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From peddling fake news and cropped videos to misleading narratives: A deep dive into the propaganda handles that were restricted in India

Dhruv Mishra
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From peddling fake news and cropped videos to misleading narratives: A deep dive into the propaganda handles that were restricted in India

In recent days, several social media accounts and content platforms such as 4PM, Molitics, and National Dastak have been withheld in India. Immediately after the restriction, sections of the left ecosystem framed the move as an attack on free speech, claiming that dissent was being silenced, and the claims gained traction across platforms. However, such a characterisation raises a more fundamental question: was this action arbitrary, or did it precede a consistent pattern of content warranting closer scrutiny?

A closer look at what these platforms are putting out suggests the problem isn’t as simple as it seems. In many cases, their content seems to depend on sensational framing, selective fact-picking, and claims that are sometimes proven wrong by subsequent information or later verification. From narratives later deemed misleading and from repeated cases of speculation presented with a degree of certainty, the pattern points to a style of content in which impact often takes precedence over accuracy. In that context, the focus shifts from a singular act of restriction to a broader question of accountability within digital information ecosystems.

The Ecosystem: Platforms, Personalities, and Narrative Building

At first glance, Platforms such as 4PM, Molitics and National Dastak portray themselves as alternative voices. They present their content as bold, independent and unfiltered. Their appeal largely rests on the claim of challenging mainstream narratives and “speaking truth to power.” However, their content strategy appears to prioritise high-impact presentation over substantiated reporting.

Common features include dramatic thumbnails, strong headlines, and framing that elicits an emotional response. Complex issues are frequently reduced to simplified narratives, in which speculation is presented with a degree of certainty while verification remains unclear or absent.

This creates an ecosystem in which speculation is presented as near-certainty, isolated developments are framed as systemic collapse, and opinion-driven narratives are packaged as factual reporting. This is not just about where you stand on issues. Media platforms across the board have strong opinions. But the difference in the method is whether claims are supported by verifiable proof, or whether proof comes after the claim.

On these platforms, the repeated use of amplification rather than authentication raises important questions about editorial standards and intent. Just not one post; this bigger ecosystem helps us understand why the government may have gotten involved. 

Layer 1: When Presentation Alters Perception

A misleading post by National Dastak

In one instance, a post amplified by National Dastak referred to accused individuals using partial identifiers such as “Rajput” and “Rana.” This appeared to suggest as a Hindu identity. However, additional context later indicated that the individuals’ full identities did not align with the implied narrative. Actually, the accused names were “Azeem Rana” and “Azad Rajput”. Both accusers belonged to the Muslim identity, but the National Dastak was portraying the case as a crime committed by Hindu individuals.

Notably, a community Note flagged the post as misleading, stating that partial naming was used in a way that could create a false impression. In other instances, claims or presentations circulated by these platforms were later found to be incomplete, misleading, or contradicted by additional context.

One of the most widely amplified examples involved assertions that a significant portion of India’s gold reserves, valued at over ₹1 lakh crore, had gone “missing” from the Reserve Bank of India. The claim was presented in an alarming manner, often suggesting institutional opacity or large-scale financial irregularity. However, the Press Information Bureau has officially fact-checked the unit and later clarified that the claim was misleading, noting that the figures had been misinterpreted and taken out of context.

Despite this clarification, the narrative continued to circulate across multiple handles, often without reference to the correction. The persistence of such claims highlights how high-impact financial misinformation can continue to shape perception even after being addressed.

Taken together, these instances demonstrate how National Dastak and similar media organisations use selective presentation, the omission of context, or partial interpretation of facts to significantly alter public understanding of an issue.

Layer 2: Visual Narratives and Context Gaps

Another recurring pattern emerges in the use of short video clips and selective visuals, often presented without full context. In one instance, a clip showing Nitish Kumar holding an aarti plate was circulated with the caption “Samrat Chaudhary snatched the aarti plate from Nitish Kumar’s hands” It was presented in isolation; the visual appeared to suggest a particular message. However, without the full sequence of events or surrounding context, such interpretations remain, at best, partial.

This method of presentation is not uncommon in high-velocity digital content ecosystems, where short clips are often detached from their original setting and repurposed to align with a broader narrative. In such cases, what is omitted can be as significant as what is shown. The concern here is not merely about a single video, but about a broader pattern in which visuals are curated to appear to support pre-existing conclusions. When context is limited or absent, audiences are left to interpret fragments as a complete reality. Over time, repeated exposure to such selectively framed visuals can reinforce specific perceptions regardless of whether the full context supports those conclusions.

Layer 3: Sensationalism as a Content Strategy

Beyond what is said or shown, another critical dimension lies in how content is packaged and presented to audiences. Platforms like Molitics rely consistently on high-intensity, attention-grabbing language. Phrases such as:“घपलेबाजी पकड़ी गई” (Scam exposed), “बड़ा खुलासा” (Big revelation), “तहलका मच गया” (Shockwaves created), “मोदी को बड़ा झटका” (Big blow to Modi) , “घपलेबाजी पकड़ी गई,” “नफरती हिंदुत्व,” and “आतंकी संगठन” are presented with a tone of certainty, often positioning complex or contested issues as settled conclusions.

They are frequently used in thumbnails, captions, and video titles, often conveying a sense of urgency and certainty, even when the corresponding evidence is not clearly presented.

This style of presentation is deliberate. Thumbnails act as the first point of engagement. Their framing shapes viewer perception before the content is consumed. Consistent use of dramatic language creates an environment in which every development is framed as a major scandal or crisis. Most of the time, their framing work is based on the Anti-Hindutva narrative, where Hindus are shown as the villain or oppressor. News with no significance is run through as sensational.

Sometimes, the intensity of the claim in the thumbnail or headline does not appear to be proportionate to the verifiable documentation or primary sources within the content itself. This gap between presentation and substantiation becomes significant, particularly when such content reaches large audiences.

Over time, repeated exposure to such framing can normalise a perception of constant upheaval and systemic wrongdoing, irrespective of whether each claim holds up under scrutiny.

Layer 4: Escalation into Defamatory and Speculative Narratives

Beyond patterns of sensationalism and selective framing, certain instances reflect a shift towards speculative, and at times potentially defamatory, assertions involving public institutions and individuals.

 One such example involves content posted by the account named Dr Nimo Yadav 2.0, run by Prateek Sharma, which raised questions suggesting that offices of Union ministers were linked to an individual allegedly involved in terrorist training activities.

The post framed this as a possibility and called for investigation, despite no publicly established evidence being cited to substantiate such a serious implication. Even though they are worded as questions, these kinds of statements, especially when they are spread to large groups of people, can strongly suggest things that aren’t true.

In another case, commentary that accompanied a picture of Indian Army officials seemed to use satire to link their appearance to a policy decision on mid-day meals. Humour and satire are part of public discourse, but this kind of framing could be seen as making fun of or belittling institutions that people generally respect, and it also shows the mentality of those who make fun of their own army that fights to protect them.

The one who has never achieved in their life will always make fun of people who are running and protecting the whole country. Nimo Yadav and these accounts run on the payroll of the Anti-India agenda, where their whole work is to shift the narrative from talking about India to making fun and creating against India 

Also, posts about India’s foreign policy and energy choices reached conclusions suggesting strategic or economic failure, even though publicly available data showed more complex realities, such as India securing cheaper crude oil from Russia despite global pressure.

Similarly, certain claims hinted at high-level diplomatic manoeuvres involving unrelated personalities, without citing verifiable evidence, thereby contributing to speculative narratives presented with an air of plausibility. 

In addition to speculative assertions, certain instances involve highly provocative and offensive language directed at specific communities. For example, while reporting, the reporter of National Dashtak stated these provocative lines against the Brahmin community. He stated that the “Brahmins are a disgrace, beat them with shoes and throw them out” Such statements raise serious concerns about the normalisation of extreme language in public discourse and targeting a specific community.

These types of organisation then demand “free speech but the question is whether freedom of speech also exists for the brahmin community, on which they spread their narrative. When such content is amplified without restraint, it risks deepening social divisions and lowering the threshold of acceptable expression.

Taken together, these examples reflect a pattern in which accounts that make serious allegations and are framed as questions use satire to intersect with sensitive institutions and complex geopolitical developments, and are simplified into definitive conclusions, with the end goal of spreading misinformation and creating a fearmongering situation among civilians.

Layer 5: Predictive narratives presented as certainty

A video by 4pm

A particularly noticeable trend is the recurrence of political predictions, most notably in content from YouTube channels like 4PM. A review of their video titles, thumbnails and recurring narratives indicates a consistent projection of imminent political upheaval. Their entire content relies on a surge of fear-mongering, with phrases suggesting that the government is on the verge of collapse, that major “game-changing” developments are underway, or that leadership transitions are imminent, appearing with notable frequency.

These claims are often presented with a high degree of urgency and frequently portrayed as some insider information or unfolding developments. However, when we observed it over time, many such predictions do not appear to materialise as suggested.

This creates a recurring cycle that starts with Thumbnails featuring shocking words, a high-impact claim is introduced, amplified through dramatic presentation, and gradually replaced by a new prediction without acknowledging earlier outcomes. Over time, this pattern contributes to a perception of constant political instability, even in the absence of corresponding real-world developments.

It is important to note that political analysis and speculation are legitimate aspects of media discourse. However, the distinction lies in how such speculation is presented. When predictive assertions are repeatedly framed as near-certainties without any verifiable grounding or subsequent accountability. It  raises questions about editorial intent and credibility. In effect, the issue is not a single incorrect prediction but a sustained pattern in which speculation is elevated to the level of expectation.

The Pattern That Emerges

Individually, each of these accounts, which are withheld in India, might be viewed as editorial choice, opinion or even a single error. However, when analysed collectively, a more consistent pattern emerges. From making false financial claims to identity framing to visual presentation, the content exhibits certain repeating features. Facts may be presented selectively or incompletely, claims may be unsubstantiated, and narratives may not fit with recent developments.

This trend is perpetuated by how content is packaged and distributed. Sensational headlines, emotionally charged images, and definitive language provide the impression of certainty even when the underlying evidence is uncertain or debatable.

Over time, such repetition can significantly shape audience perception. What begins as a claim or speculation can,  through consistent amplification, acquire the appearance of credibility. There is a famous quote by Joseph Goebbels: “A lie told once remains a lie, but a lie told a thousand times becomes the truth.” The whole narrative of these accounts revolves around this quote.

The initial stage of this narrative begins with hating the government, which gradually turns into hatred for India, which eventually reflects in their content. For example, in the above section of Layer 4: Escalation into Defamatory and Speculative Narratives, the account named Nimo Yadav made fun of the Indian Army, which is not related to any political party, as the army of this country is far above politics, but these types of accounts are unable to stop at a critical level.

