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AAP calls BJP ‘fascist’ while it weaponises copyright strikes to impose media censorship in Punjab: An analysis of AAP’s hypocritical sanctimony

Shraddha Pandey
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AAP calls BJP ‘fascist’ while it weaponises copyright strikes to impose media censorship in Punjab: An analysis of AAP’s hypocritical sanctimony

The Indian anti-BJP political parties and left-liberal ideological cabal believe in farcical sanctimony. This coterie practices nearly every wrong they accuse their ideological adversary, the BJP, of. The contrast in the blatant media censorship conduct of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government in Punjab and the party is ‘BJP crushing press freedom’ rhetoric in Delhi perfectly exemplifies this hypocrisy.

AAP rose to prominence through its public commitment of ‘changing’ politics, making the system transparent, and its supremo, Arvind Kejriwal, often stresses how the media plays a crucial role in democracy.

The Aam Aadmi Party often attacks the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Central government for ‘crushing’ press freedom. However, its own government in Punjab is inventing unique ways of censorship to essentially silence media criticism and stifle critical voices on social media.

AAP Punjab weaponising copyright strikes as a press censorship tool

Since September 2025, the official Facebook page of AAP Punjab and affiliated handles have issued numerous copyright notices, commonly called “copyright strikes”, against posts and videos critical of the CM Bhagwant Mann-led Punjab government.

A detailed investigative report published by The Reporters’ Collective on 18th August cites various incidents in the recent past to establish its claim that AAP claimed copyright ownership over around 48 videos and posts.

The report states that between January and April 2026 alone, four Facebook pages were taken down due to a copyright claim by AAP. Later, a fifth page was removed after the Punjab Police under the state government issued a notice. The affected pages had 30 lakh followers collectively.

While a ruling party staking copyright claims to have certain content or Facebook pages removed itself was outrageous, what is even more alarming is that the flagged material in most cases included content that AAP did not even own as proprietary IP.

The Reporters’ Collective analysis found that the targeted material often included press releases from Sri Akal Takht Sahib, photos of opposition MLAs, Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann’s own social media posts, representational AI-generated images of Mann and Arvind Kejriwal, state government notifications, AAP’s digital posters, and visuals from inside the Punjab Legislative Assembly, including videos of Vidhan Sabha proceedings despite the fact that content related to government works are not private party property under copyright law principles.

There have been five major cases of AAP weaponising copyright infringement claims against journalists critical of the Punjab government.

Lok Awaz TV, a Facebook page with 9.7 lakh followers, was hit with 15 copyright strikes by AAP and taken down in January 2026, restored after much criticism.

A separate personal page of journalist and Lok Awaz TV administrator Maninderjeet Sidhu also received copyright claims and faced IT Act-related issues. This page remains blocked due to a Punjab Police notice.

To prevent further copyright strikes from AAP, Sidhu removed all the critical posts against the Punjab government. In total, the Facebook pages of Lok Awaz TV and Sidhu received around 20 copyright strikes.

A Lok Awaz TV video was taken down simply because it had AI-generated images of CM Bhagwant Mann and AAP supremo Kejriwal. These were simple AI-improvised images of the two leaders and were not abusive or morphed derogatorily in any way.

The Collective report also highlights how a September 2025 video of Lok Awaz TV was accused by AAP of ‘copyright infringement’. In the video, AAP MLAs were seen raising placards inside the state assembly during a protest against the BJP-led Central government over flood relief funds. One of these pictures was shared by the official X handle of AAP Punjab.

Despite there being a prohibition on lawmakers taking photos inside the assembly, AAP claimed ownership of the picture and even audaciously targeted Lok Awaz TV with a copyright infringement claim.

Either AAP leaders violated the rules to click pictures inside the assembly or alleged copyright infringement based on visuals taken from the state broadcaster telecast of the assembly proceedings, which are not subject to copyright.

In his January 2026 letter to Facebook’s Grievance Officer, Sidhu contended that the material he published contained visuals from publicly available government content, which does not infringe upon ‘proprietary rights’ for AAP.

Another independent journalist targeted by AAP Punjab is Rattandeep Singh Dhaliwal, whose Facebook page received as many as 19 copyright strikes from AAP in recent months. In late February 2026, Dhaliwal’s page, which had 3.24 lakh followers at that time, was taken down. AAP had alleged ‘infringement of intellectual property rights’.

AAP’s practice of hounding journalists and small media outlets is not confined only to copyright strikes. In May this year, Dhaliwal claimed that Punjab Police visited his residence over a video in which it was claimed that 32 sitting AAP MLAs might not get tickets in the next elections. Several AAP MLAs filed police complaints against him, and even termed Dhaliwal and his reporting ‘anti-national’.

One Bhatinda-based digital journalist, Jass Grewal, lost his Facebook page boasting 1.4 million followers due to three AAP copyright strikes in April 2026.

AAP’s first reported weaponisation of copyright rules as a censorship tool to silence media critics goes back to 2022, when RMB Television’s post containing the eighth list of AAP candidates for state assembly elections was removed after AAP flagged it to Meta for copyright violation over a ‘photo’.

Similarly, one Parmeet Singh Bidowali’s page with 66,000 followers received 3 Intellectual proprietary rights claims in February from AAP.

To protect his second page Punjab Inside TV, with 45,000 followers, from AAP’s copyright strikes, Bidowali was forced to delete all the content related to AAP.

Some of these independent creators approached courts for relief, and cases remain pending.

Affected media outlets and journalists have not only reported financial losses and implemented self-censorship methods like blacking out CM Mann’s face, using AI sketches and avoiding certain visuals, but also flagged AAP’s pattern of intimidation combining copyright strikes, IT Rules takedown notices, FIRs, and various other pressure tactics to silence the Punjab government’s critics.

In April this year, Press Di Azaadi Bahal Karo Sangharsh Committee had also flagged concerns that the AAP government in Punjab was weaponising copyright strikes and IT Rules takedown notices to stifle media voices.

“This is very dangerous for journalists, for free speech and for independent press,” Sahildeep Singh, who runs the Duniya Facebook page with more than 1.2 lakh followers, said.

The Committee noted that Section 79(3) of the IT Act was being used to get entire pages of critical outlets shut down, and that intermediary liability provisions were being invoked to disable accounts and remove posts in significant numbers.

In its defence, AAP claims that the target individuals were “not journalists” since they, he claimed, lacked proper degrees in journalism, despite the fact that holding a journalism degree is not mandatory by law for practising journalism.

