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UP’s ‘Singham’ warns TMC strongman Jahangir Khan: Who is ‘encounter specialist’ Ajay Pal Sharma currently posted as police observer in Bengal

The politically charged climate in West Bengal is rising as it nears Phase II of the assembly election voting on 29th April (Wednesday). Now, a fresh issue has come to light concerning an IPS officer, Ajay Pal Sharma, from the Uttar Pradesh cadre who has been assigned to the state as a police observer.

The matter began when his video surfaced online on 27th April (Monday). IPS Sharma visited the home of Jahangir Khan, who is reportedly close to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee and is an All India Trinamool Congress candidate (AITC or TMC) from Falta, to confront his goons on the last day of the election campaign.

“All of you comprehend this fully that strict action will be taken against anyone attempting to create trouble. If any instances of issues or problems are reported, appropriate measures will be enforced. Jahangir’s family members are present here. Inform him that we are receiving frequent information about his men threatening people. We will take firm action against him. Do not cry or repent later,” Sharma warned.

Sharma also discovered that 14 West Bengal police officers were stationed there and was told that 10 cops had been assigned to provide Khan with Y-category protection. He pointed out the disparity and sent out a notification to the Superintendent of Police demanding an explanation for the additional deployment.

Khan promptly responded to the occurrence and alleged, “Around 3 pm yesterday, he came and tried to threaten my security at this party office. Then he went and tried to threat my family. Is this the duty of a police observer? If he has to say something he has to tell the SP (Superintendent of Police) or IC (Inspector-in-Charge).”

He charged that Sharma acted beyond the scope of his authoritative jurisdiction as assigned by the Election Commission of India to aid the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and threatened the members of his party. “There is no rule of ECI that says that a police observer can go and threat people at their houses. To aid BJP these people are doing illegal things. They are trying to threaten TMC workers and leaders because they know that they won’t win but we are not afraid,” Khan claimed.

“This is Bengal. If he is Singham, I am Pushpa. No amount of threat or coercion by the BJP-appointed police officials from Uttar Pradesh will be allowed in Falta. They came with forces and tried to pressure my people and me. Such actions are not acceptable in a democratic system,” Khan further retaliated.

On the other hand, TMC Lok Sabha MP Mahua Moitra, senior Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate and the opposition ecosystem resorted to sharing a video where a man was seen enjoying the dance of a scantily-clad woman to claim it was IPS Sharma. A “journalist” deleted the clip afterwards. However, formal complaints are reportedly being registered concerning this matter.

Sharma was spotted raiding Khan’s residence following grave accusations of voter intimidation by the latter’s supporters. He was joined by a combined team of Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB), Flying Surveillance Team (FST) and Quick Response Team (QRT). Sharma is one of the 11 police observers that the Election Commission has provided for the peaceful organisation of second round of voting in the state. He is deployed to the district with the largest allotment, South 24 Parganas, along with 2 others.

TMC’s efforts to stop Ajay Pal Sharma from discharging his duties in Bengal have also been thwarted by the Calcutta High Court. A writ petition was filed today to claim his warning to Jehangir Khan is a violation of the Model Code of Conduct and he should be recalled from his current duties as Election Observer in the state.

The High Court refused to entertain the plea, stating, “We will not intervene until April 29. We will not interfere in the work of those entrusted with election duties.”

Meet the “encounter specialist” of Uttar Pradesh

Sharma, who was born in Punjab’s Ludhiana on 26th October 1985 is renowned for his strict and unyielding approach to law enforcement. He joined the Indian Police Service in 2011 after completing his training as a dental surgeon at Government Medical College in Patiala.

The 40-year-old has reportedly participated in over 500 police encounters over the years, earning the title of “encounter specialist.” During these operations, nearly 15 criminals were killed, and numerous others were taken into custody. Notably, he launched 136 encounters in just 22 months as SP in Jaunpur, which is regarded as one of the greatest figures for a district assignment.

Sharma has also handled important tasks at Prayagraj, especially during the Kumbh Mela and served as SP/SSP (Senior Superintendent of Police) in Hathras, Shamli, Rampur and Jaunpur. He is presently Prayagraj’s Additional Commissioner of Police (Law and Order).

“We need IPS officials like Ajay Pal Sharma to tackle crime in our state. I would urge officials in my state to take inspiration from IPS Sharma and learn techniques to curb crime in the state,” former Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar declared while facilitating Sharma at a function in Karnal in 2017.

CM Yogi had also announced that the new law and order in place had put an end to the “Kairana-like exodus,” with local traders breathing a sigh of relief, when Sharma was posted in Shamli.

The region witnessed the killings of 4 infamous criminals as 20 others were wounded, while he was praised from all quarters. Locals gave him a chariot ride after the cops shot and killed two notorious criminals in two consecutive shootings. Dreaded criminals surrendered out of fear of similar action under his authority. Furthermore, offenders were writing to courts to express their desire to remain incarcerated and promised never to engage in any illicit activity.

From Sharma to “Singham”

Sharma first became popular in 2018 while serving at Rampur when he was searching for a man who raped and murdered a 6-year-old girl. A brief encounter ensued while attempting to apprehend the accused who was shot 3 times and nabbed. The police officer gained a lot of attention as a result of the instance. He was facilitated by Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in March 2018. Afterwards, he was moved to Noida and became SSP.

Interestingly, Sharma is acknowledged for monitoring not only criminal gangs but also his own force. He was tipped off about a supposed list of bribe rates among police officers while he was posted in Noida. He made the decision to act independently and carried out an unexpected inspection. He dressed plainly, got into an autorickshaw and drove through the streets of Noida and Greater Noida. He succeeded in suspending a sub-inspector after catching him red-handed. There are numerous such tales about him in police circles.

Sharma has even shared his opinions regarding his designation as an “encounter specialist.” He voiced, “These encounters did not happen by will, it was just chance. We want to arrest criminals, make recoveries and collect the maximum information on their hiding places, their other gang members, etc. This is the last option. We do not know what situation arises on the ground,” in a conversation with The Print.

Sharma admitted that he killed at least 9 accused and wounded about 190 others during these violent face-offs. He actively pursued many wanted criminals, with bounties varying from ₹5,000 to ₹100,000 and effectively neutralised several of them. He even took decisive action, including the invocation of the National Security Act (NSA) against the mining mafia. He initiated disciplinary actions against almost 63 police personnel, demonstrating his unwavering stance against corruption.

Allegations of corruption and a significant presence on social media

There have been some controversies in Sharma’s career as well. He was ousted as Rampur SP in 2020 due to claims of posting irregularities. A vigilance investigation was then suggested by a Special Investigation Team (SIT). He was charged under the Prevention of Corruption Act in Meerut for allegedly pushing for his relocation and posting.