The concern, therefore, is not limited to individual posts but extends to a broader content ecosystem where narrative construction and engagement may take precedence over verification and contextual accuracy.

Conclusion: Between expression and accountability

The debate surrounding the restriction of these accounts has largely been framed in terms of free speech versus censorship. However, such a binary framing overlooks the underlying context. Freedom of expression remains a fundamental pillar of any democratic society. The ability to question, critique, and dissent is essential to public discourse. At the same time, the scale and speed at which information travels in the digital ecosystem introduce new challenges, particularly when content has the potential to misinform or mislead large audiences.

In this context, the issue is not about suppressing viewpoints, but about examining whether repeated patterns of selective framing, unverified claims, and narrative-driven content can be treated as reliable information dissemination. As submissions before the Delhi High Court indicate, concerns raised by authorities include the spread of misleading narratives, defamatory content, and potential implications for public order.

At the same time, platforms have raised questions about proportionality and due process, highlighting the complexity of regulating digital speech. Therefore, the conversation is not a simple one. But one aspect remains clear: when content consistently prioritises impact over accuracy, and repetition over verification, it invites scrutiny.

Iran’s proxy force Houthis join the war, threaten to disrupt Bab al-Mandeb strait: Read what it means for global trade with Strait of Hormuz already choked

Divyansh Tiwari
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Iran’s proxy force Houthis join the war, threaten to disrupt Bab al-Mandeb strait: Read what it means for global trade with Strait of Hormuz already choked

A 30 kilometer wide stretch of water silently bears the weight of the entire globe somewhere between the volcanic coastline of Djibouti and the scorching deserts of Yemen. It is called Bab el-Mandeb, Arabic for the Gate of Grief or Gate of Tears. Ancient Arab legend holds that it was named after the thousands drowned when an earthquake split the Horn of Africa from the Arabian Peninsula. The grief of today is different, it is strategic, economic, and intensely political. If things go wrong, there will be tears shed in both European capitals and Asian boardrooms.

The maritime route that links Europe and Asia without going around the whole African continent is this narrow strait, which is situated at the southernmost point of the Red Sea. Between 10 and 12 percent of all global maritime trade passes through it every single year. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, 9.3 million barrels of crude oil and petroleum products passed through this route daily in 2023, accounting for about 12% of all seaborne oil traded globally. It’s more than just a waterway. It is an essential component of the global economy, and it is currently under serious threat.

Two straits, two worlds: Hormuz vs. Bab el-Mandeb

To comprehend Bab el-Mandeb, one must first separate it from the Strait of Hormuz, the two are frequently spoken together, but they are fundamentally distinct in character and consequence.

Image cia CNN

The most important oil choke point in the world is the Strait of Hormuz, which is located between Iran and Oman. Every day, more than 20 million barrels of oil, roughly one-fifth of the world’s petroleum consumption, pass through it. Tehran has unparalleled geographic clout because Iran directly borders it. Brent crude prices rise within hours of Iran threatening to close Hormuz, sending shock waves through the markets. Persian Gulf oil has virtually no escape route other than through this small opening, making it a dead end. Partial relief is provided by Saudi Arabia’s East-West pipeline, which transports up to 5 million barrels of oil per day overland to Red Sea ports. However, in order for that oil to reach its markets, it must first pass through Bab el-Mandeb.

Bab el-Mandeb is unique. Ships can theoretically enter and exit from a variety of directions, hence it is not a dead end. But what makes it just as hazardous are the banks. A bankrupt state on one side and the world’s most contentious military real estate on the other. Iran does not physically border Bab el-Mandeb, in contrast to Hormuz. Rather, Tehran uses the Houthis of Yemen, a much more sneaky tool, to control it. Finally, there is no land bypass for container ships. There are some pipeline options for Hormuz. Bab el-Mandeb doesn’t have any.

Iran’s long shadow: The Houthis and the proxy war

In the 1990s, the Houthis, formerly known as Ansar Allah, started out as a political and religious movement in north-west Yemen. By 2014, they had taken control of Sanaa, the capital of Yemen, starting a civil war that attracted Iran and a military coalition led by Saudi Arabia. Since then, Tehran has given the Houthis intelligence, ballistic missiles, drones, and ideological support, turning what was initially a local insurgency into a fully armed paramilitary organisation that can attack targets hundreds of kilometres away.   

Their link to Iran is more than just practical; it is a key component of Tehran’s ‘Axis of Resistance,’ a network of proxy groups that includes Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and militias in Iraq. Bab el-Mandeb is the preferred weapon of the Houthis, who act as Iran’s long arm in the Arabian Sea. The Houthis have attacked commercial shipping in the Red Sea more than 190 times since the start of the Israel-Gaza war in late 2023. They have used drones, ballistic missiles, and anti-ship missiles to target ships thought to be connected to Israel, the US, or the UK.

The repercussions were severe and quick. Between December 2023 and early 2024, container shipping across the Red Sea decreased by 90%. Large shipping companies like Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd, and MSC diverted their ships around the Cape of Good Hope, resulting in an additional 14 days and more than $1 million in fuel expenses per trip. Between October 2023 and May 2024 alone, items valued at than $1 trillion were disrupted, according to the Russell Group. Every disturbance in this strait adds an invisible tax to global inflation, one that the general public must pay in the form of higher prices for fuel, gadgets, and groceries.

Europe bleeds first

When Bab el-Mandeb is destabilised, Europe bears the brunt of the pain. Most traffic between Asian and European ports is handled by the Suez Canal route, which Bab el-Mandeb directly feeds. According to France 24, this corridor serves as the main conduit for everything from industrial machinery to consumer electronics between the two continents. European importers bear the consequences of ships diverting to the Cape route, including delayed delivery, higher insurance premiums, and increased prices for commodities.

The energy vulnerability of Europe is far more severe. The continent imports large amounts of LNG from Qatar, which must travel via Hormuz and Bab-al-Mandeb both before arriving at installations in Europe. As winter drew near, Qatar halted LNG tanker operations in the Red Sea following the Houthi strikes, raising concerns throughout Europe. Following the Ukraine crisis, European nations sought to replace Russian pipeline gas with LNG, making this sea route not just commercially significant but also existential. Agricultural goods such as wheat, fertilisers, and edible oils also move through this corridor, linking food security to the security of this 30-kilometre stretch.

Acknowledging this risk, the European Union initiated countermeasures. Operation Aspides, a naval convoy and escort mission mandated through at least February 2026, began in early 2024. In the meantime, Egypt’s Suez Canal, which depends solely on traffic passing through Bab el-Mandeb, saw its quarterly revenues plummet from $2.4 billion to just $880 million. This is a devastating blow to an already struggling economy and a sobering example of how economic shockwaves in this region do not remain contained.

Djibouti: One of the busiest shorline squeeze

Djibouti, a country the size of Mizoram with a population of just one million, is located on the African side of the strait and is possibly the most militarily significant territory on the planet. The United States supports drone operations and counterterrorism missions throughout East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula from Camp Lemonnier, its sole permanent military post in Africa, located in Djibouti. The previous colonial power, France, also keeps a permanent military there. On this little piece of land, military stations are also run by Saudi Arabia, Japan, Italy, Germany, and a number of other countries.

Then there’s China. The People’s Liberation Army Support Base in Djibouti became Beijing’s first military base abroad in 2017. Constructed at an estimated $590 million, it is officially referred to as a ‘logistics facility,’ yet it can accommodate huge Navy warships and is continuously growing in size. Approximately 25% of China’s imports and exports go via the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb, demonstrating the country’s clear business interests. However, the base also serves as a strategic declaration, giving Beijing direct access to one of the most important waterways in the world and making it abundantly evident to Washington that Chinese military might has transcended the Indo-Pacific. 

China’s growing influence in Djibouti provides a complicated new variable for both Europe and America, the European Council on Foreign Relations warns, especially as Beijing has shown a desire to keep profitable ties with both sides of the conflict, including Iran. One of the most remarkable geopolitical spectacles of our time is the existence of American, French, Chinese, Japanese, and Italian military stations within kilometers of one another on this little country.

If the gate closes: Scenarios and consequences

Technically speaking, it is unlikely that Bab el-Mandeb will be completely closed physically because the strait is too broad to be blocked. However, a physical barrier is not necessary for closure in contemporary conflict. The similar outcome can be obtained in insurance markets. At least 88 distinct Houthi attacks on commercial vessels from November 2023 were documented by the U.S. Maritime Administration (MARAD), impacting businesses from more than 55 nations. Even in the absence of an actual attack, the threat was sufficient to make many voyages commercially unfeasible due to the sharp increase in war risk insurance costs.

Over 30% of the world’s seaborne oil would be blocked if both Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb were disrupted simultaneously, a possibility that analysts are actively cautioning about, according to Al Jazeera . The price of oil would rise to levels not seen since the energy crisis of the 1970s. Already struggling with the lingering impacts of post-pandemic inflation, central banks would have to choose between raising rates and stifling growth or holding them and letting prices rise again. Pharmaceutical, industrial, and electronics supply chains would collapse. Importantly, transit through Bab el-Mandeb reached a record low in June 2025, down 65% from June 2023, despite a drop in active Houthi strikes in 2025, according to ACLED’s regional study. The harm to market confidence will outlast the missiles.

Where does this go?

Bab el-Mandeb’s strategic calculation is changing in real time. Every asymmetric actor on the planet is analysing the Houthis’ demonstration to the world that a non-state actor equipped with reasonably priced drones and missiles can hold the international economy hostage. According to NBC News, an unidentified Iranian military officer has specifically identified Bab el-Mandeb as a possible theatre of reprisal in the event that Iran’s territory or islands are attacked. This indicates that Tehran considers this strait to be an operational deterrent rather than merely a theoretical leverage point.

Regardless of whether attacks continue, freight rates and insurance premiums should stay high in the near future. Global shipping markets now permanently incorporate the psychological risk premium associated with this route. Although no pipeline on Earth can replace the container shipping that passes through Bab el-Mandeb, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates will face growing pressure in the medium term to construct pipeline infrastructure that avoids both straits. Meanwhile, Europe will strengthen its naval commitments in the Red Sea while concurrently accelerating energy diversification at home with more LNG gasification terminals, more capacity for renewable energy sources, and more pipeline agreements with North Africa. China, as usual, will play all sides, increasing its military and economic presence in Djibouti while keeping profitable trading connections with Iran and quietly placing diplomatic pressure on the Houthis when its own economic interests are endangered.

The long game, however, goes to whoever can stabilise Yemen. The Washington Institute warns that the future security of these maritime lanes will be heavily influenced by Iran-US tensions and the international community’s readiness to firmly implement arms embargoes against the Houthis. Without a long-term political settlement in Sanaa that cuts off the Houthis’ supply stream from Tehran, no naval convoy, insurance policy, or pipeline reroute can provide a permanent solution. The Gate of Tears will continue to be just that.