Independent journalists, YouTubers to mainstream media outlets like Punjab Kesari: The witch hunt by AAP Punjab

The intimidation tactics of AAP Punjab against media critics, however, are not restricted only to small independent digital journalists, but also extend to big mainstream media houses.

In January this year, Punjab Kesari accused the AAP government of engaging in a “targeted witch hunt” over an article on Arvind Kejriwal published in October 2025. Soon after the publication of the said article, Punjab Kesari alleged that all state government advertisements to the newspaper and its digital arms were stopped from 2nd November, according to the publication. 

The group disclosed that the Chopra family, the group’s promoters and others have been frequently targeted in recent days. It highlighted events that occurred between 11th and 15th January, including raids by the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India, the GST department and Excise agencies at Jalandhar’s Park Plaza run by Chopra Hotels Private Limited.

The Punjab Pollution Control Board’s activities at the hotel and presses, the Factories Department’s inspections of its printing presses in Ludhiana and Jalandhar, the cancellation of excise licenses and the Jalandhar hotel’s power outage were also mentioned.

Punjab Kesari alleged the AAP government was pressuring it through a string of raids and regulatory measures against its publications and affiliated businesses.

“We are writing to express our deep concern and anguish regarding certain recent developments which give rise to a serious apprehension that the Punjab government is specifically targeting the Punjab Kesari Group and its associate concerns with an extraneous motive to intimidate the press,” read a formal letter signed by the outlet’s editor-in-chief, Vijay Kumar Chopra, alongside Joint Managing Directors, Avinash Chopra and Amit Chopra.

The timing of Punjab Pollution Control Board’s activities at the hotel and presses, the Factories Department’s inspections of Punjab Kesari’s printing presses in Ludhiana and Jalandhar, the cancellation of excise licenses and the Jalandhar hotel’s power outage indicated a deliberate targeting simply over an article critical of AAP supremo.

A similar issue unfolded on 12th December of 2025 when an FIR was submitted in Ludhiana against social activist Manik Goyal, journalists Mintu Gurusaria and Maninderjit Sidhu from Lok Awaz TV, Gagan Ramgarhia, Harman Farmer, Mandeep Makkar, Gurlal S Maan, Arjan, Snammu Dhaliwal and Deep Mangli for purportedly sharing “objectionable posts.”

While the state authorities claimed the uploaded material contained misrepresented, unsubstantiated and obvious fabrications regarding the matter, Manik Goyal said their questions about the use of government helicopters when Mann was away were the root of the complaint.

Goyal added that for four years, the AAP government in Punjab did not share RTI data on helicopter & aeroplane usage and expenditure, and when journalists are seeking accountability from the government on where the taxpayers’ money is being used, they are being slapped with FIRs.

The Punjab government also targeted a Delhi-based YouTuber Ajeet Bharti in October 2025. Bharti had to approach the Punjab and Haryana Court to not only seek protection from any coercive action but also get clarity on why he has been even booked; whether it was for his alleged online remarks after a shoe was hurled at then Chief Justice BR Gavai in the Supreme Court by a lawyer on 6th October 2025.

In May 2023, Times Now reporter Bhavana Kishore, who exposed “Operation Sheesh Mahal” related to AAP National Convenor and former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal’s lavish official residence, was arrested by the Ludhiana Police along with video journalist Mritunjay Kumar and driver Parminder.

She was accused of striking a Dalit woman with a vehicle and using casteist insults against her. Recounting the humiliation she faced in police custody, Bhavana Kishore broke down on national television and said, “When I went to the washroom, 2-3 female constables accompanied me. There was no electricity or water at the police station (I was kept in)…”

In January 2024, the Punjab and Haryana High Court quashed the FIR against Kishore and other accused persons, along with all subsequent proceedings.

“They had no personal knowledge of the caste of the victim or her family… neither the state nor the complainant” indicated that Kishore knew about the complainant’s caste, “and their conspicuous silence speaks more than the words,” the court said.

A year before the Bhavana Kishore controversy, in April 2022, Punjab Police officials misbehaved with journalist Naresh Vats during a joint news conference between Kejriwal and Mann at The Imperial Hotel.

Recounting the mental and physical harassment he was subjected to, Vats said, “I showed them my Press Information Bureau (PIB) card. But on the pretext of checking, they took it, and after a few minutes they told me that I was not a reporter and would not be allowed to enter the press conference room. One of them asked other cops to have me arrested. When I again opposed, they dragged me out of the room. In CCTV, it could be seen…”

In May 2021, around seven Hindustan Times reporters were removed by AAP Delhi government’s social media cell coordinator Vikas Yogi from a WhatsApp group used for exchanging press notes, including a daily health update. The HT reporters had alleged that they were kicked out of the said group over a piece criticising the AAP government’s response to the oxygen crisis during the COVID pandemic.

On 28th May 2024, the AAP government in Punjab banned all Zee Media Corporation’s channels in the state. The Mann government’s blatant targeting of mainstream media channels over supposedly critical reporting drew flak from political opponents and the public.

In early November 2025, it was alleged that newspaper deliveries, including “The Indian Express”, were delayed in some areas of the state as the authorities allegedly stopped vehicles carrying newspapers and conducted checks throughout the intervening night of 1st and 2nd November.

While the police claimed that they delay in the delivery of newspapers were due to checks being done over information about the transport of drugs, weapons and explosives in a newspaper truck, the Congress and other opposition parties alleged that the AAP government in Punjab was doing unofficial inspection of newspapers to ensure no critical reporting against them reaches the public.

AAP preaches to BJP the ‘press freedom’ sermon its own government in Punjab does not follow

Evidently, the Aam Aadmi Party has little regard for press freedom and tolerance for critical reporting, beyond the performative and selective support for rights and protection of media from political persecution.

In its national messaging, particularly in criticism directed at the BJP-led ruling dispensation in the Centre, AAP often claims that the BJP is ‘crushing press freedom ‘, ‘ controlling Godi media’, and claims the BJP is stifling critical voices by unleashing central probe agencies on them. However, the AAP government in Punjab itself is doing everything it accuses the BJP of and claims to vehemently oppose.

Ridiculous copyright strikes, intellectual propriety claims, platform removal, and other intimidation tactics are being allegedly weaponised by AAP in Punjab to muzzle the voice of independent journalists and even mainstream media giants over critical coverage.

Perhaps, AAP Punjab is competing with Pakistan in terms of who can better impose press censorship, ‘control’ narrative, and keep critics in ‘check’.