Additionally, a woman accused Sharma of cheating under the guise of marriage, which resulted in the filing of a First Information Report (FIR) in Lucknow. The scandal hindered his career advancement for a while even though he eventually earned a clean chit.

Sharma has a large social media fan base. He has about 1,40,000 followers on a Facebook page in his name. His younger brother, Amit Pal Sharma, is also a 2015 batch IPS officer from Uttar Pradesh cadre.

What is Super El Nino: Is this global phenomenon behind the intense heatwave in Asia and India’s record-breaking summer

A strong and early summer has gripped large parts of India and other regions of Asia, with temperatures crossing dangerous levels in April itself. Weather experts are now watching a global climate pattern called El Nino and an even stronger version known as “Super El Nino” to understand whether it is driving this extreme heat and what lies ahead for the coming months.

Heatwave tightens grip across India

Several states across north, central and eastern India are already seeing a sharp rise in temperatures, even before peak summer has fully set in. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has issued heatwave alerts across multiple regions, including Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Odisha.

On 25th April, Banda in Uttar Pradesh recorded a scorching 47.4°C, the highest temperature in the country this year so far. In Delhi, temperatures touched 42.8°C at the Safdarjung observatory, which is more than 5°C above normal and qualifies as a heatwave.

In general, most parts of the country have been seeing daytime temperatures between 40°C and 45°C. Night temperatures are also staying unusually high, especially in Delhi, Haryana and Odisha, making conditions more uncomfortable.

The IMD says heatwave or severe heatwave conditions were active in at least 11 states and union territories, with some regions like Himachal Pradesh and eastern Uttar Pradesh seeing more extreme warnings.

A global heat signal, not just India’s problem

This extreme heat is not limited to India. Scientists say the current conditions are part of a much larger global pattern.

Data from NASA’s GISTEMP shows that March 2026 was among the hottest ever recorded globally, with temperatures about 1.27°C above the 1951-1980 average. Meanwhile, Europe’s Copernicus climate service pegged it at 1.48°C above pre-industrial levels, making it one of the warmest March months on record.

One of the most striking anomalies came from eastern Siberia, particularly the Yakutia region of Russia, where temperatures were recorded at more than 10°C above normal for March, something scientists say would have been “virtually impossible” without human-driven climate change.

Heat maps for late April show large parts of north India, the Sahel in Africa, and the Arabian Peninsula crossing 45°C, indicating a widespread heat zone.

What exactly is El Nino?

El Nino is a natural climate pattern that occurs every 2 to 7 years in the Pacific Ocean. Normally, strong trade winds push warm ocean water towards Asia. But during El Nino, these winds weaken, allowing warm water to shift eastward towards the central and eastern Pacific.

This warming of ocean surface temperatures changes global wind patterns and rainfall systems. As a result, it can influence weather across continents, including heat, storms, and monsoons.

In India, El Nino years are usually linked to hotter summers and weaker monsoons.

What makes a “Super El Nino” different?

A “Super El Nino” is simply a much stronger version of the same phenomenon.

While a regular El Nino sees sea surface temperatures rise by about 0.5°C to 1.4°C above average, a Super El Nino involves a spike of more than 2.0°C in the central Pacific.

Scientists track this using different climate models and indices, including the Super El Nino Index (SEI), which has shown a rising trend since the 1980s, something experts link to global warming.

According to forecasts from the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts, the current developing El Nino could turn into one of the strongest seen in over a century.

What are scientists saying right now?

Climate agencies, including the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), say there is growing confidence that El Nino conditions will develop between May and July 2026, after a neutral start to the year.

Wilfran Moufouma Okia, Chief of Climate Prediction at WMO, has said that climate models are now “strongly aligned” on the onset of El Nino, with the possibility of further strengthening later in the year.

However, he also pointed out a key challenge known as the “spring predictability barrier”, which makes it harder to forecast the exact strength of El Niño during this time. Forecast accuracy generally improves after April.

Some scientists have also warned that there is even a small chance that global temperature anomalies could briefly approach +2°C, which would be extremely unusual.

Is Super El Nino behind the current heat?

While it is still early to say that a Super El Nino is directly causing the current heatwave, experts believe it could intensify and prolong the conditions we are already seeing.

The IMD has already predicted above-normal heatwave days from April to June across parts of east, central and northwest India, as well as the southeast peninsula.

The current heat pattern over India also matches a broader global trend seen in recent weeks, suggesting that multiple factors, including background global warming, are at play.

What could this mean for India in 2026?

If a strong or Super El Nino develops later this year, it could have several impacts on India:

1. Longer and harsher heatwaves
Daytime temperatures could remain high for longer periods, and nights may stay warmer than usual. IMD has already recorded “warm night” and even “severe warm night” conditions in some northern regions.

2. Pressure on monsoon rainfall
El Nino is often associated with below-normal monsoon rainfall. Since the monsoon provides nearly 70% of India’s annual rainfall, any drop could lead to drought-like conditions.

3. Impact on agriculture and economy
 Agriculture contributes around 18% of India’s economy and supports nearly half the population. A weak monsoon could mean smaller harvests and financial stress for farmers.

4. Water and power stress
 India has already seen 60% below-normal rainfall in January-February 2026. If heat increases further, demand for water and electricity will rise sharply, increasing the risk of shortages and power cuts.

Short-term relief, but not a long-term fix

There may be brief breaks in the heat. For instance, weather systems like western disturbances can bring temporary cooling of 3-5°C, as expected around late April.

However, such relief is usually short-lived. Forecasts suggest temperatures could rise again in early May, showing that the heat cycle is far from over.

The bigger picture

The current situation highlights how local weather events are increasingly linked to global climate patterns.

India’s heatwave is not an isolated event but part of a larger warming trend seen across continents. The possibility of a Super El Nino adds another layer of uncertainty, one that could shape weather patterns not just in India, but across the world.

For now, scientists say nothing is fully certain yet. A timely and strong monsoon could still ease some of the pressure. But as things stand, the early signs point to a challenging summer and possibly an even tougher year ahead.

Wanted to terrorise society through IED blasts, raised funds for ISIS and more: NIA court sentences terrorist Mohamed Shariq to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment in 2022 Mangaluru pressure cooker blast case, read what the probe revealed

A special NIA court in Bengaluru has sentenced Mangaluru cooker blast case accused Mohamed Shafiq to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment in the 2022 Mangaluru Pressure Cooker Blast Case. The court has also imposed a total fine of ₹92,000 on him. A statement released by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Monday (27th April) stated that it was found during the investigation that the accused was radicalised into the ISIS ideology by his associate Arafath Ali, who is an accused in the Shivamogga IS Conspiracy case and is already undergoing 6 years’ rigorous imprisonment.