Conclusion

The Bab el-Mandeb Strait has borne nations’ pain for a long time. Today, it carries the weight of global trade, energy security, and great power competition in a corridor hardly broader than a city’s morning commute. For decades, the world took it for granted, a path that merely functions, subtly and silently, day in and day out. The Houthis, with Iranian assistance and asymmetric creativity, have utterly shattered that assumption. What happens in Yemen does not remain in Yemen. It affects European grocery expenses, Asian manufacturing schedules, American fuel prices, and regular people’s savings accounts on every continent. The Gate of Tears is once again living up to its name, and the world should finally take it seriously.

US Defence Secretary Hegseth’s broker sought to invest millions in defence companies before Iran attack, says report. Read how US has been trying to profit from the war

Rukma Rathore
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US Defence Secretary Hegseth’s broker sought to invest millions in defence companies before Iran attack, says report. Read how US has been trying to profit from the war

The strife between the United States and Iran seems to be shaped by controversial interests that extend beyond just the removal of a hardline Islamic government that represses its citizens and tries to make nuclear weapons to threaten the West and its allies.

According to the fresh revelation, a broker for American Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth tried to secure a substantial investment in prominent defence firms. The event took place in the weeks preceding the assault on Iran. The information was shared by three persons with insight into the matter with the Financial Times.

FT has stated that Hegseth’s Morgan Stanley broker approached BlackRock about putting millions of dollars in the asset manager’s Defence Industrials Active ETF (Exchange-Traded Fund) last month just prior to the assassination of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. BlackRock internally highlighted the inquiry on behalf of the prominent prospective client.

The $3.2 billion equity fund with the ticker IDEF, seeks “growth opportunities by investing in companies that might benefit from increased government spending on defence and security amid geopolitical fragmentation and economic competition,” as reported by BlackRock. Its major interests include data integration expert Palantir and defence corporations such as RTX, Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman, whose largest client is the US Department of defence.

Why the investment did not materialise

The fund debuted in May of last year and was not yet accessible for Morgan Stanley customers to acquire, thus the plan presented by the broker could not move forward. It’s uncertain if a different defence-focused company was chosen for the staggering amount.

The majority of large broking and trading platforms only provide a portion of the more than 14,000 ETFs available, despite the fact that they are created to be traded much like stocks. ETFs are selected over mutual funds due to their lower fees, superior tax management and convenience in transactions. The IDEF fund, which is listed on the Nasdaq, has increased by 28% in the last year but has decreased by about 13% in the last month due to the Middle East tensions.

Hegseth’s broker was eager for the investment when his department was nearly ready to begin an intense military campaign, even though the abortive nature of the approach to BlackRock probably prevented temporary losses. Furthermore, the conversation over the defence investment coincides with Wall Street experts closely scrutinising financial and prediction market trades in advance of the Trump administration’s decisions.

Pentagon dismisses allegations

On the other hand, chief Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell swiftly refuted the article as “false and fabricated.” He claimed, “Neither Secretary Hegseth nor any of his representatives approached BlackRock about any such investment. This is yet another baseless, dishonest smear designed to mislead the public,” asking for an “immediate retraction.”

Parnell added that Hegseth and Department of War are steadfast in their dedication to maintain the highest ethical principles and thorough compliance with all relevant laws and regulations.

Hegseth is one of the primary strategists of the war in Iran and among the most outspoken supporters of the assault, frequently showcasing US military power. President Donald Trump has identified him as the first member of his national security circle to advocate for the military campaign.

According to a disclosure form filed for his Senate confirmation, Hegseth’s salary at Fox News from 2022 to 2024 was $4.6 million. During these years, he also earned between $100,001 and $1 million in royalties from two book advances totalling close to $500,000. Additionally, he received about $900,000 in speaking charges. He sold shares in 29 separate companies, with values that vary from $1,001 to $50,000 each, as per to his current financial report, which was made public in June 2025.

Did Trump engage in stock manipulation

Trump declared a halt to military action against Iran on 23rd March (Monday) after which serious concerns were raised about whether the geopolitical messaging was meant to manipulate the oil market. It was also inquired if some individuals would have benefited from anticipation or prior knowledge.

OpIndia earlier unveiled that there was evidence that the incident was not confined to specific oil deals based on new data and trade analysis. It required a well-coordinated multi-market strategy that could have produced profits in the hundreds of millions of dollars in a span of minutes.

The data showed that approximately 6,200 Brent and West Texas Intermediate futures contracts changed hands between 6:49 and 6:50 am New York time on Monday. This occurred around 15 minutes ahead of Trump’s post on the social media site Truth Social, in which he proclaimed that his country had “productive conversations” with Iran. These oil trades alone were estimated to be worth $580 million. The level of activity during pre-market hours was much higher than usual.

According to market monitoring websites, traders carried out two coordinated bets across various asset classes at the same time. Initially, a sizable, long position in S and P 500 futures was taken. It was estimated to be worth $1.5 billion and was set up for an upsurge in stock prices if geopolitical tensions declined.

Sources: LSEG • *Number of contracts traded/US Eastern Time/Dall-E

Traders also sold almost $192 million worth of oil futures, believing that if the perceived danger of disruption in supply from the US-Iran confrontation diminished, petroleum prices would drop. The total worth of these transactions was more than $1.7 billion or more than Rs 14,000 crore. These deals were executed in a short period of time before Trump’s message.

Meanwhile, Iran’s Parliament Speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, countered that no exchanges had taken place between Washington and Tehran, asserting that “fake news is used to manipulate the financial and oil markets and escape the quagmire in which the US and Israel are trapped.” The nation’s Foreign Ministry likewise affirmed that there had been no direct or indirect talks with the US during the continuing confrontation.

Trump brags about profits from oil after starting a war in Asia, Western companies reap benefits  

As the international community grapples with a critical energy supply crisis and hike in prices, Trump boasted that America could potentially gain massive financial benefits from the elevated cost of oil influenced by the geopolitical turmoil. “The United States is the largest oil producer in the world, by far, so when oil prices go up, we make a lot of money. But, of far greater interest and importance to me, as president, is stopping an evil empire, Iran, from having nuclear weapons, and destroying the Middle East and, indeed, the world,” he wrote.

Oil prices remain high with WTI (West Texas Intermediate) crude close to $102-$106 per barrel and global benchmark Brent crude between $107 and $114 per barrel due to the dispute. “The international oil benchmark remains on track for a record monthly surge of over 60%,” reported Trading Economics.

Brent crude has so far averaged almost $97 per barrel in March, jumping 33% from February and $69 in January. The value of natural gas has escalated even further in certain regions. The United States is the world’s biggest producer of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and currently the biggest oil exporter after Middle East’s energy output was shut down due to Iranian attacks and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz which is used to transport one-fifth of the global supply.

The war has hindered the production and transportation of fuels in the Persian Gulf and Western corporations that pump and process natural gas and oil are among the top winners. The weeks following the start of the fighting experienced a 65% climb in oil prices. The natural gas became pricier, especially in Asia and Europe, which rely largely on imports.

Businesses in the Persian Gulf have had to close a large number of their wells while much higher returns are enjoyed from each barrel sold by those that extract oil from parts like West Texas.

The circumstances might be similar to 2022, when Russia-Ukraine war in February shook the energy markets and oil businesses broke earnings records. They gave shareholders record dividends and share repurchases that year.

“The first quarter is going to be phenomenal for these companies. I don’t think there’s any way around that,” Reuters quoted Leo Mariani of Roth Capital Partners. American shale producers and other enterprises without major ventures in the Middle East are set to profit the most from these hikes since they won’t have to shell out money for production suspensions, stranded tankers or expensive repairs to infrastructure damaged by the hostilities.

“Month on month, we get a better check right now for our oil,” mentioned Mike Party as cited by The New York Times. He is the president of West Texas oil firm, Beryl Oil and Gas. There are initial signs that American companies are responding to the extraordinary surge in prices. Ron Guse conveyed that “there are some early signs that US companies are responding to higher prices,” and he has “started to hear from firms that are looking to prepare more of their wells to start producing oil.”

Guse is the CEO of Liberty Energy, which provides oil field services to many of the largest producers in the US. “You’re feeling a little bit of acceleration,” he pointed out.

The United States has long been acknowledged for participating in warfare in the name of promoting democracy to serve its strategic and national interests. This pattern seems to be surfacing in the current context as well. The country and its defence contractors are well-known for capitalising on similar confrontations. Now, its oil corporations are also exploiting the situation and maximising the perks of much higher energy rates, even with the unpredictability surrounding the future.

Rural woman, fluent English, brand collabs: Read why Pujarani Pradhan ‘LifeOfPujaa’ is making the ‘elite’ world uncomfortable

Anurag
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Rural woman, fluent English, brand collabs: Read why Pujarani Pradhan ‘LifeOfPujaa’ is making the ‘elite’ world uncomfortable

There are two worlds. One where people simply live, and another where they are constantly seen living. That second world is the world of influencers. It runs parallel to everyday life, feeds off it, reshapes it, and at times, distorts it. In the first world, people go about their routines, work, family, responsibilities, small ambitions, and private struggles. In the second, the same routine is curated, edited, narrated, and presented to an audience to consume, digest, and share.

Source: Instagram

Recently, a humble-looking content creator, Pujarani Pradhan (lifeofpujaa), has become a topic of narrative war between the “elite” side and the masses. Pradhan sits precisely at the intersection of the two worlds described above. She is a woman from rural West Bengal who speaks English with a clear rural accent. She reviews books and movies, shares opinions, and now, she has found herself pulled into the influencer ecosystem in a way that invites both admiration and suspicion.

Who is Pujarani Pradhan

Pradhan is a around 40-year-old woman. She lives in a rural household, has a child, and creates content primarily in English. Her accent reflects her background, something she neither hides nor tries to polish artificially. Instead, she embraces it, even when mocked.

Her content includes book reviews, commentary on feminism and social issues, and reflections from her everyday life. She speaks about authors, films, and ideas with a tone that is curious, sometimes exploratory, sometimes assertive. She has around 680,000 followers on Instagram and has collaborated with brands including Netflix, Frido, and ChatGPT. She shares her views about c-section, feminism and more.

She also carries a personality that is quietly disarming. When people mock her pronunciation, she often responds with humour or constructive replies. In one video, she struggled to pronounce the word “responsibilities”, giggled, and continued. The moments from those videos stayed, they were not edited out as flaws but retained as part of the experience.

That video was just about her struggle with English, which is clearly not her native language, or even a fluent one. She appears to be one of those who thinks in her mother tongue, translates it into English, and then speaks, or listens to something in English and translates it into her mother tongue to understand. This is how most multilinguals go around languages they are not fluent in.