How CBI, INTERPOL and foreign agencies help crack cross-border CSEAM cases

Anurag
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How CBI, INTERPOL and foreign agencies help crack cross-border CSEAM cases

Cross-border child sexual exploitation and abuse material investigations often begin far from the country where suspects or victims are eventually found. In September 2022, the CBI searched around 59 locations across 21 States and Union Territories under Operation Megh Chakra after information from New Zealand Police reached India through INTERPOL. The case demonstrated how foreign intelligence can be developed into an Indian investigation.

The CBI plays two different roles in such cases. It can directly investigate CSEAM offences through its specialised Online Sexual Abuse and Exploitation unit, and it also functions as India’s National Central Bureau for INTERPOL, helping Indian and foreign law-enforcement agencies exchange information and seek international assistance. INTERPOL itself does not conduct raids or arrests in India, and a Red Notice is not an international arrest warrant.

Another important tool is INTERPOL’s International Child Sexual Exploitation database, or ICSE. India joined the system through the CBI in 2022. The database allows specialised investigators to compare images, videos and clues across countries, potentially connecting material found in India to an already identified victim, offender, location or investigation elsewhere. A 2023 CBI case in Thanjavur showed how ICSE material and digital forensics could lead investigators from online imagery to a physical location and suspects.

Large operations have shown how widely these networks can spread. Under Operation Carbon in 2021, the CBI registered 23 cases against 83 accused. Megh Chakra later showed how foreign intelligence could trigger simultaneous action across India. In 2025, cases in Hisar and Aizawl demonstrated another model, with Google-generated CyberTipline reports, ICSE data and Indian cyberforensics converging during the same investigations. In Aizawl, the CBI said the process helped identify and rescue a minor victim.

India has also created BHARATPOL, launched in January 2025, to give Indian law-enforcement agencies a digital route to NCB-New Delhi and international cooperation mechanisms. By February, 51 agencies and more than 500 unit offices had been connected to the system.

Foreign intelligence, however, is only a lead. Indian investigators must still connect accounts and devices to people, authenticate electronic evidence, preserve chain of custody and build a case capable of surviving in court. India now has stronger infrastructure for cross-border investigations, but public data on how many such operations ultimately produce chargesheets, convictions and identified victims remains limited.

Read the full article on Chapter One Magazine.

The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill-2026: Why India’s gain should not be Odisha’s loss

Divyansh Tiwari
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The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill-2026: Why India’s gain should not be Odisha’s loss

India wants to build EVs, missiles, and solar parks without constantly leaning on China for raw materials. But this month, that ambition ran into a much more local fight, who actually gets to tax the iron ore, bauxite, and chromite sitting under Indian soil.

On August 13, Parliament passed the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill-2026. The most notable change is a new Section 9D, which strips states of the power to tax mineral rights or mineral-bearing land unless the Centre specifically permits it. The part causing real anger, though, is quieter: any state levy that had been assessed but not yet actually collected is now treated as if it never existed.

That collides head-on with a landmark 2024 Supreme Court ruling. A nine-judge bench, in an 8:1 verdict, said royalty isn’t a tax at all but a contractual payment, and that states clearly have the right to tax mineral rights since the original 1957 mining law never blocked it. Justice Nagarathna’s lone dissent warned that letting every state set its own cess could spiral into a messy, inconsistent patchwork, and ironically, that’s almost exactly the argument the Centre is now pushing through Parliament after losing it in court. Odisha has the most riding on this. It produces over 40% of India’s minerals and stands to lose around ₹12,000 crore a year, plus more than ₹1 trillion in dues tied to the 2024 verdict’s recovery window, a window that wasn’t even due to open until next April. Add to that a curative petition still pending before the Supreme Court, and this law effectively arrived while the underlying question was still legally unresolved.

There’s a genuine strategic case behind the push, though. China controls the lion’s share of global refining for lithium, nickel, cobalt, and rare earths, and India’s critical mineral import bill has more than doubled in just a few years. Fragmented, unpredictable state taxes are exactly the kind of thing that scares off the investment India needs to close that gap.

So both sides have a real point. India does need one predictable, national tax regime if it wants to compete with China on critical minerals. But erasing court-affirmed dues through a legislative technicality, right before states were set to collect them, isn’t just an inconvenience, it tells every investor that today’s rules could vanish tomorrow too. The fix isn’t complicated, a genuine transition period for dues already earned, an audit both sides trust, and lasting institutions instead of annual favors for the states carrying mining’s real costs.

Delhi gets to set the rules for the mine. It shouldn’t also get to walk away with what states were already owed. India’s gains should not mean Odisha’s loss.

The full article is available in Chapter One Mag.

Bridging the gap: Why India is leasing two MQ-9B Sea Guardian drones despite ordering 31 drones for purchase

Raju Das
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Bridging the gap: Why India is leasing two MQ-9B Sea Guardian drones despite ordering 31 drones for purchase

The Ministry of Defence recently inked a pact worth approximately ₹1,943 crore with the US-based firm General Atomics Aeronautical Systems to lease two MQ-9B Sea Guardian High-Altitude Long-Endurance (HALE) drones for the Indian Navy. The lease is for a period of thirty months. Since India has already signed a massive deal to outright purchase 31 MQ-9B platforms, critics have questioned the rationale and the high monthly outlay associated with leasing just two drones for a relatively short duration.

The foremost reason for this interim lease is to bridge the significant time gap between signing the purchase agreement and the actual delivery of the drones. While India signed the multi-billion-dollar deal for 31 MQ-9B UAVs—which includes 15 Sea Guardians for the Navy and 8 Sky Guardians each for the Army and the Air Force—the arrival of the first aircraft will take considerable time. Therefore, an urgent necessity exists to maintain maritime surveillance right now.

Another major factor is the ongoing geopolitical volatility. With rising Chinese aggression in the Indian Ocean Region and broader geopolitical tensions, the Indian Navy urgently requires persistent intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) coverage. The operational advantages offered by the Sea Guardian—such as sophisticated radars, intelligence-gathering payloads, and the ability to remain airborne for over thirty hours—are absolutely critical for effectively monitoring these vast maritime stretches.

India has already operated two leased drones from General Atomics previously. Continuing this arrangement ensures that the Indian Navy retains hands-on operational familiarity with this complex platform, paving the way for a much smoother transition when the purchased fleet finally arrives. Additionally, the lease agreement places the maintenance responsibility squarely on the vendor, ensuring high operational readiness without immediately burdening indigenous support programmes.