“Mohamed Shariq had conspired with co-accused Syed Yasin and a foreign-based IS online handler to promote IS terror activities in India with the aim to terrorise the society through IED attacks. He was also involved in fundraising activities for IS,” the NIA said. He exchanged explosive materials with Syed Yasin on the instructions of his online handler. After the arrest of Yasin & others in the Shivamogga IS Conspiracy case in September 2022, he absconded. He forged identity documents, used fraudulently obtained SIM cards and bank accounts for terror financing, and frequently changed mobile phones to destroy evidence.

According to the NIA, Shariq had set up a hideout in Mysuru, procured IED raw materials and conducted reconnaissance of sensitive target places across Mangaluru, Davanagare, and Udupi areas of Karnataka. In November 2022, he carried a Pressure Cooker IED in an auto rickshaw with the intent to plant it at a temple in Mangaluru. However, the IED exploded prematurely, injuring Shariq and another person, who later filed a complaint with the police.

A case was registered by the Karnataka Police, which led to the seizure of a large quantity of IED raw materials from the accused’s hideout in Mysuru. Later, the NIA took over the case and arrested two individuals, which led to the exposure of a larger ISIS module involved in an anti-India conspiracy. The investigation into the conspiracy is underway.

Multiple sentences ordered by the Special NIA court

While the special NIA court in Bengaluru sentenced Mohamed Shariq to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment, it handed him down multiple sentences for various offences committed under different laws. The court ordered the substantial sentences to run concurrently.

The court granted Mohamed Shariq 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment each for the offences of conspiracy, waging war against India, attempted murder, and causing grievous hurt under Sections 120B, 121A, 122, 307, and 326 of the Indian Penal Code.

It convicted Shariq of the offences of forgery and using forged documents under Sections 465 and 471 of the IPC and sentenced him to 2 years’ rigorous imprisonment. The court also convicted him of the offences of committing terrorist acts, funding, conspiracy, and membership/support of a terrorist organisation under Sections 16(b), 17, 18, 20, 38, 39, 40 of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) and granted him 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment for each offence.

Mohamed Shariq was also convicted by the special NIA court under Sections 3(a) and 5(a) of the Explosive Substances Act and was granted 10 years of rigorous imprisonment. In addition to that, a total of ₹92,000 fine was imposed on Shariq, and if he fails to pay the amount, he will have to undergo rigorous imprisonment ranging from one month to six months for each offence.

All the 10-year rigorous imprisonment sentences granted to Shariq will run concurrently. The period of imprisonment already undergone by him will be set off against the total 10-year rigorous imprisonment period under Section 428 of the Cr.P.C.

The Mangaluru Cooker Blast

On November 19, 2022, an explosive being carried by Shariq in an autorickshaw in Mangaluru exploded in his lap. The explosion caused by a timer error left him with severe burn injuries. He was admitted to a hospital for treatment. After being discharged from the hospital, he was arrested by the NIA.

On April 20, 2024, Shariq denied all the criminal charges framed against him. Later, in December 2025, he changed his stance and filed an application under Section 229 of the CrPC, pleading guilty to all the charges. His application was accepted by the court on March 26, 2026.

Mohamed Shariq is suspected of being a part of an Islamic State-inspired terror outfit operating from Shivamogga and has been involved in many incidents since 2020. He is accused of providing training for manufacturing IEDs and is wanted in the Shivamogga IS Conspiracy case filed in September 2022 for the testing of IEDs. He sent cryptocurrency funds to co-accused Syed Yasin to help build and test explosive devices.

Notably, the members of the Shivamogga module were also involved in the Rameshwaram Cafe blast in Bengaluru, which happened on March 1, 2024. The IED used in the blast was said to be similar to the one Shariq carried in the Mangaluru blast. Besides, key accused in that case include Mussavir Hussain and Abdul Matheen Taha, both linked to the same network.

Preventing demographic change, ending corruption, preserving Hindu identity and more: Decoding BJP’s strategy to counter TMC in West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election

The Pishi-Bhaipo regime of Mamata and Abhishek Banerjee has set West Bengal back decades. Once, the slogan of ‘Maa Mati Manush‘ evoked hope and prosperity. Today, it is a constant reminder of a corrupt government, which weaponised appeasement politics and drastic demographic shifts to remain in power for 15 years.

While many might believe that there is no respite in sight, we must remember that no one is invincible in politics. At one time, it was unimaginable to shake the foundation of the Left regime in West Bengal. By the 2021 West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election, the party that had ruled Bengal for 34 years was reduced to 0 seats. Change is inevitable, but the question is when?

It is not a hidden fact that West Bengal remains one of the last frontiers for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). While the party has gone from 3 seats in 2016 to 77 in the 2021 Vidhan Sabha election, the BJP needs at least 148 seats to form the government in the State. The Trinamool Congress is faced with the imminent challenge of anti-incumbency, coupled with the public angst against the Pishi-Bhaipo regime.

Concerns over growing corruption, unemployment, economic downturn, Bangladeshi infiltration, Muslim appeasement and systematic erasure of Hindu identity and culture have shoved the TMC against the wall. The iron is hot to strike!

A party like the BJP, with political heavyweights such as Narendra Modi and Amit Shah at the helm of affairs, understands it better than anyone. This is why a 4-pronged strategy has been adopted to change the destiny of West Bengal this time.

Preserving voter integrity and preventing demographic change

It has been a long-held belief that Mamata was unfairly winning Vidhan Sabha elections in Bengal with the help of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. While the concerns remained, nothing was done to fix the situation. All of that changed in 2025 with the rollout of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in the State. So far, 91 lakh names have been removed.

Without the SIR, an additional 91 lakh ineligible votes would have been polled in favour of the Trinamool Congress supremo. The preservation of voter integrity has been a key election issue for the public. The BJP has been upfront in holding the sanctity of the voter list and preventing Bangladeshi infiltrators from participating in the Indian electoral process.

At the same time, the party has been unfettered in its strong stance on stopping illegal immigration by securing the border. The BJP has also brought to the public limelight how the TMC refused to provide land for border fencing to the Border Security Force (BSF).

It has assured Bengali Hindus, who have faced the brunt of exodus, political violence and religious ostracism in Muslim-majority areas of Murshidabad and Malda, that all efforts will be made to protect Bengal from turning into Bangladesh.

