkable capability to effectively respond during emergencies comes from rehearsals. A joint release exercise was conducted in Gujarat in 2024. A cyclone was simulated, and all agencies jointly tested plans. Indigenous technology was also demonstrated. Such exercises reduce inter-agency friction.

Civilian capacity needs to be enhanced

The dependence on the Indian Army should be looked at as a warning. The military’s primary responsibility is to defend the nation. The military cannot be allowed to become a universal fire brigade for every administrative shortcoming or structural weakness. Calling it in for every crisis could impact its combat readiness. Therefore, civilian capabilities must be strengthened, including expanding the NDRF, better equipping state forces, and strengthening infrastructure.

Indian Army’s disaster management capabilities are a matter of pride

The fact that the Indian Army is capable of acting as a first responder is a matter of pride for the country. It gives citizens the confidence that even in the darkest of times, there is someone to turn to. However, this confidence needs to be complemented by a strong civilian ecosystem, so that the Army can focus on its core responsibility and be the first to respond when needed.

When used properly, the military’s role as a first responder is a national asset. It assures citizens that when a disaster strikes, the state will send its most capable force to their defence. The challenge now is to build a comprehensive ecosystem with this assurance that is worthy of the uniformed personnel who are often the first to answer the call and the first to arrive.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Uttar Pradesh: ‘Obscene, vulgar, dangerous for society’, Mother files FIR after children exposed to sexually explicit Instagram reels by influencer in Agra

Anurag
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Uttar Pradesh: ‘Obscene, vulgar, dangerous for society’, Mother files FIR after children exposed to sexually explicit Instagram reels by influencer in Agra

On 6th January, a woman in Agra, Uttar Pradesh, filed a police complaint against a social media influencer after her children were allegedly exposed to obscene Instagram reels while using her phone at home. Her complaint led to the registration of an FIR at the Cyber Crime Police Station. The incident has once again raised concern over unregulated content on platforms like Instagram, which are accessed by children without many restrictions. OpIndia accessed the FIR in the matter.

According to the complaint, the woman noticed a vulgar reel appear on her phone while her children were scrolling through Instagram. She immediately took away the phone and checked the profile, only to discover that the same influencer had uploaded multiple such reels. All of the reels were obscene, sexually suggestive, and harmful for children.

OpIndia checked the profile of the influencer and found that she runs two accounts simultaneously. Both accounts have a large following on Instagram (over 1.2 lakh on one and over 2.5 lakh on second) and generate crores of views on her reels. Furthermore, she also has over 10,000 followers on Facebook. The influencer also runs an app where she shared “exclusive” content and charge money for one-on-one conversations.

Source: Instagram and Skye

The complainant has demanded strict action. She stated that such content is freely accessible to minors and is having a corrosive impact on young minds.

FIR details

As per the FIR accessed by OpIndia, the complaint has been filed by Ruby Tomar, based on which the FIR was registered under Section 296(b) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and Section 67 of the Information Technology Act, 2000, which pertains to publishing or transmitting obscene material in electronic form. While the accused has been listed as unknown, the FIR mentions an Instagram account where the reels are being posted.

Source: UP Police

The incident that led to the complaint

The complainant, Ruby Tomar, lives within the Tajganj police station limits and supplies Ayurvedic medicines in Agra. In her statement, Ruby said that on 4th January, she visited a beauty parlour to supply products, where she found the owner of the beauty parlour watching an obscene video on Instagram. She objected to the content and stated that such reels have a negative impact on children and society.

The next day, her own children were scrolling through Instagram on her phone at home in her presence. She noticed that the same influencer’s reel appeared on her phone. Alarmed, she quickly took away the phone from the children. Later, she checked the profile of the influencer and noticed that all uploaded reels were obscene in nature.

She further alleged that the videos contained vulgar gestures, indecent audio, and crude comments directed at women. She also stated in her complaint that the influencer appeared to be deliberately producing sexually explicit content to gain views and followers.

Source: UP Police

Growing concern over unregulated obscene content on Instagram

The Agra case has once again highlighted how serious the problem of freely available obscene content on social media platforms is. Instagram and other platforms host sexually explicit and vulgar content that is widely available without effective age filters. While these platforms claim that strict community guidelines are in place, such content often appears on users’ feeds. Notably, these accounts are not explicitly marked as adult.

There are children and teenagers who form a significant portion of Instagram’s user base in India. This specific group of users is vulnerable and may become addicted to such content. Algorithms designed to maximise engagement often end up pushing provocative reels into timelines, regardless of the viewer’s age or intent. Parents are increasingly finding it difficult to shield their children from such material, even when basic precautions are taken.