At the same time, her videos are clearly edited. There are cuts, pauses smoothed out, sentences stitched together. That is not unusual. Editing is part of content creation. But it becomes relevant because it feeds into the debate about authenticity.

The trigger – When ‘management’ becomes ‘manipulation’

The controversy began when a content creator, Niharika Jain, who goes by the handle “iam_therapissed“, accused her of being “fake” and an “industry plant”, primarily because she was associated with an agency. The implication was simple, if someone is managed, they are not real.

Another content creator, Aishwarya Subramanyam, who goes by the handle “otherwarya”, jumped in and questioned her authenticity but somewhat sided with her. Her second video actually made people believe that Subramanyam was calling Pradhan “evil”, but that was not the case. There are many influencers and netizens who are debating over Pradhan’s content and life. Some like her, some do not, and it happens. It is common with influencers. They have followers comprised of fans and haters. Both are, in fact, important.

Now, coming back to the controversy, what Jain said, her arguments collapsed quickly under scrutiny. Why? Because having an agency is not an anomaly in the influencer ecosystem, it is the norm. What it revealed instead was a deeper suspicion, that someone like Pradhan should not be able to reach this level of visibility without hidden backing.

Jain, later made her account private. Reportedly, she has posted three stories where she claimed she was being cyberbullied. She also claimed that some 4,000-5,000 bot accounts followed her and called it a tactic to affect her account’s organic engagement.

Source: Reddit

On the other hand, Pradhan’s response video addressed the controversy directly. She explained how she initially worked with an agency that allegedly exploited her financially, offering her ₹30,000 per day while securing a much larger deal from the brand. She left that arrangement and later joined another team that now handles her brand deals more consistently.

She made it clear that her content, scripting, shooting, and editing are done by her alone. The agency handles only the business side. That distinction is important, but often ignored in public debates.

What is an influencer, really

An influencer today is not just a person posting videos. It is a role that combines storytelling, audience building, and commercial viability.

Influencers operate as individual media units. They create, edit, publish, engage, and monetise. Their value lies in the trust they build with their audience and the consistency of that engagement.

In this context, Pradhan is not an exception. She is part of a broader system where individuals convert personal expression into a form of digital capital. Her rural setting does not exclude her from this system, it simply makes her entry into it more visible and, for some, more uncomfortable.

Why brands collaborate with influencers

Brands collaborate with influencers for one reason, access to attention. Traditional advertising pushes messages outward. Influencer marketing embeds those messages within trusted voices. If a creator has a loyal audience, the brand effectively borrows that trust.

Pradhan’s collaborations with major brands indicate that she has crossed a certain threshold of influence. She is no longer just speaking to an audience, she is part of a commercial ecosystem where her voice carries measurable value.

The role of agencies – Middlemen or enablers

Agencies exist to bridge the gap between creators and brands. They negotiate deals, manage contracts, and ensure consistency in collaborations.

For many creators, especially those from non-urban backgrounds, agencies provide access to opportunities they would otherwise struggle to reach. At the same time, the relationship is not always balanced. As Pradhan’s own experience suggests, exploitation is possible, particularly when creators are new and unaware of market rates.

But to equate agency involvement with inauthenticity is to misunderstand the structure of the industry. Agencies, in most cases, do not create the core identity of a creator. They polish it and then monetise it.

The editing question – Does polish reduce authenticity

One of the subtle criticisms against Pradhan is the presence of multiple cuts in her videos. Sentences are stitched together, pauses removed, delivery made smoother.

This is standard practice. Every creator edits. The difference lies in perception. When a highly polished urban influencer does it, it is seen as professionalism. When someone like Pradhan does it, it becomes evidence of “manufacturing”.

The expectation seems to be that authenticity must also look raw, unedited, and imperfect. But even imperfection is often curated.

Language, accent and the politics of mockery

A significant part of the reaction to Pradhan is tied to her English. Not the content of what she says, but how she says it.

Her pronunciation becomes a point of humour. Her accent becomes a point of judgement. Yet, she responds with composure, often turning mockery into engagement.

Source: X

This reveals a deeper hierarchy. English in India is not just a language, it is a marker of class. Accent, fluency, and tone become signals of belonging.

When someone speaks English outside these accepted codes, it unsettles expectations. It forces audiences to confront an uncomfortable question, who decides what “good English” sounds like. In fact, on X, she quoted someone who mocked people speaking English with bad pronunciation and gave a decent reply without being sarcastic or playing victimhood.

Elitism versus authenticity

The fascination with Pradhan lies partly in this contrast. A rural setting combined with English-speaking content disrupts a long-held association between language and class.

But this disruption also invites scrutiny. Her past posts allegedly disappearing from Instagram, her current image appearing more aligned with a certain aesthetic, her collaborations with brands, all of this feeds into a narrative that she is “constructed”.

Yet, all influencers are constructed to some extent. The difference is that some constructions align with what audiences expect, and others do not.

Who decides authenticity

Authenticity is one of the most overused and least defined terms in the influencer ecosystem. Is a creator authentic because they show their real life, because they do not have an agency, because they make mistakes on camera, or because they come from a certain background.

Pradhan’s own statement captures this confusion. She says she does not know how to “pretend to be authentic”. That line is telling, because it exposes the paradox, authenticity itself has become a performance standard.

Audiences demand it, platforms reward it, and creators navigate it. But no one clearly defines it.

The jeans, the past, and the performance of identity

A recent video where she wore jeans and a kurta for the first time after taking permission from her mother-in-law became a moment of celebration for her. It was framed as a personal milestone, a small assertion of choice.

In an older video, she had said she loved to wear jeans, suggesting that this was not entirely new. Perhaps something she had stopped after marriage.

This detail shows how complicated lives can be. It shows how identity is not static. It shifts with circumstances, family structures, and personal choices.

But in the influencer world, such shifts are often interpreted as contradictions, because audiences expect continuity. They believe that anything that has changed from the time when the person was not an “influencer” is curated and maybe agency-srive, which is not always the case.

Influencers and narrative power

Influencers do not just create content. They shape narratives. When Pradhan speaks about feminism, class, or daily life, she is not just sharing opinions. She is influencing how her audience interprets these ideas.

This is where the discomfort intensifies. Because narrative power is expected to come from certain spaces, urban, educated, institutionally backed. When it emerges from elsewhere, it is questioned more aggressively.

More than just a controversy

The Pujarani Pradhan episode is not just about one creator being called fake. It is about the uneasy relationship between authenticity, class, and visibility in India’s digital space.

It reveals how influencer culture claims to democratise expression but still carries inherited biases. It shows how agency involvement is misunderstood, how editing is selectively criticised, and how language continues to act as a gatekeeper.

Most importantly, it raises a simple question with no clear answer. In a world where everything is curated, edited, and monetised, what does authenticity even mean anymore.

Which car insurance companies offer instant policy approval and same-day issuance?

OpIndia Staff
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Which car insurance companies offer instant policy approval and same-day issuance?

Several car insurance companies offer instant policy approval and same-day issuance. Some of the providers include ACKO, HDFC ERGO, IFFCO-Tokio, Tata AIG, and ICICI Lombard.

With these insurers, you can buy or renew motor insurance online instantly within minutes. However, the policy document is sent to you through email or a mobile app. For these leading insurers, the policy approval process has become easier and hassle-free. Policyholders can get insured legally without delay.

Top 5 car insurance companies offering instant issuance and policy approval

Many car insurance companies in India now offer instant issuance. You also get a same-day policy approval facility. Here are the top 5 insurers well-known for their quick policy issuance:

ACKO Insurance

ACKO is a completely digital insurance company. It offers a paperless and fast process of buying car insurance. Customers can purchase or renew policies directly on the ACKO mobile app or the website. The entire process takes only a few minutes if you provide the correct details. 

    Once you complete payment, the policy document is generated. With ACKO insurance, you can also avail low premiums, zero commission, and digital claim services. This makes it stand out from other insurers.

    HDFC ERGO Insurance

    HDFC ERGO offers a convenient online service for purchasing and renewing motor insurance. Policyholders can enter their car details, compare available coverage, and pay online.

    Upon payment, the car insurance policy is issued immediately. It is sent via email. Additionally, the insurer offers over 12,000 cashless garages in India. You also get options of various add-on covers for enhanced protection.

    IFFCO-Tokio Insurance

    IFFCO-Tokio enables customers to purchase or renew car insurance online. It requires a minimal documentation process. For a smooth online process, you must enter vehicle details and select coverage. Then complete the payment.

      The company offers services like 24/7 support and minimal documentation. It also provides quick responses to claims.

      Tata AIG Insurance

      Tata AIG offers car insurance online with minimal paperwork. The customers can get an instant quote, cover, and complete payment online with ease. The insurer also offers access to 5,900+ cashless garages. It provides quick claim services for faster coverage.

        ICICI Lombard Insurance

        ICICI Lombard is another leading insurer offering online car insurance policies with the feature of instant issuance. Other benefits include the use of AI to process insurance claims, roadside services, and cashless repair services. This makes the overall process of insurance easier and simpler.

        These insurers ensure instant policy issuance with same-day approval. It enables car owners to stay legally insured without delay.

        Comparison between top-rated providers offering instant services online

        The table below highlights the comparison between top-rated motor insurance companies in 2026 offering instant services:

        Insurance CompanyKey Features
        ACKO InsurancePaperless process, faster claim, and completely online purchase
        HDFC ERGO InsurancePlan customisation, fastest delivery, instant quotes online
        IFFCO-Tokio Insurance24*7 online assistance, quick purchase, instant policy issuance
        Tata AIG InsuranceSimple comparison online, customisation of add-ons, and digital payment
        ICICI Lombard InsuranceRoadside assistance, faster online purchase, and an AI-enabled claim process

        Most leading insurers allow customers to compare plans and make payments online. The policy is issued instantly through email. For this digital process, there is minimal paperwork and policy issuance takes place within minutes. 

        How does instant car insurance policy issuance work?

        The instant car insurance policy issuance is an easy online process, allowing users to get cover in a few minutes. 

        First, the vehicle owner must provide the insurer with vehicle information. It includes the registration number, the model, and the type of fuel on the website or app of the insurer. Next, compare the available plans and select the necessary coverage with add-ons.

        After policy selection, the customer makes payment online through card, UPI or net banking. After successful payment, the insurer verifies the information. The policy is then delivered through email or a mobile application.