Upholding Hindu identity and culture

The rabid appeasement politics of Mamata Banerjee in favour of milk-yielding cows (a term she used for Muslims in 2019) have left Bengali Hindus fending for themselves. Her preferential treatment (doles for Imams, making Urdu the second language of Bengal, shifting Durga Puja visarjan timings to accommodate Muharram processions) has miffed the majority Hindu community.

The deliberate inaction of Mamata’s police and administration in the case of religiously motivated riots in Murshidabad and Malda has even led to the exodus of Hindus to Assam. The BJP has been empathetic to the cause of these victims and thus has called for Hindu vote consolidation. As they say, “United we stand, divided we fall!”

BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari has integrated Hindu rituals during his campaign in the run-up to the elections. Chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ reverberated during his rallies. Sadhus in saffron robes came out in his support in large numbers.

This is significant at a time when TMC MLAs are singingKaaba in my heart and Medina in my eyes‘ to woo voters. Adhikari has even ended his campaign by prostrating before Maa Durga and Mahadev. He had only one appeal to the Hindus – “Save Bengal at all costs.”

Welfarism and Economic upliftment

When Mamata Banerjee was elected to power in 2011, Bengalis had high hopes. They were under the impression that she would undo decades of economic ruin caused by the Communist regime and usher the State into a new era of economic development. However, none of those aspirations took the shape of reality.

Even after 15 years, West Bengal continues to suffer from large-scale unemployment, economic instability, a high debt-to-GDP ratio and a lack of quality jobs. Welfare schemes have thus become the go-to means of survival for many people in the State. The TMC regime has ensured that millions of voters are directly dependent on it for monthly doles.

Unlike the 2016 and 2021 Vidhan Sabha elections, the BJP has decided to beat Mamata in her own game of ‘subsidies’ and ‘honorariums.’ In its manifesto, the party has assured to pay ₹3,000 per month to women. It is double the amount that the TMC regime pays to women through its Lakshmir Bhandar scheme.

The BJP has promised a similar pay to unemployed youths and a 1-time grant of ₹50000 for unmarried female students who enroll into undergraduate courses. Moreover, it has offered financial assistance of ₹21000 for pregnant women from poor families. The BJP has assured to pay farmers ₹9000 annually and increase the Minimum Support Price (MSP) for paddy.

The party has gone even further to make bus travel free for all women in Bengal, ensure the implementation of the AYushman Bharat scheme, implement the 7th Pay Commission for all government employees and generate 1 crore jobs till 2031. All of these announcements are going to be a game-changer in the West Bengal election.

Crusade against the corruption of the Mamata regime

Ever since it came to power, the TMC regime has been involved in large-scale scams, defrauding poor and vulnerable sections of society. TMC leaders have been involved in the Rose Valley scam, the teachers’ recruitment scam, the Sharda scam, the cow-smuggling scam, tab scam and even a coal scam.

Never in the history of Bengal did government employees lose their permanent jobs until, of course, Mamata made it possible in April 2025. Due to gross irregularities that took place under her watch, a whopping 25,573 teachers and non-teaching staff lost their government jobs.

The fraud perpetrated by her regime in the guise of social engineering has led to the cancellation of OBC certificates. TMC’s culture of corruption has enabled its Ministers to grow their assets and wealth disproportionate to their known sources of income. We all recall the large stacks of cash (roughly about ₹50 crores) recovered from the residence of Partha Chatterjee’s friend.

The middle-class Bengalis are frustrated with the abuse of power and loot by the TMC regime. While Pishi puts up a show of being humble (has an Apple iPhone, Apple watch, Whoop band, gold earrings and more) in a white saree and chappal, her Bhaipo’s name has been shrouded in scams.

Isn’t it ironic? A common man from Bengal has to leave his ageing parents in the State to find a livelihood in other parts of India, while Abhishek Banerjee can financially enrich himself by living in the heart of West Bengal.

Corruption is thus a big issue in Bengal, and the BJP has vowed to eradicate it once it comes to power.

As India battles heatwave, opposition and left liberals find a way to blame PM Modi: Here is why their political propaganda melts before facts

India is accustomed to a scorching sun, and several cities are already witnessing the onset of a blistering summer. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has declared heatwave conditions in 11 states and union territories, including Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.

Nonetheless, this phenomenon is not limited to India as the opposition and its ecosystem are attempting to suggest because thermometers have shown spikes across the globe at the same time. The extreme conditions have been related to a number of factors, some human-driven and a lot more of natural phenomena.

The situation is further aggravated by an evolving Super El Nino, which releases additional heat from the ocean into the atmosphere, as scientists look into events in the Pacific Ocean that might spike global temperatures and shatter records in the next year. More importantly, the intense heat currently gripping the Indian plains is a component of a broader pattern that began 6 weeks ago in North Asia, Siberia.

Meanwhile, a number of stakeholders convened in early April to establish a new platform, South Asia Hub of the Global Heat Health Information Network (GHHIN), to promote cooperation and creativity to confront the massive challenge as mercury levels soar not only in India but throughout the subcontinent. It will partner with the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology (IITM) and the India Meteorological Department. The goal is to devise a common regional framework for converting climate data into health interventions.

The world is battling with these changes and is in search of solutions. On the other hand, the Indian opposition and left liberals are actively engaged in their usual tactic of blaming the Modi government using nonsensical arguments.

The detractors invent creatively ridiculous excuses to blame the Modi government

‘Epic Maps’ uploaded a weather map illustrating the climbing temperature in India, framing it as an unusual occurrence confined to India, while conveniently excluding that the country and its neighbour Pakistan, as well as Yemen and other nations in the Indian Ocean Region, like Thailand, Myanmar, etc., showed a spike in temperature

Congress leader Srinivas BV took advantage of the half-truth and, in a clear demonstration of both unfettered hatred and stupidity, alleged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was responsible for it.

Full-time mutton biryani connoisseur and part-time PETA (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals) activist Diya Mirza amplified a post charging PM Modi with snatching tribal territories and accelerating the destruction of forests through the Forest Conservation Amendment Act of 2023.

Karbari Ansari declared that PM Modi is indifferent to the burning heat and the climate change. “He only wants to engage in Hindu Muslim politics and get votes by spreading hatred. It doesn’t matter to him if the public dies from the heat or falls into a pit and dies. ​He just wants to win the election nothing else matters,” the Congress party man alleged.

The centre headed by the Bharatiya Janata Party has addressed this issue through various pivotal measures, including a substantial increase in the dense forest cover, a commitment to achieving net-zero emissions by 2070 and a strong promotion of renewable energy. Nevertheless, the true pioneers of communal politics do not depend on facts.