In conclusion, while the ₹1,943 crore price tag might seem steep at a glance—roughly comparable to the per-unit cost of the purchased drones—the strategic imperatives easily justify the expense. The urgent need for uninterrupted maritime domain awareness, the operational edge these platforms provide, and the necessity to bridge the delivery timeline make this lease a well-calculated and necessary decision for India’s national security framework.

You can read the full article in Chapter 1 Magazine.

No azadi slogans, Hinduphobia, abuses or stone pelting: How Jharkhand student protests achieved success without going the CJP way

Divya Bharti
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No azadi slogans, Hinduphobia, abuses or stone pelting: How Jharkhand student protests achieved success without going the CJP way

The Hemant Soren government in Jharkhand has accepted several major demands of protesting students after weeks of agitation over alleged irregularities in government recruitment examinations. While the protests are to continue until the government agrees to the demand for a CBI investigation, the Jharkhand student protests stand in sharp contrast to the so-called student protests led by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) in Delhi.

The JMM-Congress government in Jharkhand has announced the cancellation of the JSSC-CGL examination and has decided to scrap all examinations and recruitment-related activities conducted by Lucknow-based TSR Data Processing Private Limited (TDPL), including results that have already been declared.

Chief Minister Hemant Soren has also announced a wider investigation into recruitment examinations conducted in Jharkhand since 2014. The government said that the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) will investigate irregularities, whether they are considered “big or small”. In addition, the state will form an examination reforms committee headed by senior IAS officer Amitabh Kaushal. The committee will recommend measures to make the recruitment system more transparent and prevent irregularities in the future.

However, despite the government’s announcements, the protesting students have not agreed to call off their agitation. Their main demand now is a probe by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

The announcement came on 17th August, when the student protest had entered its 24th day. It also came after Congress leader Rahul Gandhi urged Chief Minister Hemant Soren to personally meet representatives of the protesting students and resolve their grievances. Gandhi described the students’ demands as legitimate and their agitation as peaceful, adding further political pressure on the JMM-led government to address the issue.

How the Jharkhand student protest began

The student agitation began on 25th July, 2026, in Ranchi. Students and government-job aspirants gathered at Jaipal Singh Munda Stadium to protest against alleged paper leaks, corruption and irregularities in recruitment examinations.

Among their major concerns were alleged irregularities in the 14th Jharkhand Public Service Commission (JPSC) Civil Services Examination, the Jharkhand Staff Selection Commission Combined Graduate Level (JSSC-CGL) examination and other recruitment tests conducted by the state.

The students demanded reforms in the examination system, action against those responsible for alleged irregularities and, most importantly, a CBI investigation. The JSSC-CGL examination became one of the central issues of the agitation after allegations surrounding the leaking of question papers in 2024.

For weeks, the students continued their protest at Jaipal Singh Munda Stadium. They maintained that their movement was about the future of students and job aspirants and should remain independent of political parties and outside organisations.

During the Vidhan Sabha Gherao on 10th August, the police lathicharged protesting students, leaving dozens injured. The police’s lathis could not deter the students.

A protest different from the CJP agitation in Delhi

What also makes the Jharkhand agitation notable is the manner in which the students conducted their protest, particularly when compared with the controversial protests organised by the so-called CJP group at Jantar Mantar in Delhi.

The Jharkhand students’ movement remained focused primarily on recruitment examinations, government jobs and alleged irregularities in the examination system. Despite continuing for several weeks, the protesters largely kept their demands centred on these issues.

The contrast has been drawn particularly over the conduct and slogans associated with the two protests.

Unlike the CJP protesters who directed abusive remarks toward PM Modi and his mother during the student protest in Delhi, the student protesters in Jharkhand conducted their demonstration respectfully without abusing Chief Minister Hemant Soren or his family.

Unlike the CJP protesters who engaged in stone-pelting and clashed with security forces, the Jharkhand students did not resort to violence or attack police personnel.

Another notable difference was that there were no anti-India or anti-Hindu slogans raised, such as “Azaadi-Azaadi” or “Brahmanwad se Azaadi”, as in the CJP protests and in some left-oriented protest spaces. The Jharkhand students instead kept their focus on examination reforms, recruitment transparency and government jobs.

The difference is significant because student protests can often become broader political movements, with their original demands getting mixed with ideological or partisan issues. In Jharkhand, however, the students appeared determined to keep their movement focused on recruitment examinations.

There was also no visible effort to turn the protest into social media reels or political branding. The movement remained centred strictly on the core issues of students and government-job aspirants.

The Jharkhand protest presented a very different picture from the CJP protests in Delhi. While the Delhi protests attracted attention for their political and ideological rhetoric, the Jharkhand students repeatedly stressed that their agitation was about examinations, recruitment and their employment prospects.

Jharkhand protesters push AISA chief Neha Bora off stage

The students’ determination to keep political and ideological organisations away from their movement became particularly clear on 7th August, when All India Students’ Association (AISA) national president Neha Bora had joined the protest at Jaipal Singh Munda Stadium to express solidarity with students demanding action over alleged irregularities in JPSC, JSSC-CGL and other competitive examinations.

Her presence was not welcomed by sections of the protesters.  

Neha Bora was heckled and pushed off the stage while she was addressing the protesting students and job seekers. The incident highlighted the students’ repeated position that their movement should remain free from political parties and outside organisations.

The reaction was significant because AISA is associated with the left student movement. Instead of allowing an outside student organisation to take a prominent role, sections of the Jharkhand protesters made it clear that they wanted to control the direction and messaging of their own agitation.

The incident also demonstrated that the students’ opposition was not limited to the state government. They were equally unwilling to allow their protest to be turned into a platform for another political or ideological campaign.

The students’ response to Bora therefore became another defining feature of the agitation. Their message was that the movement was about recruitment examinations and the future of government-job aspirants, rather than about promoting any political ideology.

Government concedes, students want a CBI probe

The Jharkhand government’s latest announcement is a major development in the 24-day-long agitation. Cancelling the JSSC-CGL examination, scrapping TDPL-related recruitment activities and ordering an investigation into recruitment examinations dating back to 2014 represent significant concessions.

Soren has also promised an examination reforms committee under Amitabh Kaushal to examine how the recruitment process can be made more transparent and prevent future irregularities.

However, the students are not satisfied yet. Their insistence on a CBI investigation means that the agitation is likely to continue until they receive a commitment on their central demand.