        Things to consider before choosing instant car insurance

        Here are the things to consider before choosing the right car insurance offering instant policy approval:

        1. Claim Settlement Ratio: A high claim settlement ratio signifies that the company is capable of processing claims efficiently.
        2. Comparison of Coverage Options: Find out whether the chosen policy offers comprehensive coverage, safeguards against damages, theft, and natural disasters. 
        3. Review Add-ons: Including add-ons such as zero depreciation cover, roadside assistance, and engine protection enhances overall coverage.
        4. Network Garages: Select insurers with a substantial network of cashless garages for quick repairs.
        5. Review Customer Reviews: Customer feedback provides insights into the speed of claim processing and service quality.
        6. Easy Digital Support: Search for insurers offering immediate access to a policy with quick online support. 

        Conclusion

        Instant policy approval and same-day issuance have made purchasing car insurance in India much easier. Many insurance providers allow customers to purchase the insurance online. However, it is advisable to carefully compare coverage options and claim support. Also, review network garages before choosing the insurer that suits your needs.

        US boots on ground in Iran imminent? Read how Washington is fortifying its troop presence in the Gulf as the West Asia war drags on

        Shraddha Pandey
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        US boots on ground in Iran imminent? Read how Washington is fortifying its troop presence in the Gulf as the West Asia war drags on

        America’s ‘Operation Epic Fury’ against Iran may soon witness its troops launching a ground invasion against the West Asian country as Trump’s war of attrition continues. About a month after the joint Israel-US front launched an offensive against Iran, the conflict has shifted primarily from air and naval strikes to preparations for potential limited ground operations, as Iran continues to impose a selective blockade on the Strait of Hormuz, which has disrupted global oil flows.

        US military fortifying forward presence in the Gulf to scare Iran and expand its military buildup to expand options beyond airstrikes

        Amidst stalled talks, the Pentagon is rapidly fortifying its forward presence in the Gulf states, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, UAE, and Saudi Arabia, as staging grounds and logistics hubs for contingencies. This marks America’s largest military buildup in the Middle East, the infamous and cataclysmic 2003 Iraq invasion. The fresh US military surge in the region is a buildup on a pre-existing footprint of about 40,000 to 50,000 troops.

        A Washington Post report cites US officials privy to the development, to say that the potential US ground Operation against Iran would most likely involve a mixture of Special Operations forces and conventional infantry troops.

        As per the US Central Command, the USS Tripoli, carrying 3,500 sailors and Marines from the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit, had arrived in recent weeks. So far, 5,000 United States troops, including 2,500 Marines, have made their way to West Asia, waiting for a go-ahead from the American Commander-in-Chief to launch a ground invasion against Iran.

        A CNN report published last week says that around 2,000 to 4,000 paratroopers from the elite 82nd Airborne Division were being flown in as an “Immediate Response Force” prepared for quick insertion operations, in addition to over 4,000 Marines and sailors onboard USS Tripoli and USS Boxer (2,500 Marines and sailors).

        Notably, USS Boxer’s deployment is significant, given it serves as a carrier for the F-35B stealth fighter, since America’s most advanced carrier, USS Gerald R Ford, is out of commission. Last Friday (27th March), USS Gerald F Ford docked in Croatia for repairs after the US Navy said that there was a ‘laundry fire’, while Trump said that the carrier was successfully hit around 17 times by Iranian forces. This essentially means that around 4,500 sailors on board USS Gerald R Ford are temporarily out of the US-Iran war.

        However, Ford’s exit is compensated by USS George HW Bush, which has departed the US Navy headquarters in Norfolk.

        These reinforcements, which could increase the total ground-force presence to 17,000 if further waves of up to 10,000 troops are approved, would aid the campaign of the American forces to pound Iranian infrastructure in the oil-export hub, particularly in Kharg Island, and sites near the Strait of Hormuz.

        The rapid military buildup becomes all the more significant for the US since Iran’s IRGC is continuously targeting American bases in the Gulf to weaken their presence in the region, undermine logistics, air support, and missile defence leverage, and dent Trump’s pride. As the conflict drags into its fifth week with Iranian missiles and drones targeting US bases and Gulf shipping lanes, the US would use this as a justification for fortifying its troop presence, describing it as deterrence and a force multiplier.

        What is driving Trump’s plans to launch a ground invasion against Iran?

        While Israel attacked Iran, citing what it describes as an “existential threat” the West Asian country would pose to it if its nuclear program achieves success, Trump’s rhetoric suggests that America’s involvement in the war is not just about aiding Israel eliminate this threat but about landing its infamous ‘plane of democracy’ wherever there are oil and other natural resources.

        Donald Trump has expressed interest in occupying Kharg Island, Iran’s main oil export hub, and has said that seizing control of Iran’s oil as a preferred option. “To be honest with you, my favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran, but some stupid people back in the US say: ‘Why are you doing that?’ But they’re stupid people. Maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options,” the US President said.

        Covering up the embarrassment Iran has inflicted to the US so far, with false bravado, Trump had said that more strikes on Kharg Island are possible, saying the site has already been damaged but may still be targeted again “just for fun”. However, despite Trump’s claims of destroying Iran’s military power and ‘having fun’, the regime continues to target Israel and Middle Eastern countries with missiles and drones.

        Pertinently, Kharg Island lies about 30 kilometres off Iran’s southern coast and handles nearly 90% of the country’s crude oil exports. The island is located close to the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most important sea routes through which around one-fifth of global oil supply moves. Any long disruption in this region could push energy prices higher and affect supply chains worldwide.

         It is, however, possible that the American President, besides the genuine interest in seizing control of Iranian oil after Venezuelan oil, and the imperative of breaking the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, would deliberately be diverting attention to Kharg Island while the real motive could be to seize control of Iran’s 400kg of enriched uranium, which is sufficient to make nuclear bombs.

        The US President has a penchant for aggrandising himself by issuing threats while also posing as a peacemaker. This vacillation is reflected in his decisions in the raging war against Iran. Just a few days back, Trump hinted that America might wind up its offensive against Tehran soon, only to pivot to expressing interest in Kharg Island and Iran’s oil, threatening to “unleash hell”, as well as ensuring that the Pentagon provides the Commander in Chief with “maximum optionality” by expanding troop presence in the region, as described by White House spokesperson, Karoline Leavitt.

        While Trump maintains an obvious silence on the specifics of the number of US military troops to be deployed for a potential invasion against the Iranian territory, several legacy media reports, like the one by The Wall Street Journal, say that the Trump administration is considering the deployment of over 10,000 troops in West Asia.

        Meanwhile, Iran’s parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, has strongly criticised the reported US preparations. He accused Washington of secretly plotting a ground attack while publicly engaging in diplomatic efforts aimed at ending the conflict. “Iran’s armed forces are fully prepared to confront any land assault by American troops,” Ghalibaf said, warning that any attempt at occupation would be met with a “ruthless” response.⁠

        The speaker’s remarks echo earlier statements in which he called for US forces to leave the region entirely, arguing that security in the Middle East should be handled by regional countries without American involvement.

        While it remains to be seen whether the US forces go full throttle and launch a ground invasion against Iran, such an adventure could deliver short-term tactical gains in degrading Iran’s nuclear ambitions, giving Israel a reprieve, and oil leverage; however, this would come at a cost of massive American casualties from asymmetric threats like drones and missiles. Moreover, the ballooning expenses that strain budgets would be in direct contrast to Trump’s earlier promises of not dragging America into distant and prolonged wars, fuelling domestic anger over him landing the US in the Iraq and Afghanistan-like quagmires.

        For Iran, particularly, the Mullah regime, an American ground incursion could prove to be an unintended unifying factor and fuel nationalist fervour. However, Iran, already facing sanctions and attacks, would further grapple with economic collapse, military attrition, and perhaps weaken its oil leverage, leaving Tehran with fewer cards to play in any eventual peace deal.

        Who is Bilal Bin Saqib? The mysterious rise of the “crypto bro” who leveraged digital finance to reset Pakistan-US ties

        Rukma Rathore
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        Who is Bilal Bin Saqib? The mysterious rise of the “crypto bro” who leveraged digital finance to reset Pakistan-US ties

        The relationship between the United States and Pakistan has astonishingly emerged from obscurity following President Donald Trump’s re-election in 2024. He earlier consistently called out the country for misappropriating billions of dollars under the guise of the “War on Terror” while providing refuge to terrorists, thereby making a fool out of Washington. However, there has been a seismic shift in the ties between the two sides during his second term.

        From designating Asim Munir as his “favourite field marshal” and inviting him to a luncheon at the White House to praising him and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif as exceptional leaders, Trump has indeed made significant strides from his previous sharp criticism.

        Pakistan likewise has been actively catering to his ego by nominating him for the Nobel Peace Prize and recognising his assertion of mediating a ceasefire with India, a statement that the Modi government has repeatedly refuted. While the former responded like a de facto vassal state, there is an intriguing factor guiding Trump’s revised opinion.

        The “crypto bro” shaping the US-Pakistan ties reset

        The reason behind the unexpected change of heart seems to revolve around 35-year-old Bilal Bin Saqib, who describes himself as a “crypto bro,” and is Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Pakistan Crypto Council. He has played an important part in improving the US-Pakistan link over the past year, reported Bloomberg.

        Saqib, a native of Lahore, revealed that his interest in cryptocurrency began during the historic 2017 Bitcoin bull run, which saw the price rise from less than $1,000 in January to $14,000 by the end of the year. He lived in both Pakistan and the United Kingdom. He is a graduate in social innovation and entrepreneurship from the London School of Economics and an alumnus of Queen Mary University. He has given TED talks and launched a non-profit organisation, “Tayaba,” with his brother.

        Saqib was honoured as a “Member of the Order of the British Empire” after co-founding the “One Million Meals” initiative while he was in the UK during COVID-19. According to his LinkedIn profile, he worked for “The Coin Master,” a company with 2 to 10 workers and the tagline “Helping Tokens Develop Routes to Web3 Markets,” for four years before he was hired in Pakistan.

        Saqib enters the picture

        Pakistan has been dependent on assistance from the International Monetary Fund, which it had found difficult to repay, as it grappled with high inflation, enormous debt and declining foreign reserves. It had little interest in cryptocurrency due to multiple concerns, including Ponzi schemes, fraud and money laundering.

        However, the attitude had altered by 2024, and the military establishment, the true authority in Pakistan, decided that cryptocurrency would be a helpful negotiating tool in international diplomacy. The country then created a dedicated regulator, enacted legislation covering virtual assets and encouraged international exchanges to submit licence applications. It designated 2,000 megawatts or around 5% of its power grid, for cryptocurrency mining and recommended a national cryptocurrency reserve.

        Now, it needed a person to supervise everything and chose Saqib, who was quickly handed over multiple positions beginning in March of last year. He was declared as the top executive officer of the Pakistan Crypto Council, special assistant to the prime minister on blockchain and cryptocurrency, alongside chief adviser to the finance minister on crypto. He was ultimately named as the chairman of the Pakistan Virtual Assets Regulatory Authority.