According to Gaurav Pandhi, secretary of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC), PM Modi is primarily concerned with winning elections by instigating divisions in the society, which is his only focus. He stressed that the situation was considerably better under the Congress government as it actively tried to deal with these problems. Pandhi added that the saffron party has failed in this regard, and their poll promises, such as 100 smart cities, were merely intended to gain votes but never meant to be honoured.

“Educator” Dinesh Wadera asserted that this is a consequence of PM Modi’s “concrete” initiatives, insinuating that infrastructure growth and drives to ensure that the poor have proper houses is somehow a grave mistake the Modi government committed.

Sudhir Yadav claimed that the government has taken over tribal lands, waters and forests, transferring them to businessman Gautam Adani. Consequently, millions of trees have been cut, contributing to India becoming one of the hottest countries globally, with 95 out of 100 cities enduring extreme heatwaves. He remarked, “This model of destruction in the name of development is Modi’s biggest achievement.”

What is the truth behind the charges

India is undoubtedly prone to hot weather, which is triggered by a multitude of interrelated determinants. Heat is trapped close to the surface by meteorological elements, including low winds, high-pressure systems and a shortage of cloud cover. A “heat dome” that has confined hot air over the Indo-Gangetic plains and eastern India is also a critical cause. This year, the western disturbances that bring rain to plains and snow to slopes have also become less frequent and weaker.

However, the left-liberal lobby is preoccupied with rumour mongering and attacking PM Modi instead of discussing the actual explanations for the present condition. Likewise, it is equally false to contend that India is warming faster than the globe. The nation’s average surface temperature has risen slowly relative to the global figures owing to many factors. It was reiterated in research conducted by Harvard University’s Salata Institute.

Pollution produces aerosols, which scatter sunlight and lower solar surface radiation. They serve as the atmosphere above South Asia’s reflective shield. The Indo-Gangetic plain’s over-agriculture is another major contributor. The area is mostly utilised for agriculture because of the fertility of the plain. Large-scale irrigation has resulted from this, which boosts evapotranspiration and acts as a form of cooling blanket over the plains.

The elevation has been particularly marked at higher latitudes, especially near the poles, because of heat transfer from the tropics via atmospheric circulation systems and the pre-existing lower temperatures at these latitudes. India is situated closer to the equator in the tropical zone, where such geographical events do not occur.

The landmass of India is not homogeneous, with prominent regional differences in temperature modification. Due to local climate and terrain, some regions incur greater warming, but the national average spike in temperature continues to be low.

Moreover, the pre-monsoon season, which runs from March to May, is the hottest time of year in nearly all of South Asia. Heat waves and other extreme weather conditions are frequent at this time.

Which region of the world is seeing the most significant increase

The Copernicus Climate Change Service’s ERA5 dataset showed that since the mid-1990s, Europe has warmed by about 0.53°C per ten years, making it the fastest-rising continent. The Arctic is warming even more swiftly, by about 0.69°C every ten years.

On the contrary, large portions of the Indian subcontinent have a far more stable trend, commonly between 0 and 0.2°C each decade, while the Arctic, Europe and portions of the Middle East exhibit warming rates as high as 0.6°C to 1.5°C per decade. X handle @allindiaweather has explained the phenomenon in a viral thread. It also discussed how the claims of India’s declining green cover are false, because data over the years has shown an increasing trend of green cover in the country.

Global warming has been traditionally linked to the growing frequency of extreme heatwaves in recent decades. Blocking over the North Atlantic is linked to the first kind of heatwave over north-central India. “The blocking over North Atlantic results in a cyclonic anomaly west of North Africa at upper levels. The stretching of vorticity generates a Rossby wave source of anomalous Rossby waves near the entrance of the African Jet. The resulting quasi-stationary Rossby wave-train along the Jet has a positive phase over Indian subcontinent, causing anomalous sinking motion and thereby heatwave conditions over India,” highlighted “Anatomy of Indian heatwaves”, a research article in Nature.

The abnormal Matsuno-Gill response to the anomalous cooling in the Pacific is responsible for the second type of heatwave across coastal eastern India. Heatwaves are prompted by the Matsuno-Gill response, which reduces the land-sea breeze by producing northwesterly anomalies over the continent.

Conclusion

India is tackling with a serious problem that is raising concerns and needs a consistent and dedicated approach. However, the responses of the opposition and its supporters are politically inclined and are devoid of any genuine recommendation or critiques. They are simply attempting to unjustly attack PM Modi and the current government to score political points instead of focusing on the underlying issues. This is the manner in which they have behaved each time the nation faced a major event, and this time is no exception.

The climate realities of the world are not going to change with changing governments.

Bengal needs a regime change: Decades of Communist rule and 3-terms of Mamata govt have taken the state on a rapid decline across all sectors

‘Somewhere between living and dreaming, there is Kolkata’

When we talk of a 4,000 year-old civilization that flourished between Ganges and Brahmaputra, that once held the keys to ‘Silk Route’ commercial hub, and that saw luminaries arise during the Renaissance of 19th and 20th Centuries, we speak of a Bengal that was once the doyen of Indian culture and trade. In 1960, 2 of the 3 richest States in India happened to be Maharashtra and West Bengal, with former’s per capita income about 5% lower. Back then, the State had a vibrant manufacturing sector too. 

Then, CPI(M) happened. 

By 1993, Bengal’s per capita had fallen almost 35% below that of Maharashtra. 2 states, similar geographies, almost similar population, and alike business opportunities; however, the divergence in growth got stark. The State’s share in manufacturing also fell from 22% to 15% (1970 – 1993), while Maharashtra’s notched up remarkably. Violent politics, vested use of State power and institutions by CPI(M) had led to the undoing. 

When TMC stormed into power in 2011 on the back of severe anti-incumbency and the more immediate Singur episode, citizens heaved a sigh of relief. Bengal CM was quick to promise that Kolkata will soon be like London.

Headline in 2011, Deccan Herald

The closest that the State came to that promise was the installation of a look-alike of the famed Big Ben clock that adorns London’s northern end of the Houses of Parliament. Progress made.

Sectoral performance

Physical infrastructure: Share of State expenditure on physical infrastructure declined from an already low of 5.27% in 2018-19 to 2.95% in 2022-23. Reasons have been the TMC government’s poor maintenance of existing infrastructure, corruption within bureaucracy, and administrative hurdles. 

Roads infrastructure had already seen leakages under 34 years rule of CPI(M). That got exacerbated with the arrival of TMC. In 2013, a section of Ultadanga flyover collapsed. 3 years later, a section of an under-construction bridge in Girish Park crumbled. On 31st March 2016, the under-construction Vivekananda flyover caved in, leading to loss of 26 lives. The collapse of Majerhat bridge followed in 2018. Bribes and cut money by ruling dispensation from contractors have been blamed for the poor state of infrastructure in the State. 