The Jharkhand protest has therefore emerged as an example of a student movement that has remained focused on recruitment examinations while attempting to stay away from political and ideological organisations. Its contrast with the CJP protests in Delhi has also become an important part of the public discussion surrounding the agitation.

For the students, the issue is ultimately about fair examinations, transparent recruitment and government jobs. The state government’s decision has addressed several of their demands, but whether it will be enough to end the protest will depend largely on whether the government agrees to their demand for a CBI investigation.

Linking India’s rivers Part II: Why Bundelkhand needs the Ken-Betwa Link Project the most

श्रवण शुक्ल
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Linking India’s rivers Part II: Why Bundelkhand needs the Ken-Betwa Link Project the most

The second part of the River Linking series shifts the focus from the national river-interlinking vision to ground reality: the chronically drought-prone region of Bundelkhand, spanning thirteen districts across Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. For decades, Bundelkhand has been defined by acute water scarcity, dried-up borewells, repeated crop failures, and widespread distress migration. The crisis is not a lack of seasonal rainfall, but the absence of long-term water storage infrastructure in its hard-rock terrain.

Part 2 examines the Ken-Betwa Link Project (KBLP), the pioneer model and first flagship initiative launched under India’s National Perspective Plan for river interlinking. The core objective of KBLP is to transfer excess monsoon water from the surplus Ken River basin in Madhya Pradesh to the water-deficit Betwa River basin via the major Daudhan Dam and a 221-kilometre canal network.

The report highlights the transformative scale of the Ken-Betwa project. Once fully operational, it will provide clean drinking water to over 62 lakh people across dry districts like Banda, Mahoba, Jhansi, Lalitpur, Tikamgarh, Panna, and Chhatarpur. Furthermore, the project aims to bring more than 10.6 lakh hectares of land under year-round irrigation, boosting agricultural yields and ending the painful cycle of rural migration that forces farmers to leave their homelands for basic livelihoods.

Beyond drinking water and agricultural security, KBLP acts as a multi-purpose economic booster for the region. The infrastructure includes power generation facilities designed to produce 103 megawatts of hydropower and 27 megawatts of solar power, laying the foundation for local industrial growth and regional employment.

The analysis also details how the project successfully overcame decades of complex inter-state political hurdles between Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, setting a historic precedent for cooperative federalism. Addressing ecological concerns, the report explains how integrated landscape management plans were created to preserve the ecosystem around the Panna Tiger Reserve. Ultimately, Part 2 discusses how the Ken-Betwa Link Project is not just a civil engineering feat, but a lifeline that offers Bundelkhand a permanent escape from ecological distress and economic stagnation.

The full article is available on Chapter One Mag.

Gujarat Police seizes Ravi Nair’s electronic devices after HC upholds FIR over LIC’s Adani investment report, Dhanya Rajendran fumes

Jinit Jain
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Gujarat Police seizes Ravi Nair’s electronic devices after HC upholds FIR over LIC’s Adani investment report, Dhanya Rajendran fumes

The Gujarat High Court has refused to quash the FIR against propagandist Ravi Nair over an October 2025 Washington Post article alleging that the Government of India and Life Insurance Corporation of India (LIC) had indicated plans for around $3.9 billion in investment in Adani Group companies.

Nair had sought quashing of the proceedings, arguing, among other things, that APSEZ had already initiated defamation proceedings over similar allegations. The High Court rejected his plea, allowing the investigation to continue.

The Gujarat Police, accompanied by Delhi Police, shortly visited Nair’s house following the verdict to seize his electronic devices after court approval for the ongoing investigation.

The case stems from a complaint by Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd (APSEZ), which alleges that false and fabricated information and documents were used in the report and related social media posts.

Dhanya Rajendran’s meltdown

Rajendran reacted sharply after Gujarat Police, accompanied by Delhi Police, visited Nair’s residence. She claimed on X that police took two of Nair’s phones, his son’s laptop and the laptop and iPad of a colleague who happened to be present, and alleged that officers refused to provide hash values for the devices.

The important detail in her own account was that the police had a judicial magistrate’s order authorising the seizure.

Rajendran then alleged that the complaint was filed over a tweet rather than directly against The Washington Post “to keep Washington Post out of the FIR”. In another post, she said Adani lawyers and the state had argued that the LIC story may have been fabricated and that the court consequently allowed devices to be seized if needed.

Questions about forensic procedure or the seizure of devices belonging to non-accused persons can legitimately be raised. But they are different from claiming that the investigation itself is illegitimate.

What the APSEZ complaint actually alleges

The complaint was filed by APSEZ deputy general manager Dushyant Joshi, who said he was authorised by a November 5, 2025 board resolution to represent the company before police and courts. He said APSEZ had first approached the Gandhinagar Superintendent of Police on November 20, after which a preliminary inquiry was conducted and the matter was transferred to the Ahmedabad City Crime Branch.

According to the complaint, the October 24 Washington Post article claimed that the Government of India and LIC had indicated plans for around $3.9 billion of public-fund investment in Adani companies. It allegedly relied on documents containing details such as conditions, bond ratings and internal approvals.

APSEZ alleged that Nair posted about the claim on X at 3:43 pm the same day. LIC rejected the report on October 25, saying its investments were made with integrity and due diligence. Later that day, according to the complaint, Nair questioned LIC’s denial and posted screenshots purportedly showing portions of documents, accusing LIC of misleading the public.

APSEZ then wrote to LIC seeking verification of the documents. The complaint says LIC responded on October 28 that it had neither received nor issued such documents and had received no government information or instruction to invest in Adani Group companies. APSEZ said it submitted LIC’s response and relevant stock-exchange disclosures to investigators.

LIC rejected the central claim

LIC’s own public statements are central to the dispute. On October 25, 2025, it rejected the Washington Post report and said its investments were made independently under Board-approved policies and after due diligence. On October 28, it reiterated that it had neither issued nor received the documents cited in the report and had received no government instruction to invest in Adani Group companies.

APSEZ’s complaint consequently alleges something more specific than merely inaccurate reporting. It says the documents and information used by Nair were “false and fabricated from the beginning”, that fabricated documents were presented as genuine, and that the posts caused financial losses and fear among potential investors. It further alleges that Nair used the material for personal financial gain and to damage the companies’ reputation.

These remain allegations, not findings of guilt. But they explain why investigators are examining the provenance of the documents rather than simply scrutinising Nair’s political views.

The FIR invokes BNS Sections 318(4), 336(2), 336(4) and 340(2), concerning cheating, forgery, forgery intended to harm reputation, and using a forged document or electronic record as genuine.