        Moving from anonymity and into the spotlight

        Saqib, who was relatively unknown until last year, suddenly turned into one of the terror nation’s most influential figures. He has formed alliances with notable individuals in the cryptocurrency space, including Changpeng Zhao, popularly known as CZ, the controversial billionaire heading Binance Holdings Limited.

        It is the biggest cryptocurrency exchange in the world and has gained notoriety for sending funds to terror outfits, such as Hamas. Zhao was found guilty of money laundering and served time in jail. However, Trump pardoned him in October.

        Additionally, Saqib interacted with fund manager Cathie Wood, Bitcoin billionaire Michael Saylor and Nayib Bukele, the president of El Salvador, who created a Strategic Bitcoin Reserve Fund and issued a Bitcoin legal tender in 2021. Meanwhile, he was appointed as an advisor at World Liberty Financial in April 2025. It granted him greater diplomatic and commercial advantages than any other collaboration.


        Saqib shared a selfie taken at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago club in Florida last month with Witkoff and other executives. It took place simultaneously as Witkoff facilitated a deal between Pakistan and the United States for the renovation of Manhattan’s Roosevelt Hotel.

        Saqib expressed, “Because of crypto, doors have opened. New conversations have opened, and trust has been built. We have gotten an opportunity to rebrand,” in an interview. These events have been regarded as a respite for Pakistan, which has been on the verge of bankruptcy and diplomatic isolation.

        This could also account for Trump’s regular commendation of Munir, who was dubbed a “great general,” “great guy,, and “serious fighter” by him during a “Board of Peace” meeting last month. On the other hand, the terror state has strengthened its connection with the White House by using cryptocurrency and flattery.

        “For a country starved of global investor interest, aligning with Washington’s crypto pivot isn’t just about tech. It’s about signalling relevance in a shifting global order,” insisted Uzair Younus of The Asia Group, which is an advisory company in Washington DC.

        Curious case of Saqib’s appointment

        It’s unclear exactly how Saqib transformed into Pakistan’s most powerful face in such a short period of time. He has also been ambiguous in his answers concerning who contacted him, solely identifying the finance ministry. He has been similarly vague in relation to his area of expertise, announcing that he is “essentially turning an idea into execution.” He insisted, “I am not a trader. I’m a builder. I am the artist, not the scientist.”

        Saqib soon found his footing after officially joining Pakistan’s government. The next month, he convinced Zhao to join the Pakistan Crypto Council as a strategic advisor following the completion of his prison sentence in the US.

        Three weeks later, Saqib hosted Zachary Witkoff, CEO of World Liberty Financial, which he co-founded with Trump. He was accompanied by other personnel of the cryptocurrency firm in Islamabad, and they signed a “letter of intent” with the government to boost cooperation on the adoption of stablecoins.

        The meeting was publicised by Pakistan, which conveyed that World Liberty Financial is “backed by the Trump family, including President Donald Trump and his sons,” and Trump has “personally endorsed WLF,” in a formal release.

        Witkoff also voiced similar objectives in footage posted by Saqib in which he also talked about the tokenisation of “trillions of dollars” worth of rare-earth minerals. Munir and Sharif displayed these minerals, sourced from Pakistan-occupied Balochistan, to Trump last year, which led to warnings from the indigenous population of the area and the Baloch rebels.

        Saqib, in May, showcased Pakistan’s progress in the cryptocurrency space at a Bitcoin conference in Las Vegas. US Vice President JD Vance, Eric Trump and Donald Trump Junior, who are all co-founders of World Liberty Financial, were among the attendees there. A few days later, Saqib met with Bo Hines, the director of the President’s Council of Advisers on Digital Assets at the time, in the White House.

        The former was a last-minute addition to a group that landed in the US for trade negotiations. He was directed to participate in an urgent call from an official. He had no prior experience with tariffs and no understanding of the agenda, but contributed to the drafting of a trade accord by the time he left Washington.

        Trump’s policies are influenced by crypto diplomacy and personal relationships.

        Witkoff arrived in Islamabad along with other executives and prominent people for a meeting attended by Munir, Sharif and several high-level officials in January. Saqib, who was also present there, praised the visit for assisting in “putting Pakistan on the map.”

        The growing affinity between Trump and Munir appears to be a product of Pakistan’s crypto diplomacy, or “biplomacy,” as he refers to it. The delegation enjoyed special treatment, which highlighted how the rapport between the two parties had developed recently.

        Witkoff, who is also the special US envoy to the Middle East, stated that Pakistan has provided a 15-point action plan, and its national capital has been suggested as a possible location for any negotiations before Trump’s deadline for Iran to reach an agreement or risk attacks on energy infrastructure.

        “Given how important personal connections are in the Trump White House’s policy process, Pakistan may well have bought itself some influence in the White House that advantaged it when it pitched itself to Washington as a mediator. With this unconventional US administration, unconventional factors can help your cause, and that’s certainly the case with crypto,” mentioned Michael Kugelman. He is a resident senior fellow for South Asia at the Atlantic Council in Washington.

        Tehran has been preventing the majority of vessels from crossing the “Strait of Hormuz” and even returned a Karachi-bound containership from the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Hence, a cash-strapped Pakistan also wants to seek a resolution, as the situation could lead to a severe energy shortage in the nation, which is already in great distress.

        A mutual exploitative connection that could deteriorate at any moment

        Pakistan benefited from the Trump administration in many ways, including reduced duties on its goods to 19% and the classification of the Balochistan Liberation Army as a terrorist entity. Pakistan could assist the US in diversifying vital resource supply lines in addition to becoming a strategically located nuclear power. It is already infamous for carrying out the “dirty work of the West” in the region.

        Furthermore, US Strategic Metals, a Missouri-based business and a military-owned firm, signed a memorandum of understanding in September to develop rare-earth resources. Trump is also looking into a business opportunity in the realm of virtual assets in Pakistan.

        According to the Finance Ministry, there are 40 million cryptocurrency users there with an estimated trade volume of over $300 billion. This is one of the highest adoption rates in the world as citizens search for investment options in an economy plagued by persistent inflation.

        However, a lot can always move downward, especially when the price of oil soars. Pakistan has to repay the International Monetary Fund, which communicated disapproval of independent cryptocurrency ventures. El Salvador learnt the hard way that the adoption of Bitcoin damaged ties with the body and caused funding negotiations to halt.

        Most importantly, Trump has illustrated that his actions are exclusively motivated by his interests. He can readily convert adversaries into friends and vice versa if his needs dictate, with Islamabad being no exception. Thus, Munir would be in a difficult situation if he demanded that Pakistan, which last year inked a defence deal with Saudi Arabia, participate in the war against Iran in any manner. Last year’s reports disclosed that Trump was placing substantial pressure on his beloved military man to contribute his troops to Gaza as a part of a new stabilisation force.

        Influencer levelling allegations on Nitin Gadkari gets a defamation notice, but not Caravan magazine: Read how a thin line between caution and assertion played a role

        Dhruv Mishra
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        Influencer levelling allegations on Nitin Gadkari gets a defamation notice, but not Caravan magazine: Read how a thin line between caution and assertion played a role


        The left-wing section of influencers and commentators has been quick to cry foul after Nitin Gadkari filed a ₹50 crore defamation case against an Ambedkarite influencer, Mukesh Mohan. Social media has since been flooded with claims of “threat to democracy” and “silencing of voices.” But before jumping to any conclusions, it is essential to examine a basic question: what exactly was said in the original report, and how far did the viral video stretch those claims? 

        What the viral video claimed 

        An Instagram influencer named Mukesh Mohan claimed in his reel that Nitin Gadkari sells cow meat. In his reel, he stated that “Maharashtra police have arrested a truck belonging to the Rembal Agro and Foods company, which was transporting beef (cow meat). The company is owned by BJP leader Nitin Gadkari, as reported by Caravan magazine.”

        The viral video did not merely analyse or question the report’s findings; it went significantly further. It presented the issue as a settled fact, asserting that Union Minister Nitin Gadkari was linked to a company engaged in the sale of “beef,” which Mohan stated was ‘cow meat’. These kinds of claims were made with such certainty that there was little room for nuance or qualification. The distinction between an accusation and a proven fact was effectively erased because the story was told in clear terms rather than as something under investigation. But this is exactly where the problem starts. The strength of a claim does not depend on how strongly it is made, but on whether it is backed up by evidence that can be checked. The video seems to have gone from interpretation to assertion by turning a complicated web of business links and disputed facts into a direct accusation of something that was not proven.

        What the Caravan report actually says 

        At its core, the issue isn’t whether the report could be discussed, criticised, or even questioned. It’s about how people understood that report and, more importantly, how it was shown to the public. A careful reading of the original report presents a far more layered and cautious picture than what the viral claims suggest. It reveals a consistent pattern of financial connections, overlapping business interests, and operational proximity, while being careful with its conclusions. Crucially, the report stops short of making any direct claim of ownership or operational control by Gadkari himself. 

        In fact, it explicitly notes the absence of any official disclosure establishing such a relationship, even while suggesting that the entities may be closely linked in practice. The report stated that “Despite all this evidence to suggest that Rembal and Cian Agro are far more than just client and customer, there is no official disclosure about the relationship between the two entities.” Basically, the Caravan never claimed that Nitin Gadkari ‘owns’ a beef sale company. 

        The issue of the meat trade, which forms the core of the controversy, is presented with similar caution. The company in question maintains that it deals in buffalo meat, which is legally permitted. At the same time, the report points out inconsistencies in how products are described sometimes as “buffalo meat” and at other times as “beef” thereby highlighting a degree of ambiguity in labelling.

        Importantly, even in the specific case of the seized truck, the court did not conclusively determine whether the meat was cow or buffalo meat, noting gaps and uncertainties in the documentation provided. Taken together, the report raises questions, inconsistencies, and possible linkages. But it does not arrive at a definitive conclusion that Gadkari owns the company, runs the business, or is directly engaged in any illegal activity.

        So, the issue is not whether the report raised uncomfortable questions. It did. The issue is whether those questions can be turned into definitive claims without solid proof. The critical point is where inference becomes assertion, and ambiguity becomes certainty. Here, that line was arguably crossed. 

        Where the claim crossed the line: Caravan playing it safe vs the influencer levelling explicit allegations

        Therefore, the controversy does not arise merely from discussing the report, but it arises from how the report was interpreted and presented. At its core, the original report outlines linkages, overlaps, and inconsistencies, but stops short of drawing definitive conclusions. It operates within the space of investigation, raising questions rather than delivering verdicts. Even where connections appear extensive, the report acknowledges the absence of any formally disclosed relationship establishing direct ownership or control by Union Minister Nitin Gadkari.