Water quality has been a serious issue for households in Bengal, in particular access to clean drinking water. In 2019, only 1.22% of households had tap water connections. The rapid decline of groundwater level in Kolkata and S-24 Pgs in particular has pressed the alarm button, with Kolkata experiencing a 2.1 m decrease (18.6%) and S-24 Pgs a 2.5 m decline (27.8%). While these are alarming figures, unchecked withdrawals of water from residential areas in Kolkata and agricultural sectors in districts have only aggravated the situation. 

The levels of pesticides and toxins in drinking water have also been found at above-permissible levels. The commoners are to bear the consequential health hazards of this.

Source: The Hindu

Poor sanitation has plagued Bengal for a long time. In the Swachh Survekshan Awards for 2023, 4,447 urban local bodies participated, and over 12 crore responses from citizens were received from across India. Howrah was declared the dirtiest city in India, and more strikingly, all 10 dirtiest cities having a population exceeding 1 lakh were voted from Bengal. 

Social Infrastructure: 

Healthcare has been a sore point for TMC government. Poor recruitment policies has led to dearth of skilled healthcare professionals, compounded further by inadequate training. This has left citizens at the mercy of a struggling healthcare in the State.

Rural Health Statistics 2021-22 mentioned that while WB has 915 Public Healthcare Centres (PHCs), only 229 out of them, which is a paltry 25%, were functioning on a 24 X 7 basis. 13,194 sub-centres had been sanctioned, but only 10,357 are in place, marking a shortfall of 22%. The story is equally grim for Community Healthcare Centres (CHCs), with 348 out of a total of 542 sanctioned being active (36% shortfall). As per guidelines, one PHC for 30,000 population is to be present, whereas in Bengal, one PHC covers around 50,000 population. That is a staggering loophole in the State’s healthcare system!   

Cases of poor people dying on roads due to poor infrastructure have repeatedly maligned the State’s once-glorious image of having robust health infrastructure. 

10th Dec 2023 proved a Black day for the State’s health infrastructure, as 14 children died in 3 days in Berhampur’s medical college hospital in Murshidabad district. With construction work going at Jangipur Subdivision Hospital, babies were shifted from SNCU (Special Newborn Care Unit) to Murshidabad Medical College, which put stress on the already shaky infrastructure at the College, leading to the terrible deaths. 

The National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) had thrown up some concerning statistics about Bengal’s healthcare too. It reported that 32.4% of children under 5 were underweight. More alarming is the fact that 72.1% of children aged 6 to 59 months were anaemic. The survey also showed that 66.7% of pregnant women aged 15 – 49 were anaemic, and 77.6% of all women aged 15 – 49 were anaemic. 

Dengue has been another ailing point for the State. For 2025, nearly 2,500 cases were recorded till July, with 1,000 cases nearabouts being recorded in just one month.

Health insurance is a key instrument for the middle, lower-middle class, and poor/vulnerable sections of society to manage rising healthcare costs. In 2019, Bengal took a decision to move away from the Centre’s Ayushman Bharat scheme, putting 60 lakh families in jeopardy. While Ayushman Bharat covered almost 1.11 Crore, or 55% of the State’s families, Swasthya Sathi had a coverage of just 50 lakh families. On such a flimsy point as having only PM’s picture on the insurance letters and not her too, Bengal CM moved away9 from Centre’s much-helpful scheme! That was a case of avoidable politics to downscore Center, all the while being oblivious to the mammoth heathcare needs of its poor citizens.   

One other practical challenge of the Swasthya Sathi scheme is the very low rates for treatments and surgeries of patients under the scheme, which has led to reluctance of a lot of private hospitals in the State to empanel themselves with this scheme. Also, reimbursement of bills raised by hospitals to the State Government usually takes around 21 days, which increases to 45 or 60 days at times. These deter private hospitals from joining the scheme. 

The horrific rape and murder of a 31-year-old trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata on 9th August, 2024, had sparked widespread outrage and protest across medical and civil fraternities all over India. While on one hand, the case brought to the fore an acute lack of safety for women, it also highlighted a rampant net of corruption in healthcare colleges and facilities in the State, which often function under the blessings of the State’s political leadership. 

Education sector

The education sector in Bengal has seen a steady decline over the last decade and a half. In 2023, about 6.99 lakh candidates appeared for Class X Madhyamik (Board) exam, marking a 36% drop from 2022. 

State gov in 2024 had directed the shutdown of 8,207 primary and secondary schools, which comprised almost 10% of government-controlled schools. Notable to point out that between 2012 and 2022, around 7,000 schools had vanished in the State. The State has also been missing on the Central funds as it is yet to join the PM Schools for Rising India (PM-SHRI) Scheme. 

School dropout rates for the State at the secondary level are at 2X the national average, which is worrisome. This gets more concerning as we figure the downward slide Y-o-Y. In 2022-23, the dropout rate was 6.6% for boys and 4% for girls. In 2024-25, those figures have shot up to 23% for boys and 17.8% for girls.

Bengal needs to analyze why the ‘Funnel Collapse’ from upper primary to higher secondary is so stark. 

(Source: UDISE + Booklets for 2024-25)

The problem is compounded by the fact that a lot of teaching posts go vacant. In 2022, it was found that 13,842 posts of teachers in Classes X and XII, and 5,527 posts in XI and XII were lying vacant. Teachers’ recruitment has been a point of contention for the State too. Recruitment in primary, upper primary, and secondary has been under question with allegations of corrupt practices and nepotism. On 22nd April, 2024, the Kolkata High Court had ordered cancellation of 25,753 teachers and non-teaching staff made through State Level Selection Test – 2016 (SLST) in Govt-sponsored and aided schools, declaring the process as “null and void”. 

The fangs of corruption have reached nutritional schemes like mid-day meals, too. 

Looking ahead

Tagore had once yearned for ‘Banglar mati, Banglar jol’ to get sanctified under the blessings of the Supreme. As Bengal gears up to send legislators to it’s 294 member Assembly yet again, it is time to revisit those words. 4th May will decide if the State’s skyline gets smeared with green ‘abir’ yet again, or it will be saffron laddoos all the way, with a dash of ‘jhal muri’ alongside!  

Congress govt in Karnataka moves to implement sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes, two years after the Supreme Court’s order

The Congress government in Karnataka has moved to implement sub-categorisation within the Scheduled Caste (SC) quota, with the state Cabinet approving the decision on Friday, 24th April. The move marks a policy shift in how reservation benefits are distributed among different SC communities in the state.