The wider issue is not limited to one influencer or one FIR. There are several such users on Instagram who post similar content, and Instagram’s algorithm is designed in such a way that if a user starts consuming a particular type of content from one account, the platform begins pushing similar content from other accounts.

Social media platforms have allowed a culture where obscenity is normalised in the name of “reels”, “trends”, and “engagement”. In the absence of mandatory age verification, robust content filtration, and swift action against influencers who violate the law, such content will continue to appear on the timelines of youngsters, affecting their minds in deeply unhealthy ways.

Platforms often turn a blind eye, and the burden falls on parents and law enforcement agencies. However, policing individual accounts is not feasible and is not a sustainable solution. India urgently needs a system that ensures accountability quickly and effectively. In this case as well, it has been almost ten days, and the content remains freely available on social media from the account against which the complaint has been filed.

What parents should do beyond limiting screen time

When it comes to protecting children from vulgar and sexually explicit content, reducing screen time is not enough. Parents need to actively engage with their children’s digital presence. They must have regular conversations in which they encourage children to talk about what they watch online, whom they follow, and what makes them uncomfortable. These conversations should be calm, and parents must not be judgemental, so that children feel safe while sharing their experiences.

Furthermore, there must be clear rules and routines around screen use. These should be applied consistently across the household. When boundaries are predictable and fair, children are more likely to accept them as part of daily life rather than viewing them as punishment. Parents should encourage children to engage in offline activities such as sleep, play, study, and family time.

It is also essential that parents reduce their own screen time. Excessive phone use by adults normalises unhealthy behaviour for children. Most importantly, children must be taught that not all online content is appropriate or safe, and that they should immediately inform a trusted adult if they encounter disturbing, sexual, or harmful material online.

Supreme Court turns to Manusmriti while granting widowed woman assets of her late father-in-law: Read how the ancient Hindu text became a guiding light for the Judiciary.

Divyansh Tiwari
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Supreme Court turns to Manusmriti while granting widowed woman assets of her late father-in-law: Read how the ancient Hindu text became a guiding light for the Judiciary.

The Supreme Court of India affirmed a widowed daughter-in-law’s maintenance rights from her late father-in-law’s assets in a historic decision delivered on 13th January this year. The court drew straight from the Manusmriti to underline familial duties under modern Hindu law. In addition to resolving a family dispute over inheritance, the ruling in Kanchana Rai vs. Geeta Sharma & Ors. (2026 INSC 54) demonstrated the continuing impact of ancient writings like the Manusmriti on India’s legal system, even as courts give precedence to constitutional principles.

This ruling is an example of how judges interpret laws such as the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956 (HAMA), using classical Dharmashastra as moral and historical guidelines rather than as legally obligatory.

Family fued which sparked the legal battle

The issue concerned the assets of Dr Mahendra Prasad, who passed away on December 27, 2021, and left behind properties in a registered will dated July 18, 2011. Prasad had three sons. Rajeev Sharma, Devinder Rai (pre-deceased, whose wife Kanchana Rai was declared executor and beneficiary for her boys), and Ranjit Sharma (died March 2, 2023). After Ranjit passed away, Geeta Sharma, Respondent No.1 and his widow, argued that she was a dependent and requested maintenance from her father-in-law’s estate under HAMA.

Her husband outlived Prasad; she was not a widow at the time of his death, according to the family Court, which dismissed her case as unmaintainable. On August 20, 2025, the High Court overturned this on appeal, remanding the case for merits evaluation and designating Geeta as a dependant as she is Prasad’s son’s widow. This was contested in the Supreme Court by Kanchana Rai and Uma Devi, who claimed to have lived with Prasad for forty years. They framed the main question asking Does a daughter-in-law who is widowed following the death of her father-in-law qualify as a dependent under HAMA Section 21(vii)?

Sharp statutory interpretation

Writing for the bench alongside Justice S.V.N. Bhatti, Justice Pankaj Mithal used a literal interpretation of HAMA to cut through the objections. Timing is irrelevant because Section 21(vii) specifies dependents as “any widow of his son,” without qualifiers like “predeceased,” therefore, Geeta qualifies regardless. Heirs are required by Section 22 to provide for such dependents from the inherited estate, particularly if the dependent does not receive a succession share.

Citing precedents such as Crawford v. Spooner (1846) for plain sense and B. Premanand v. Mohan Koikal (2011) against judicial rewriting of statutes, the bench rejected restricted readings. It cautioned that any more restrictive interpretation would violate Article 14’s equality by arbitrarily separating widows according to the time of their spouse’s death and having no logical connection to HAMA’s welfare objective. Purposive reading was also required to protect vulnerable women from poverty under Article 21’s right to a dignified life.