Ravi Nair was already convicted in another Adani defamation case

On February 10, 2026, a Judicial Magistrate First Class court in Mansa, Gandhinagar, convicted Nair in a separate criminal defamation case filed by Adani Enterprises Ltd. The court sentenced him to one year of simple imprisonment and fined him ₹5,000 over tweets and online articles published between October 2020 and July 2021.

After a full trial, the court rejected Nair’s defence of fair criticism and public interest, holding that the publications contained categorical allegations of corruption, manipulation and political patronage and crossed the line into criminal defamation. It also rejected his argument that references to the “Adani Group” did not concern Adani Enterprises.

The magistrate declined probation, observing that journalists must understand the consequences of serious allegations disseminated widely through social media. The sentence was subsequently suspended for one month and Nair was granted bail to pursue an appeal.

The conviction does not establish that every allegation made against Nair is true. But it is an important part of the context missing from Rajendran’s portrayal of him as simply a journalist being persecuted by a powerful corporate group.

Nair also challenged the Crime Branch proceedings before the Supreme Court. The court did not declare the investigation illegal or rule that the reporting was truthful; in March 2026, it directed him to pursue the appropriate remedy before the Gujarat High Court.

The central issue is therefore not whether Nair is a journalist or a propagandist. It is whether the allegations in the report were properly sourced and verified, whether the documents were genuine, and whether investigators followed due process while collecting evidence.

Rajendran is entitled to question the seizure of devices and raise concerns about journalistic material and forensic safeguards. But presenting a judicially authorised investigation as though it were simply an arbitrary attack on a journalist strips away the legal context.

The facts are more complicated: Nair is facing an investigation over allegations that fabricated documents were used to support a major claim about LIC and Adani, and he has already been convicted in a separate Adani criminal defamation case. While Rajendran tries to portray the seizure of Nair’s electronic devices as an “attack on journalists”, his own record suggests it could well be another case of defamation against the Adani Group.

Bihar’s Ashok Dham stampede: How rumours and panic turn massive gatherings into deadly tragedies

Rukma Rathore
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Bihar’s Ashok Dham stampede: How rumours and panic turn massive gatherings into deadly tragedies

On 17th August, thousands of Hindus arrived at Ashokdham Temple, also known as Shri Indradamneshwar Mahadev Mandir, to offer prayers and perform Jal Abhishek to Lord Shiva on the third Monday of the auspicious Shravan or Sawan month in the Lakhisarai district of Bihar. What began as a morning of faith and devotion soon descended into chaos as heartbreaking scenes of wails and cries resonated throughout the place.

According to preliminary accounts, at least 50,000 devotees had gathered at the site when a rumour triggered panic among the crowd, turning the peaceful religious assembly into a matter of life and death. At least 7 persons were killed while more than a dozen others were injured and taken to hospital. Several of them are in critical condition. All the victims are reportedly women, and the toll is feared to rise as rescue and medical operations were started by the administration and authorities.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced an ex-gratia of Rs 2 lakh from PMNRF (Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund) for the next of kin of each deceased and Rs 50,000 for every wounded individual. The tragedy was the result of a rumour that a live electric wire had fallen on people after a pole collapsed, but it was actually a cable wire.

The more troubling aspect is that it is far from an isolated incident and adds to the long and painful list of lives lost at large gatherings, religious or otherwise, where a moment of panic sparked by a rumour or misinformation unleashes a deadly chain of reaction. Such unverified developments provoke trepidation and push already anxious crowds into sudden and uncontrollable movements.

Over the years, many major stampedes in India have been linked to mass hysteria instigated by rumours or misinformation. These instances highlight times when the collective human mind fell prey to the menace, turning special occasions into scenes of extraordinary grief. The recent incident is yet another agonising reminder of how swiftly dread can permeate a bustling area, leading to severe outcomes, just as several similar episodes serve as grim examples of the same.

Mahakaleshwar Temple

A few hours after the upheaval in Lakhisarai, a situation close to a stampede surfaced on the occasion of Nag Panchami near the Mahakaleshwar Temple as people poured into the holy city of Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh. A rumour had erupted regarding leakage of electric current adjacent to a transformer inside the barricaded section. Afterwards, barricades were broken as panic spread among the devotees near the Harsiddhi square.

Some people needed medical attention because they fell and sustained injuries, while those who fainted were also taken to the hospital. The situation was brought under control once the Collector and Superintendent of Police reached at the spot. Additionally, there were reports of chaos outside Neelkanth Square, the Bada Ganesh Temple and the path from Kark Raj Parking to the Harsiddhi entrance.

The temple, which is a part of the Mahakaleshwar Jyotirlinga complex, opens for only 24 hours on Nag Panchami, which prompted the massive influx of devotees. According to Mahakal temple administrator Pratham Kaushik, there hasn’t been any chaos or such instances there.

He outlined, “Till 12 noon today, more than 6 lakh devotees had darshan of Bhagwan Nag Chandreshwar, and more than 2 lakh devotees had darshan of Lord Shri Mahakaleshwar. All devotees have been provided with every possible facility by the temple administration. Darshan continues at the temple.”

Mansa Devi Temple

A rumour about an electric current claimed at least 6 lives and 35 others were wounded at Mansa Devi Temple of Haridwar in July of last year. The sacred Shravan month had prompted a surge in crowds as thousands of visitors flocked to the renowned destination, which attracts a high number of devotees, particularly on weekends and festivals.

A rumour tied to the snapping of a power line incited a desperate rush to flee, which resulted in the stampede. “We found through photos and videos that someone spread the rumour of an electric wire breaking; while looking at the injured or the dead, we did not get any such indication. We will investigate who spread the rumour that caused the stampede, and a magisterial inquiry will be set up to investigate cameras and other means. The death of 6 people has been confirmed,” District Magistrate Mayur Dixit had stated at the time.

Uttarakhand Power Corporation Limited (UPCL), the state power distribution utility, examined all of the electrical panels and power lines at Mansa Devi before releasing a statement affirming that “no leakage of electric current in any of their assets” could have produced the mishap.

“During the inspection conducted by our personnel at the temple premises, the leakage of electric current was found to be zero. Also, the Low-Tension lines carrying power there are completely insulated with no bare conductors in use. We also found no incident of anyone suffering an electric shock or getting electrocuted,” its then managing director Anil Kumar expressed while talking to The Times of India.