        This caution is deliberate, reflecting the nature of investigative reporting, which often relies on inference and pattern rather than conclusive proof. However, the viral video appears to depart from this framework. Instead of presenting the issue as one involving complex business linkages, it frames it as a matter of direct involvement. Instead of addressing ambiguity, especially in the nature of meat, which the report itself describes as inconsistently labelled between “buffalo meat” and “beef”- the video presents a clear and unqualified conclusion. What the report describes as disputed, ambiguous, and not conclusively established is presented in the video as definitive and settled.

        This is not merely a matter of emphasis but a fundamental transformation of meaning. In both law and journalism, there exists a clear distinction between suggesting a possibility and asserting a fact. The former invites scrutiny; the latter demands proof. By collapsing this distinction, the video effectively converts a layered investigative narrative into a categorical allegation. What was originally framed as a network of associations and unanswered questions is presented as a conclusion involving personal culpability. It is precisely at this intersection between inference and assertion that the line arguably was crossed. 

        Legal perspective: What constitutes defamation 

        At its core, defamation concerns statements that harm a person’s reputation by presenting unverified or false claims as facts. The key issue is not whether a topic is controversial or politically sensitive, but whether the statement made is supported by credible evidence. In this case, the legal question is straightforward: can an indirect linkage, coupled with ambiguity and lack of conclusive proof, be presented as a direct and definitive claim? When interpretation is framed as fact without substantiation, it risks falling within the ambit of defamation. It is also important to note that the law does not prevent criticism or investigation. What it seeks to regulate is the presentation of unproven allegations as established truth, especially when such claims can damage reputation.

        Why the case targets the influencer, not the publication

        A key argument being raised online is why legal action has been initiated against the creator rather than the original publisher. This is where the distinction between reporting and reinterpretation becomes crucial. Despite its critical tone, the original report remains carefully worded. It consistently uses language that reflects uncertainty, highlighting linkages, raising questions, and explicitly noting the absence of formal proof. It does not make a direct claim that Nitin Gadkari owns or operates a beef-selling company.

        However, the video appears to take that next step. It transforms a layered and cautious narrative into a direct allegation. In doing so, it assumes responsibility for the claim it presents. Therefore, Legal liability does not arise merely from discussing the report. It arises when an individual reframes that information into a definitive assertion without sufficient evidence. In that sense, the issue is not about the size of the platform, but the nature of the statement being made.

        Free speech vs responsibility: The Wikimedia–ANI context

        The broader debate around this controversy has also invoked concerns about free speech and alleged suppression. However, legal precedent suggests a more nuanced position. In the case involving Asian News International and Wikimedia Foundation, the Supreme Court upheld the principle of “open justice,” affirming that matters of public interest and court proceedings can be discussed and scrutinised by the public.

        At the same time, this protection is not absolute. It applies to fair reporting and discussion of facts, not to distorting those facts or presenting unverified claims as established truth. The judgment underscores a balance; while public discourse must remain free, it must also remain responsible.

        If we view it through this lens, the present case is not about restricting discussion, but about the manner in which that discussion is conducted. There is a difference between questioning a report and converting its inferences into definitive accusations.

        Conclusion 

        The episode ultimately underscores a significant distinction that frequently becomes obscured in the era of viral content. Investigative reports are not meant to give final answers; they are meant to make people think. While the whole left wing portrays this as a threat to democracy, they support him by adding emotional sentiments. When those questions are turned into categorical claims without any proof, the conversation itself changes.

        So, the problem is not between free speech and censorship. It is a matter of interpretation versus accusation. The right to question, criticise, and analyse is still very important. So is the duty to make sure that what is said is true. 

        If that distinction isn’t made, the line between commentary and defamation becomes not just thin, but also important.

        Inside India’s final push against Naxalism: How roads and security ops are bringing Chhattisgarh’s Maoist strongholds into the mainstream

        Shriti Sagar
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        Inside India’s final push against Naxalism: How roads and security ops are bringing Chhattisgarh’s Maoist strongholds into the mainstream

        With the Central government’s deadline of 31st March, 2026, to make India Naxal-Free fast approaching, the final phase of India’s long battle against Naxalism is underway. Over the past two years, security forces have intensified operations across key strongholds, especially in Chhattisgarh, which has remained the epicentre of Maoist activity for decades.

        At the same time, an equally significant process has also been going on in the background, which is the rapid development of road and bridge infrastructure in some of the most remote areas of Chhattisgarh that was once the state with the highest number of Maoists. This process is not only about infrastructure development but also about establishing peace in those areas which were once dominated by the Maoists.

        Recent developments signal a major shift 

        The recent developments have indicated that there is a major shift in the situation on the ground. The security forces have stepped up their operations in areas which were once dominated by the Maoists, whereas the infrastructure development projects, which were stalled for years, are now going on in full swing.

        Union Home Minister Amit Shah had earlier set the 31st March deadline for wiping out Naxalism. Since then, the Centre has been aggressively pursuing a two-pronged strategy, strong military action combined with development initiatives. This approach is now beginning to show results, with many previously inaccessible areas slowly opening up.

        CM Vishnu Deo Sai says ‘Naxalism has ended’

        Adding to the sense of momentum, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai made a strong statement on 18th March, stating that Naxalism in the state is effectively over.

        “Naxalism has ended. Only a formal declaration awaits,” he said while speaking to reporters. He added, “It is indeed welcome that due to the strong leadership of our Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Home Minister, and the courage of our security forces, the government’s commitment to eliminate Naxalism across the country by March 31, 2026, is being fulfilled…”

        His remarks came during an interaction with 140 surrendered Maoists at the state Assembly. Many of them shared how their lives had changed after leaving the insurgency. According to Sai, some of them said they were now living “safe and dignified lives with their families,” and even celebrated festivals like Holi peacefully for the first time.

        BRO steps in: Roads and bridges in Maoist strongholds

        One of the biggest game-changers in this transformation has been the work done by the Border Roads Organisation (BRO). According to a report by The Indian Express, over the last 15 months, the BRO has built 20 Bailey bridges and completed 75 km of road construction in extremely difficult terrain across Maoist-affected districts like Bijapur and Sukma.

        In November 2024, the BRO was assigned the task of developing a 130-km road network in these districts, areas that had seen some of the worst Maoist violence. The project includes over 10 separate road works that had remained incomplete for years due to constant threats from Naxals.

        A BRO official highlighted the challenges, saying, “80% of the road projects were lying dormant for over half a decade on account of poor response from local contractors due to constant threat from Naxals.”

        In the past, Maoists frequently targeted road construction. Equipment was destroyed, contractors were killed, and even security personnel deployed for protection were attacked. As recently as last year, a contractor was killed in Bijapur’s Pamed area.

        The threat continues even today. Officials revealed that Maoists had planted a 50-kg improvised explosive device (IED) in Basaguda, which was later defused by the CRPF.

        Tough terrain, faster work 

        Despite these risks, several key projects have been completed in record time. One such project is the Tadapala hill road in Bijapur district. Assigned to the BRO in January 2026, the 13-km road, with nearly 8 km passing through hilly terrain, was completed within just two months.

        Officials said the road holds strategic importance as it lies along a key route used by Maoists moving between Chhattisgarh and Telangana. The area’s dense forests and steep hills had long provided cover to insurgents.

        “Given the great difficulty level and the BRO’s expertise in hill road construction, it was the natural choice for the project,” an official said.

        Construction here was extremely challenging, with landmines, IED threats, and hard rock formations. Yet, the BRO managed to complete the work well ahead of schedule. “Despite this, BRO personnel achieved connectivity to the Tadapala hilltop within two months,” the official added.

        Another major achievement was the rerouting of a road connecting Kondapalli village in Bijapur to Puvarti in Sukma, the native village of slain Maoist leader Hidma. This reduced the distance from 38 km to just 9 km.

        All-weather connectivity is changing lives

        The construction of roads and Bailey bridges has improved connectivity in these regions. Over 20 such bridges have been installed in just eight months.

        Explaining their importance, a BRO official said, “A Bailey bridge is a portable truss bridge developed by the British during World War II… it can be quickly assembled and moved.”

        These bridges have ensured year-round connectivity, especially during the monsoon when many villages used to get cut off.

        Officials say more than 25 villages in Bijapur and Sukma now have all-weather access. This has not only helped security forces but also improved daily life for residents.

        Inspector General of Police (Bastar Range) P Sundarraj said, “These regions, which were once extremely remote and difficult to access due to dense forests and poor connectivity, are now gradually becoming more reachable for security forces. The improved road infrastructure has enabled faster movement of troops, better logistical support, and more effective coordination during anti-Naxal operations. As a result, security forces have been able to sustain pressure on Maoist groups, establish a stronger presence in previously inaccessible areas, and respond swiftly to operational requirements.”

        Another key stretch, the 20-km road from Kondapalli to Dharmaram, is now operational, with buses already running. This route has reduced travel distance to Telangana’s Bhadrachalam from 270 km to 180 km.

        Karegutta hills: Breaking the last stronghold 

        One of the most crucial developments has taken place in the Karegutta Hills region, considered one of the last Maoist strongholds near the Telangana border.

        The BRO has completed around 70% of a key road project connecting the Tadapala hills in this area. The work involved cutting through hard rock for over a kilometre and conducting blasting operations for nearly 25 days.

        This road has transformed logistics for security forces. Earlier, essential supplies had to be delivered by helicopters.

        “The road project is almost complete, and CRPF troops no longer depend on Air Force helicopters,” an official said. Now, troops can move more easily, maintain a stronger presence, and carry out operations more effectively in the region.

        Looking ahead, the BRO has lined up several more projects. Plans are in place to construct eight major bridges across districts like Narayanpur, Sukma, Kondagaon, and Kanker.

        “These state-of-the-art modular bridges will be constructed in a short timeframe,” officials said, adding that proposals have already been sent to the Centre.

        Additionally, over 10 detailed project reports (DPRs) have been prepared for new infrastructure projects in Maoist-affected regions.

        Operation Kagar and the Modi govt’s push for a Naxal-free India

        These developments are part of a larger national strategy. In January 2024, the Centre launched Operation Kagar to eliminate Naxalism across states like Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, and Telangana.

        As part of the operation, about 1 lakh para-military forces, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), its elite forces CoBRA (Commando Units of CRPF), District Reserve Guards (DRG), and state police forces, armed with modern technology, have been deployed in the areas affected by left-wing terrorism to completely root out the naxal terrorism from its last remaining strongholds.

        The success of the centre’s anti-Naxal operation can be judged by the fact that, from 2015 to 2025, the number of Naxal-affected districts reduced from 106 to 18. Of these districts, 12 were considered the worst-affected by Naxalism. However, this number was further reduced to only 6 worst Naxal-affected districts, including Bijapur, Kanker, Narayanpur, and Sukma in Chhattisgarh, West Singhbhum in Jharkhand, and Gadhchiroli in Maharashtra.