Manusmriti’s invocation

The court addressed the origins of Hindu law in a crucial paragraph, pointing out that where statutes leave gaps, HAMA’s Section 4 maintains uncodified principles. Manusmriti Chapter 8, Verse 389 was cited, ‘No wife, son, father, or mother should be abandoned. The king should impose a fee of six hundred units on anyone who deserts these innocent family members.’ This passage emphasised the need of the family head to provide for female relatives, obliging heirs both legally and ethically to help a widdaughter-in-lawn law who is unable to support herself.

The reference confirmed that a father-in-law’s duty continues after death through estate heirs, aligning Manusmriti’s emphasis on familial piety with HAMA’s framework. Section 22 expanded Section 19, which covered maintenance for a live father-in-law, to include post death claims. The court maintained the High Court’s ruling and dismissed appeals, with no costs.

Manusmriti’s shadow over modern law

According to recent analysis, Manusmriti’s recurrent, non-binding function in Indian jurisprudence is mirrored in this invocation. Manusmriti appears in judicial discourse to invoke tradition, contrast reforms, or uphold morals in matters involving families, women’s dignity, and social reform, in contrast to the Constitution or statutes. In line with Dr B.R. Ambedkar’s subtle criticism, courts use it as an example, gaining authority from the law rather than scripture.

During the 1927 Mahad protest against caste injustice, Ambedkar burned the Manusmriti, but during the Hindu Code Bill debates, he deliberately cited its egalitarian themes, such as women’s property rights. While acknowledging the complexithe ty of Dharmashastra, he attdiscriminatorynating texts about patriarchy and varna rigidity, creating codified regulations that eliminated injustices while preseManu-based based ideas like joint families and sapinda relationships.

From the Dharamshastra to codified Hindu law

Manusmriti, which served as the basis for the Dayabhaga and Mitakshara schools, had an impact on colonial Hindu personal law through commentators such as Vijnaneshwara. The Hindu Marriage Act, Succession Act, and HAMA, which were codified after the 1950s, corrected abuses while maintaining Manu’s categories for inheritance, coparcenary, and maintenance, subject to equality. As Law Minister, Ambedkar upheld organised family responsibilities while ensuring that oppressive features were subject to constitutional review.

Chapter 8, verse 389 in Kanchana Rai transformed a patriarchal passage into a shield of dignity by reiterating HAMA’s religious duty without accepting hierarchy. The Supreme Court cited Manu seven times before 2019 (e.g., Vimla Bai v. Hiralal Gupta on inheritance), and the recent POCSO rape of daughter denial of bail aligns withthe constitutional vision. This selective use matches the judicial trend.

High Court echoes the tradition

High Courts go further, citing Manu regarding upkeep. In Narang v. Narang, the Delhi High Court cited Chapter 9.108 on Karta’s obligation to dependents, including spouses. The passage ‘where women are miserable, family perishes’ was quoted by the Jharkhand High Court (2024) in its denial of a claim based on facts regarding spousal support. Husband and wife obligations were employed forpost-decreee maintenance in Chhattisgarh’s Das v. Das case.

Even outside of court, judges praise women’s ‘respectable position’ (Delhi HC Justice Prathiba Singh) or allude to the Manusmriti as a ‘holy book’ (Allahabad HC 2025 FIR refusal). Smritis like Manu were upheld in Sri Krishna Singh v. Mathura Ahir (1980) as authoritative for uncodified personal law, always subservient to statutes.

Balancing heritage and equality

Kanchana Raemphasises how Manusmriti evolved from a prescriptive code to a rhetorical instrument that was both absorbed and criticised in accordance with Ambedkar’s legacy. Courts use it to close gaps, denounce wrongdoings such as incest, or uphold obligations while adhering to Articles 14 and 15 of the Constitution. Through the Dharmashastra to HAMA, this legal heritage guarantees that traditional knowledge influences but never supersedes contemporary justice, defending widows like Geeta and promoting women’s rights.