Gandhi Maidan of Patna

In October 2014, a stampede in Bihar killed at least 32 individuals, including 27 women, when rumours spread that an electrical wire had fallen on people during a religious program. According to the authorities, thousands of people were headed to their homes from the popular Dussehra celebrations when the horrific incident happened in Gandhi Maidan of Patna. Furthermore, 15 people had to be hospitalised after being hurt in the flurry.

Ratangarh Mata Temple

A similar incident happened on the last day of the Navratri festival near the famous Ratangarh Mata Temple in the Datia district of Madhya Pradesh during October 2013. The temple is situated on the banks of the Sindh River. 115 lives were lost, and 100 more were injured after a rumour circulated alleging that the bridge over the river was about to collapse. Police also began to use force to control the massive 5,00,000 frenzied mob. The fake information set off alarm as the terrified devotees succumbed to the deadly crush while many jumped into the water to save themselves.

Chamunda Devi Temple

A stampede left at least 168 people dead and over 100 injured at a temple in Jodhpur, Rajasthan in September 2008. The disaster took place on the first day of Navratri at the Chamunda Devi Temple, located within the hilltop Mehrangarh fort complex. Almost 25,000 devotees had assembled there on the religious occasion. The incident was widely asserted to have been brought on by unfounded bomb-related rumours. However, the authorities had refuted these reports.

It is important to remember that bomb blasts and terror assaults were often witnessed during that period under the United Progressive Alliance government, which was helmed by the Indian National Congress, exacerbating the stress and worries of the masses.

Naina Devi Temple

A month earlier, 162 people, mostly women and children, were killed and 47 others were wounded due to a stampede at Naina Devi Temple in the Bilaspur district of Himachal Pradesh that year. There were over 25,000 devotees for the Sawan Navratri. The chaos was ignited by rumours of a significant landslide, and some accounts indicated that stones had fallen from a retaining wall, which subsequently fuelled the panic. The long history of landslides at the temple also added to the fear.

The pilgrims were following a 2.5-mile track en route to the site perched on a hill when a portion of the iron railings on one side of the road broke, sparking a stampede. The people believed that it was a landslide, and the panic drove them to rush down to escape the potential catastrophe, crushing those who were underneath. Several people also perished as sections of the railings collapsed due to the intense human pressure.

Madras relief centre

A stampede for food coupons at an aid shelter took at least 40 deaths, predominantly women and over 50 others were hurt. The incident happened in Madras (Chennai) in December 2005. Approximately 3,000 flood victims had gathered in a small alleyway that led to a government school. People waited in a queue for hours out of concern about shortages even before the relief shelter was opened.

“Suddenly it started raining heavily, and there was a mad scramble to get in. The lock on the main door had snapped. The women at the front were crushed first. At least 11 policemen who tried to control the crowd were among those injured,” a witness mentioned. According to some reports, it was the result of a rumour about the last day for food coupons, while others pointed to a sudden downpour owing to which people scrambled for cover.

Stampede for free saris

In April 2004, 21 women were killed in a stampede during an event on the birthday of the late former governor Lalji Tandon. 10,000 women and children from low-income families had reached a public park to receive free commodities. However, a rumour erupted that there were no more saris available for distribution, which resulted in the havoc. A witness recounted, “Suddenly, a large number of women jostled with one another to reach the distribution point and collect the birthday gift.”

Conclusion

Of course, mismanagement, overcrowding, inadequate facilities and poor preparedness often play a major role in these stampedes. However, rumour-mongering has also emerged as a significant and often overlooked trigger that can be anticipated, countered and, to a large extent, prevented. Hence, the government needs to address it firmly alongside the other contributing factors. Otherwise, the country will continue to mourn such tragedies time and again.

From Newtonian physics to fluid dynamics: What science says about deadly stampedes, and why it is not about wild irrational crowd panic

Raju Das
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From Newtonian physics to fluid dynamics: What science says about deadly stampedes, and why it is not about wild irrational crowd panic

The recent observations by the Allahabad High Court regarding crowd management in historic pilgrimage centres like Mathura and Vrindavan highlight a much-needed shift in how India handles massive public gatherings. The court noted a critical administrative failure: local authorities often reduce crowd management to mere traffic control. The court recommended treating crowd behaviour as a formal scientific discipline and establishing a Centre of Excellence for Crowd Science.

This judicial intervention aligns with what physicists and crowd scientists have argued for decades: fatal crowd disasters are rarely the result of wild, irrational panic. Instead of being unpredictable psychological events, these tragedies are structural failures dictated by the unforgiving laws of Newtonian physics, fluid dynamics, and particle physics.

The article outlines several scientific theories that explain the mechanics of these deadly incidents:

Media reports frequently blame fatalities on “stampedes,” a term that unfairly shifts the blame onto victims by implying a crazed public blindly trampled over one another. However, true trampling deaths are exceedingly rare. Scientists assert that most incidents are actually “crowd crushes.” Extreme human density transforms a gathering into a dangerous physical system. The primary cause of death is compressive asphyxia—where the chest cannot expand to breathe due to immense pressure—rather than panic-driven trampling. People do not die because they panic; they panic because they are already being crushed.

The real trigger for a disaster is local density, measured in persons per square metre, rather than the overall crowd size. At one to two persons per square metre, individuals move freely. However, at four persons per square metre, involuntary body contact begins. When the density reaches six to seven persons per square metre, the crowd completely loses its individual agency and starts behaving like a continuous medium.

Based on empirical studies, such as Dirk Helbing’s extensive analysis of the 2006 Hajj disaster in Mina, scientists observed that crowd behaviour undergoes critical transitions as density increases. Beyond a specific threshold, physical forces are transmitted continuously from body to body. The mass of people physically moves like a fluid, rendering standard policing completely ineffective.

Ultimately, preventing deadly crowd disasters requires acknowledging these scientific realities rather than relying solely on basic law-and-order tactics.

You can read the full article in Chapter 1 Magazine.

Rahul Gandhi asks Hemant Soren to meet protesting students: Why his appeal exposes Congress-backed JMM govt’s brutal crackdown on protesters

Divya Bharti
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Rahul Gandhi asks Hemant Soren to meet protesting students: Why his appeal exposes Congress-backed JMM govt’s brutal crackdown on protesters

Rahul Gandhi asking Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren to meet the protesting students has put the spotlight back on the JMM-Congress government’s handling of the agitation. The appeal from a Congress leader to his political ally is significant because students have been protesting for weeks over irregularities in recruitment examinations, while the situation on the ground has continued to worsen.