        On 19th February, Bihar authorities announced that the state is now “Naxal-free” after the surrender of prominent Maoist Suresh Koda, also known as Mustakim, who had a reward of Rs 3 lakh. He surrendered himself to the Special Task Force (STF) of the Munger district police a day ago. It is pertinent to note that the number of districts affected by left-wing extremists (LWE) has also decreased to seven, as per a recent analysis of the affected region. 

        In January this year, the Centre released a detailed 10-point plan to ensure that areas cleared of Left-Wing Extremism remain peaceful. The plan is meant for the post-Left-Wing Extremism phase and focuses on stabilising districts that have lived through years of violence. It aligns with the development-oriented part of the Cen.

        A region in transition

        The impact of the security operations and infrastructure development is now visible in the region. Areas which were previously totally inaccessible are slowly becoming part of the mainstream.

        The increased connectivity is not only helping the security forces but is also bringing about positive changes in the region. With the development of roads, there is now easier access to schools, hospitals, markets, and government schemes.

        Currently, the roads that are being constructed through the forests and hills of Bastar are not just connecting the places; they are also symbolising the transition from conflict to development.

        India pulls the plug on Chinese CCTV makers with new norms from 1st April: Read how ‘connected’ cameras are a national security issue now, after what Israel did in Iran

        Anurag
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        India pulls the plug on Chinese CCTV makers with new norms from 1st April: Read how ‘connected’ cameras are a national security issue now, after what Israel did in Iran

        The surveillance system in India is getting a sweeping reset. Chinese CCTV makers including TP Link, Hikvision and Dahua are effectively being pushed out of the internet connected camera market as stricter certification norms are all set to kick in on 1st April. Companies that have failed to secure mandatory security certification under the government’s STQC regime will no longer be allowed to sell such products in the Indian market. This change will mark a decisive shift driven by national security concerns, trusted supply chains and data sovereignty.

        What is happening in the market

        The immediate impact of the new certification regime is visible in the CCTV market in India. Chinese brands that until recently held around one third of the market are now either exiting or drastically altering their business models.

        According to industry data published in media reports, Indian manufacturers such as CP Plus, Qubo, Prama, Matrix and Sparsh have already taken over 80% of the CCTV market. Global firms such as Bosch and Honeywell have consolidated their position in the premium segment. On the other hand, Chinese and smaller players have disappeared due to non compliance.

        Companies that heavily relied on Chinese chipsets and firmware have struggled to meet certification requirements. Major industry players including Hikvision have been forced to explore joint ventures with Indian firms and move away from Chinese supply chains due to regulations imposed by the Government of India. Dahua’s presence has also shrunk by almost 80% in the Indian market.

        Household names from the Chinese ecosystem including Xiaomi and Realme, who rule the smart home camera segment, have also withdrawn from the market due to compliance challenges. Reports suggest that the shift has increased costs by 15% to 20% due to localisation and alternative sourcing. However, dominant players have managed to stabilise prices in the lower end of the market.

        The transition stems from the Essential Requirements norms introduced by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) in April 2024. With the norms, the government mandated security testing, declaration of component origin, and vulnerability assessment before the products can be sold in the Indian market.

        The policy architecture explained

        As recent as 4th February 2026, the Government of India issued a circular that clarified the policy architecture behind the market shift. The circular made it clear that security certification for CCTV cameras will now be uniformly governed through STQC testing under the Essential Requirements framework.

        The government has aligned two regulatory mechanisms, the Compulsory Registration Order and the Public Procurement Preference to Make in India framework, by ensuring that a single STQC security test report will suffice for compliance under both. This effectively removes ambiguity and tightens enforcement.

        It is important to note that the circular has clarified that security certification is independent of value addition requirements under Make in India norms. In other words, even if the product meets localisation criteria, it cannot bypass security testing.

        The IoT System Certification Scheme plays a crucial role here. CCTV cameras fall under IoT devices, meaning they are subject to cybersecurity scrutiny that goes beyond basic hardware compliance. Under this framework, devices must meet stringent requirements such as secure communication protocols, encryption, tamper resistance, and controlled access to hardware interfaces.

        The IoT section further clarifies that STQC certification applies to all such devices uniformly, ensuring that no manufacturer can escape scrutiny by exploiting regulatory overlaps. It also enables government authorities to standardise testing procedures and certification outputs across sectors.

        The government has also publicly published names of companies that have secured the clearance certificate along with a PDF of the certificate on the website which can be accessed here.

        Government refused to extend certification deadline in 2025

        The groundwork for the current market disruption was laid in 2025 when the government expanded the scope of CCTV scrutiny to include hardware, software and even source code level inspection.

        As reported earlier by OpIndia in May 2025, manufacturers were mandated to submit their devices for deep security assessment in government labs. This included analysis of firmware, encryption mechanisms and potential vulnerabilities that could allow remote access or data exfiltration.

        The move was driven by concerns that internet connected cameras could act as surveillance tools if compromised. Experts had warned that such devices could be accessed remotely from adversarial locations, posing espionage risks.

        Manufacturers had raised objections at the time, citing delays, inspection burdens and risks to proprietary source code. Industry bodies warned of financial losses and disruption to infrastructure projects. However, the government refused to dilute the policy, maintaining that it addressed a genuine national security concern.

        The rules also empowered authorities to inspect manufacturing facilities, even outside India, and mandated robust cybersecurity features such as encryption, malware detection and secure communication protocols.

        Government flagged vulnerabilities in CCTV ecosystem

        Concerns around CCTV related data security are not new. Back in 2021, while responding to a Lok Sabha query, the government had already flagged vulnerabilities associated with foreign made surveillance systems. It shows that the Narendra Modi led government has been trying to weed out possible data leaks via the CCTV ecosystem for a long time.

        The government stated that around 10 lakh CCTV cameras installed in government institutions were sourced from Chinese companies. It acknowledged that video data captured through such devices could be transferred to servers located abroad, raising serious security concerns.

        The government had pointed to systemic vulnerabilities and said measures such as filtering of URLs and IP addresses had been implemented to mitigate risks. It also highlighted steps taken under existing laws to regulate imports and ensure compliance with Indian safety standards.

        These early warnings laid the foundation for the current regulatory tightening and signalled a long-term policy trajectory that is focused on securing surveillance infrastructure.

        The Gazette notification that changed the CCTV ecosystem for good

        The legal backbone of the current regulatory regime lies in the Gazette notification issued on 9th April 2024. With the notification, the government formally brought CCTV cameras under the Compulsory Registration framework.

        The notification amended the Electronics and IT Goods Order to include CCTV cameras as a regulated category requiring mandatory certification before sale. It made compliance with Indian safety standards and newly introduced Essential Security Requirements compulsory.

        At its core, the notification mandates that CCTV systems must be secure at multiple levels, hardware, firmware, network and supply chain. The requirements go far beyond basic quality checks and focus on cybersecurity resilience.

        Manufacturers must ensure physical security through tamper resistant enclosures, preventing unauthorised access to device internals. At the software level, devices must implement strong authentication systems, role-based access controls and regular updates.

        One of the most critical aspects is encryption. Data transmission from cameras must be encrypted, ensuring that video feeds cannot be intercepted or manipulated. Devices must also be capable of resisting cyberattacks through penetration testing and vulnerability assessments.

        The certification process requires vendors to submit detailed technical documentation, including system architecture, firmware details, and security protocols. They must also provide evidence of secure boot processes, protection against firmware tampering, and safeguards against backdoor access.

        Another key requirement is the supply chain integrity. Manufacturers must disclose the origin of critical components such as chipsets and demonstrate that they come from trusted sources. This is particularly significant given concerns over Chinese components.

        The notification also emphasises lifecycle security. Devices must support secure firmware updates, prevent rollback to older vulnerable versions, and maintain logs of software components and vulnerabilities.

        Testing is conducted in accredited laboratories recognised by the Bureau of Indian Standards. Only after successful evaluation can a product receive certification and be allowed for sale in the Indian market.

        In essence, the Gazette notification transforms CCTV cameras from simple surveillance devices into tightly regulated digital infrastructure components, where security, transparency and traceability are non-negotiable.

        Why unmonitored CCTV networks pose a national security risk

        The seriousness of the threat is evident from the fact that central agencies have recently ordered a pan India audit of CCTV networks across major cities. The directions came after a Pakistan linked spy ring was busted. According to a News18 report, the directive is not a routine administrative exercise. It follows the discovery that the espionage network had not merely exploited existing cameras but had installed its own covert surveillance systems at sensitive sites, including Delhi Cantonment Railway Station and Sonipat Railway Station.

        Some of these cameras were fitted with solar power systems to ensure uninterrupted live footage, which, according to investigators, was relayed to ISI linked handlers across the border. Central agencies have therefore asked police forces and law enforcement units to physically verify installations, identify unauthorised cameras, and examine if the existing systems have adequate access controls.

        Surveillance cameras are not just passive crime prevention tools. Once compromised, they can become hostile intelligence assets. A fragmented network of cameras installed by different agencies, contractors and local bodies, without a unified oversight protocol, creates blind spots that can be exploited by enemy states, terror groups or espionage handlers.

        The danger of compromised surveillance infrastructure is not theoretical. It has already been demonstrated globally in the most chilling way. According to earlier reports by OpIndia, Israel spent years penetrating Iran’s traffic camera network and mobile phone systems to track the movements of the now-deceased Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and his security detail before the strike that killed him.

        The surveillance effort reportedly allowed Israeli intelligence to monitor the movements of bodyguards, drivers and senior officials, study parking patterns inside a heavily guarded compound, map commuting routes, and build algorithm driven dossiers on the routines of those tasked with protecting the Iranian leadership. Traffic camera feeds were allegedly encrypted and transmitted to Israeli servers, while mobile networks around the target zone were interfered with to delay or block possible alerts.

        It shows how cameras, if infiltrated, can become instruments of battlefield grade intelligence. They reveal patterns, routines, vulnerabilities and timing. Combined with signal interception, data analytics and human intelligence, a compromised CCTV grid can help an adversary identify targets, monitor strategic locations and support precision attacks.

        Therefore, for India, it is not merely a question of cyber hygiene or bureaucratic compliance. It is a question of sovereignty, counter espionage and national defence. An unsecured or unaudited surveillance network is not just a technical lapse, it is a tactical opening.

        A structural shift, not just a market change

        The combined effect of policy decisions taken by the government over the years has resulted in a structural shift in India’s surveillance ecosystem.

        What began as a concern over data security has now evolved into a comprehensive regulatory framework that reshapes supply chains, promotes domestic manufacturing, and restricts unverified foreign technology.

        While the transition has led to higher costs and short term disruptions, it has also opened opportunities for Indian manufacturers to dominate a market expected to grow significantly in the coming years.

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