Chief Minister Siddaramaiah described the decision as a “historic” step, saying it aims to address long-standing demands from various communities. The Cabinet approved a revised internal reservation formula of 5.25%: 5.25%: 4.5% within the existing 15% quota for Scheduled Castes. The decision was taken unanimously, based on the recommendations of a technical committee led by the Chief Secretary.

How the sub-categorisation will work

Under the new arrangement, the government has divided the 101 sub-castes within the Scheduled Castes into three main groups. The formula they settled on is 5.25%: 5.25%: 4.5%. Here is how it breaks down:

  • Group A (SC Left): This group, which includes the Madiga community and allied castes, has been allocated 5.25%.
  • Group B (SC Right): The Holeya community and allied groups have also been given 5.25%.
  • Group C (Others & Nomadic): This category includes the Bhovi, Lambani, Koracha, and Korma communities, along with 59 Alemari (nomadic) castes, receiving a total of 4.5%.

This replaces the earlier 6:6:5 formula that had been proposed but ran into legal and procedural hurdles. The revised percentages have been adjusted to ensure compliance with the Supreme Court-mandated 50% cap on total reservations.

At the same time, however, the government has decided to open up competition among all 101 SC castes in the state for all categories, especially those for the higher posts of assistant professors and assistant engineers. Officials said this move will also facilitate the quick filling up of more than 56,000 vacancies in various departments of the state government.

Legal challenges and policy adjustments

Earlier attempts at sub-categorisation faced legal hurdles when the total percentage of reservations in the state went beyond 50%, with the combined reservations for SCs and STs being around 56%.

Previously, a single-person committee chaired by retired High Court Justice H.N. Nagamohan Das had proposed a wide categorisation scheme ranging from Group A to E. Even though the government had implemented the committee’s suggestions into a law, there was some confusion regarding the roster system. Moreover, litigation was filed in the court by the Alemari caste group.

The current cabinet resolution aims to resolve the above issues through sub-categorisation within the legal framework.

Supreme Court judgment opens the door

The Karnataka government’s move comes in the backdrop of a landmark judgment by the Supreme Court on 1st August, 2024. In a 6-1 majority ruling, a seven-judge bench led by the then Chief Justice of India, D.Y. Chandrachud, declared that states have the power to sub-classify Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes based on levels of backwardness.

This judgment overturned the earlier 2004 ruling in the E.V. Chinnaiah case, which had treated SCs as a single, homogeneous group that could not be divided further for reservation purposes.

The Supreme Court basically said that the “Scheduled Caste” list isn’t a single, uniform block. History shows that some groups within that list have remained much more backward than others. 

The court held that sub-classification does not violate Article 14 (right to equality) or Article 341 of the Constitution. The judges even argued that sub-classification actually helps fulfil the promise of equality under Article 14 of the Constitution. 

Justice B.R. Gavai, the only Dalit judge on the bench, also underlined that the benefits of reservation have not reached all sections equally, and that more disadvantaged groups may require targeted support.

What sub-categorisation means in practice

The Supreme Court’s ruling has given states greater flexibility to design reservation policies that address internal inequalities within SC and ST communities. The idea behind sub-categorisation is to ensure that benefits do not remain concentrated among relatively better-off groups within these categories.

In practical terms, by allowing sub-categorisation, the court is trying to ensure that the “creamy layer” (those who have already advanced significantly) doesn’t corner all the opportunities, leaving nothing for the most disadvantaged. However, the court also warned that this shouldn’t be done for political reasons. States must have empirical data, hard facts and figures, to prove that certain sub-groups are actually under-represented before they can change the quotas.

However, the issue remains sensitive, as it involves balancing competing demands within already marginalised communities. Questions around fairness, representation, and implementation continue to be debated.

A long history of legal debate over sub categorisation

The debate over sub-categorisation has a long legal history. It all started back in 1975 when the Punjab government tried to reserve half of its SC quota specifically for the Balmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs, who were seen as the most deprived. 

This move was challenged, leading to the 2004 E.V. Chinnaiah judgment, where the Supreme Court blocked such efforts, saying only the President (under Article 341) could define the SC list and states couldn’t tinker with it.

For years, this 2004 ruling acted like a “stop sign” for any state trying to implement internal quotas. 

But the pressure continued to build. In 2014, a smaller bench of the Supreme Court felt the Chinnaiah ruling might be wrong and referred the matter to a larger bench. 

This eventually led to the case of State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, in which a seven-judge bench delivered its verdict in August 2024, effectively reversing the earlier position and allowing sub-classification.

The central issue has been whether all SC communities are equally placed or whether some remain more disadvantaged than others despite existing reservation policies. The Supreme Court ruling has tilted the balance in favour of recognising these internal differences.

Congress mouthpiece ‘National Herald’ simps on Bangladesh to discredit ECI, bats for return of ballot boxes and manages to cry foul over women reservation after opposing it in Parliament: Here is what happened

The Indian National Congress and its entire ecosystem have been engaged in a concerted effort to undermine Indian democracy and Constitutional institutions since it was ousted from power in 2014, which was followed by their persistent inability to win over voters despite multiple efforts. The party and its supporters resolved to criticise the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Election Commission of India after consistently falling short of their own expectations in various elections.

They have made several claims, ranging from a compromised electoral body to the manipulation of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and registered strong objections to the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) drive, contending that their losses are orchestrated by the ruling party rather than being a natural outcome. However, they have failed to sway public sentiment in their favour. Hence, an alternative strategy has been devised to cast aspersions on the integrity of the nation’s electoral system, as their usual propaganda could not resonate with the people.

Screengrab of the article by National Herald

Bengali “Netra News” used to glorify Bangladesh’s election system

Now, comparisons are made with fractured democracies, and sermons are delivered to “learn” from them in a renewed, desperate initiative by this group. On 26th April (Sunday), the Congress mouthpiece “National Herald” published a column titled “Lessons for India from an ‘audit’ in Bangladesh” by Sourabh Sen, which directed the Modi govt to draw insights from the recently concluded national parliament polls in the neighbouring country.

The glorification was founded on an audit conducted by a Sweden-based Bengali media outlet, “Netra News,” and concluded that it could serve as an “educational moment” for the Indian Election Commission. According to the author, the organisation discovered that the elections marked by a notable ascent of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to power were “free and fair.”

Das asserted that it was determined after the Bangladesh Election Commission (BEC) official data was compared to the information acquired independently by the company on the polling day which was 12th February. The investigation reportedly found nearly no discrepancy, dismissing charges of rigged elections.