Instead of opening a serious dialogue with the students, the government’s response has increasingly been marked by heavy police deployment, barricades, water cannons and lathi-charge. Police have also said pellet guns are being kept ready for use in an emergency. At a time when students are demanding answers on recruitment exams, Rahul Gandhi’s intervention can be seen as an indirect admission that the state government has failed to handle the matter properly.

Students march towards Vidhan Sabha amid heavy police presence

On 10th August, thousands of students took out a “Vidhan Sabha Gherao” march towards the Jharkhand Assembly in Ranchi. Their main demand is action on irregularities in various recruitment examinations, including those linked to JPSC and JSSC.

The police prepared for a large gathering by deploying a substantial force in Ranchi. Ranchi City SP Paras Rana said that peaceful protesters would not face any inconvenience. At the same time, he warned that anyone resorting to violence would face legal action.

The controversy grew after a video showing police personnel carrying guns went viral. Rana clarified that the weapon shown in the video was a paintball gun, which fires soft, coloured balls to mark and identify troublemakers. However, he also made it clear that pellet guns were being carried by police personnel for use in emergencies.

Pellet guns are 12-bore pump-action shotguns that fire cartridges containing pellets. They are classified as less-lethal or non-lethal crowd-control equipment and are part of the standard equipment used by specialised riot-control units.

The fact that police are keeping such weapons ready during a student protest has raised serious questions about the manner in which the government is dealing with the agitation.

Rahul Gandhi’s appeal puts Hemant Soren under pressure

Against this backdrop, Rahul Gandhi’s request that Hemant Soren meet the protesting students becomes important. If the government had been effectively engaging with the students and addressing their concerns, such an intervention from a Congress leader would hardly have been necessary.

The appeal also comes after reports of police action against protesters and restrictions around the agitation. Students who have been demanding reforms and clarity over recruitment examinations are now facing a situation where the focus has shifted from their demands to police action.

For a government led by JMM and supported by Congress, the responsibility should have been to sit with the students, hear their complaints and give clear answers on the recruitment process. Instead, the use of force and the reported restrictions have created the impression of a government trying to control the protest rather than resolve the problem.

This is why Rahul Gandhi’s intervention is politically significant. His request to Hemant Soren to meet the students effectively highlights the failure of the state government to bring the situation under control through dialogue.

Devendra Nath Mahato is in critical condition

The situation has become even more serious with the hunger strike led by Devendra Nath Mahato. On the 15th day of his fast, his condition was described as extremely critical. Mahato suffered chest injuries after Jharkhand Police stopped him from participating in a Tiranga Yatra.

The central question now is why Hemant Soren has not met Mahato or the protesting students despite the seriousness of the situation.

Mahato has continued his fast while demanding attention to the concerns of the protesters. His deteriorating condition makes the government’s silence even more difficult to ignore. When a protester reaches such a critical stage during a hunger strike, meeting him and listening to his demands should be among the first steps taken by the administration.

Instead, the continuing distance between the government and the protesters has added to the sense of anger among students.

Sonam Wangchuk’s hunger strike

The response of the BJP leadership during the CJP protest in Delhi provides a clear political comparison. When climate activist Sonam Wangchuk was on hunger strike, BJP president JP Nadda met him, repeatedly urged him to end his fast and offered him his first sip from a cup to help him break the hunger strike.

The contrast is difficult to miss. In Delhi, a senior BJP leader personally met a hunger-striking protester and appealed to him to end his fast. In Jharkhand, Devendra Nath Mahato has continued fasting for 15 days; his condition has become critical, and yet Hemant Soren has not met him or the protesting students.

This difference has raised questions over whether political leaders apply the same standards when dealing with protests in states ruled by their own allies.

Different standards over police action?

The Jharkhand episode also brings back the controversy surrounding the CJP protests in Delhi. During the “Chalo Sansad” march on July 20, the Delhi Police used lathi-charge and other crowd-control measures after the protest turned violent.

At that time, Congress, Samajwadi Party and other INDIA bloc parties, along with their supporters, strongly criticised the Delhi Police. Claims were also made that pellet guns had been used against peaceful protesters. CJP spokesperson Saurav Das had claimed that Delhi Police used pellet guns and shared a video showing marks on a protester’s body.

The Delhi Police, however, denied these claims and said it neither possessed nor used pellet guns during the protest. It called the claims false and misleading and asked people not to circulate unverified information.

The situation in Jharkhand presents a different picture. Here, the Ranchi Police has openly said that pellet guns are being carried for emergencies. Police have also used lathis and water cannons during the student agitation.

The question, therefore, is not simply about whether pellet guns were actually fired. It is also about the very different political reactions to police action in BJP-ruled Delhi and Congress-supported Jharkhand.

Questions over press freedom in Ranchi

The concerns have also extended beyond the protesters. On 9th August, an OpIndia reporter was removed by Jharkhand Police after questioning Hemant Soren about JPSC reforms. The journalist was also stopped from approaching the stage where the Chief Minister was seated during an event near the protest site.

Journalist Aman Chopra has also been booked in connection with his coverage of the student protests. He was detained and questioned by police and has said that he was restricted from covering the ongoing agitation in Ranchi.

These developments have added another layer to the controversy. During the Delhi protests, journalists were present on the ground despite political disagreements over the coverage. Some reporters were even called “Godi media” and heckled by protesters, but Delhi Police did not book media persons in connection with the CJP agitation.

The Jharkhand government now faces questions not only about its handling of students but also about the space being given to journalists covering the protests.

The larger question is, why not talk to the students?

The central issue is simple. Students have been protesting for weeks over recruitment examinations and demanding reforms. Their agitation has now reached a stage where a hunger striker is in critical condition, police are carrying crowd-control weapons and journalists covering the protests are facing restrictions.

In such a situation, dialogue should have been the first response.

Rahul Gandhi’s appeal to Hemant Soren to meet the students has therefore come at a crucial time. Rather than solving the political problem for the JMM-Congress government, the appeal highlights how badly the situation has been handled.

The contrast with JP Nadda’s meeting with Sonam Wangchuk makes the issue even sharper. When a protester is fasting, the priority should be to meet him, hear his concerns and find a solution, not wait until the situation turns into a larger confrontation.

For the JMM-Congress government in Jharkhand, the immediate challenge is to move away from police action and towards meaningful talks. Students demanding answers on recruitment exams need a government willing to listen. Rahul Gandhi’s intervention suggests that even within the alliance, there is now recognition that Hemant Soren needs to engage with the protesters directly.

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