In the midst of Manusmriti’s contentious patriarchy, criticscriticisee selective quotation, but rulings like these reduce hierarchies and support the reforms Ambedkar advocated. Such decisions confirm that Manu’s echoes are still there in India’s judicial DNA, albeit with modifications for democracy, as the country navigates tradition and progress.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court not only upheld a widow’s unwavering right to maintenance from her father-in-law’s inheritance in the final ruling of Kanchana Rai v. Geeta Sharma, but it also incorporated the ancient strands of Manusmriti into contemporary jurisprudence. Justice Pankaj Mithal reminded heirs of their eternal moral obligation by citing Chapter 8, Verse 389, ‘No mother, no father, no wife, and no son deserves to be forsaken,’ which goes beyond the strict deadlines of codified law. In accordance with Articles 14 and 21’s guarantee of equality and dignity, this decision eliminates artificial barriers under HAMA Section 21(vii), guaranteeing that no woman is abandoned due to the unfortunate death of her spouse.

However, the decision goes beyond the conflict within a single family. It highlights Manusmriti’s phoenix-like return, which Ambedkar criticised for being patriarchal, selectively used to support women’s vulnerabilities, from Jharkhand’s family welfare appeals to Delhi High Court maintenance approvals. Such citations reinforce legacy as a living guide, stripped of hierarchy to serve justice, in India’s legal evolution from Dharmashastra commentary to post 1950s reforms. The success of Geeta Sharma shows that the judiciary is not scared to clos2,000-yearar gaps and protect family piety from deterioration. Ancient echoes resound in 2026’s courtrooms, posing a question to society: Will we uphold Manu’s mandate or abandon the abandoned?

PM Modi-led Appointments Committee appoints IPS officer Rakesh Agarwal as the new Director General of the NIA: all you need to know about the top cop

Shraddha Pandey
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PM Modi-led Appointments Committee appoints IPS officer Rakesh Agarwal as the new Director General of the NIA: all you need to know about the top cop

On the 14th January 2026, the Central government appointed senior IPS officer Rakesh Agarwal as the new Director General of the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Rakesh Agarwal is a 1994 batch Indian Police Service officer of the Himachal Pradesh cadre. Before his appointment as the Director Agarwal of the NIA, Agarwal served as the interim Director General of the anti-terror agency.

As per the Personnel Ministry’s order, the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, approved Rakesh Agarwal’s appointment as the NIA’s Director General for a tenure up to 31st August 2028, the date of his superannuation.

“The Appointments Committee of the Cabinet has approved the proposal of the Ministry of Home Affairs for the appointment of Shri Rakesh Aggarwal, IPS (HP: 1994), SDG, NIA as Director General, National Investigative Agency (level-16 of Pay Matrix) from the date of assumption of charge of the post and up to 31.08.2028 i.e. date of his superannuation or untill further orders, whichever is earlier,” the letter of appointment states.

Agarwal’s appointment as NIA DG followed the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet’s approval of the premature repatriation of NIA DG Sadanand Vasant Date, to his parent cadre, Maharashtra.

After Date’s repatriation, the Appointments Committee appointed Rakesh Agarwal as the interim DG NIA.

Rakesh Agarwal: Expert in counter-terrorism and internal security investigations

Hailing from Haryana, Rakesh Agarwal brings extensive expertise in counter-terrorism, radicalisation networks, terror-financing, cross-border linkages, and internal security matters. Agarwal’s experience and expertise make him a recognised specialist in complex high-stakes probes and operations under pressure.

Rakesh Agarwal holds a Bachelor’s degree in Mechanical Engineering and a Master’s degree in Management. Agarwal began his service in the Himachal Pradesh Police, where he gained foundational experience in law enforcement and administration. Over the years, Rakesh Agarwal served in major central agencies and forces. These include operational positions in the National Security Guard (NSG), the elite counter-terrorism unit, the Special Protection Group (SPG), and as an Inspector General in the Border Security Force (BSF). He oversaw the Guwahati Frontier in sensitive northeastern regions. Agarwal also served the nation as the Joint Director in the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI). At CBI, Agarwal received multiple extensions.

In his home cadre, Rakesh Agarwal served as Director General of Home Guards in Himachal Pradesh before moving to central deputation. The new Director General of the NIA joined the anti-terror agency in July 2024 as Additional Director General. On 29th September 2025, Agarwal was promoted to Special Director General on an in-situ basis for a two-year term.

After the premature repatriation of previous DG NIA Sadanand Date to his Maharashtra cadre, Rakesh Agarwal assumed additional charge as the interim DG NIA on 30th December 2025. Finally, on 14th January, the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet officially approved Rakesh Agarwal’s appointment as full Director General of the NIA.

Rakesh Aggarwal, IPS, Director General, NIA. Image source: NIA’s website

In his distinguished career spanning over three decades, Rakesh Agarwal has made significant contributions to probing terror-related cases, ranging from Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) or Naxalism to ISIS-linked modules. Agarwal has earned a reputation for investigative acumen, professional integrity, and impactful leadership in national security matters.

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