The article highlighted that the matter was brought up by Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), which challenged the election’s legitimacy because it did not achieve the desired results and accused that the defeat was the product of “extraordinary engineering.” It referenced Mia Golam Parwar, the secretary-general of the party who stressed that alterations took place “between the counting of the votes and the declaration of results” alongside other party leaders who raised similar allegations against the BNP.

Parwar was could not win from his stronghold, Khulna-5 constituency. The piece quoted him, declaring, “They sidelined a mainstream political party (JeI) through election engineering. We have raised the issue publicly through official statements and press conferences and have also lodged complaints before the tribunal about this.”  

The irony is either evidently lost on Das or he has intentionally chosen to disregard the parallels between the statements of the hardliner party and the Congress-led opposition, which also takes refuge in conspiracy theories and finds faults with the election procedure in India after each setback. The latter attacked the election commission with provocative comments to foster distrust and even insult the voters instead of addressing its own shortcomings and policies.

The subtle advocacy for the execution of ballot boxes

The article stated that News Netra dispatched hundreds of “correspondents” around Bangladesh in the months preceding the elections. “The election, in over 43,000 polling stations across 300 constituencies was held with paper ballots,” it outlined before delving into the rigorous process undertaken by the platform.

Afterwards, Das expressed, “The audit matches the party-wise number of ballots present in the boxes before the BEC’s final counting. But, as critics point out, election engineering can still occur if ballot boxes were stuffed during polling or if the numbers are deliberately manipulated by the BEC. Parwar points out that the audit cannot reveal whether voters were intimidated before they cast their votes.”

Interestingly, he again failed to mention that this measure was employed to facilitate elections in India but the shocking images of the ballot boxes being looted by members and thugs of the parties of the current I.N.D.I. Alliance continue to linger in the memories of many citizens. These scenes came to an end with the implementation of the EVMs.

However, their reintroduction would revive the perilous scenario where hooliganism and brazen exercise of authority would influence election turnout in place of the rightful adult franchise, as was visible during the panchayat elections in West Bengal, where political “workers,” specifically from the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) were charged with stealing ballot boxes.

Das then sprang onto the objective for which he had set the frivolous stage and wrote, “Is there a lesson for India here? The Election Commission of India has the experience, resources and manpower to initiate an even more robust, independent and transparent audit of elections and election results, if it wants to restore the severely eroded credibility of elections conducted under its watch.”

He predictably did not mention how the “credibility” has been diminished, aside from the usual rhetoric from the opposition, as neither the people have endorsed these groundless allegations, nor has the judiciary suggested any such inclination. On the contrary, it has reinforced the commission’s independence and decision-making capability.

Surely, Das did not imply that the authenticity of the body can be called into question because the grand old party and its allies are not succeeding in elections? However, how can it be surprising when this cabal’s dedication to constitutional institutions is contingent upon decisions that align with its interests and support?

Furthermore, the Election Commission, on many occasions, asked the opposition to prove their assertions about the EVMs through hacking and manipulation. However, they could not provide any solid or empirical proof to back the charges apart from doubling down on the demonisation and disparagement.

A temporary “arrangement” to replace 33% women’s reservation

After the assault on the election commission, the article proceeded to condemn the Bharatiya Janata Party for having the audacity to present the “previously-gazetted women’s reservation bill through Lok Sabha, knowing full well they did not have the numbers to push it through just to generate talking points before the elections in Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Kerala and Puducherry.”

It inadvertently exposed the Congress and other parties by conveying that even the critical subject of women’s representation is not beyond politics for them and the BJP can enact the bill when it achieves a majority in the Lok Sabha.

Interestingly, the Congress had been lashing out at the Modi government for making insincere promises to lure women voters, only to conveniently refuse support when the centre acted on its assurance. This is clearly more indicative of the reality of its pro-women posturing than of the saffron party’s motivations.

“Bangladesh, on the other hand, has quietly allocated the 50 seats reserved for women in the Jatiya Sangsad (House of the Nation), over and above the 300 contested seats to winning parties. These seats were allocated in proportion to the number of general seats each party won. Women nominated to these seats are full members of parliament, with the same rights and privileges as those in general seats, though they do not represent any specific geographic constituency,” Das pointed out in yet another deceptive analogy.

He added that women will be around 16% of Jatiya Sangsad with 57 out of 350 members and proposed, “A similar experiment could be carried out in India, by raising the strength of the Lok Sabha to 643 or 743 and allowing each state to nominate women for the additional seats. Similarly, the Rajya Sabha can fix the number and criteria for nominated seats for women. This arrangement for the next 15 years is well worth trying without the complications involved in reserving 33 per cent seats in parliament at its existing strength.”

The piece first tried to downplay the massive complexities, in terms of both size and population, of a massive country like India in relation to Bangladesh which has a substantially different parliamentary system. It then demonstrated how Congress and its cheerleaders can not only swiftly forsake their commitments but defend the same with nonsensical explanations, as their lofty proclamations seem to be election ploys that are never aimed to be realised.

This stands as one of the key reasons for the opposition bloc’s rapidly declining trust among the populace. However, this faction has opted to use the Election Commission as a scapegoat and vilify the BJP, instead of confronting the truth. They illustrate an example of a country where the blood of vulnerable minorities, particularly Hindus, was spilt on the streets during an absolute collapse of law and order instigated by the Islamists and a sitting prime minister was forced to escape to protect her life.

Therefore, it is not India that requires correction or guidance from others. However, the opposition does need to introspect instead of ignoring blunders and hunting for targets or unnecessary illustrations elsewhere just to conceal its continuous hypocrisy alongside incompetence.

Kejriwal launches a new drama after recusal stunt was dismissed by Delhi HC: Calling it ‘Satyagraha’ won’t change the fact that he is all about theatrics

Arvind Kejriwal shared what he described as a letter of conscience this morning on X. He said that he would not appear before Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma in the Delhi excise policy case, either in person or through counsel, citing the ‘Gandhian concept of satyagraha’. The letter, addressed directly to the judge, was both theatrical in its fake humility and bizarre in its implication. ‘Justice Sharma’s court cannot give justice to him’, this is a remarkable claim. And it’s almost entirely inaccurate.

What had Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma said

One must first comprehend what the court did in order to comprehend what Kejriwal is doing. A trial court order that had acquitted Kejriwal and his co-accused in the liquor policy case was being challenged by the CBI at the Delhi High Court. Kejriwal filed a recusal plea against Justice Sharma, accusing her of bias on three grounds, that her children were appointed as Central Government counsel, that she had attended events connected to organisations he believed to be ideologically opposed to his party, and that her impartiality had been compromised by earlier judicial observations in related matters.

The court rejected the accusations of bias, stressing that unsupported charges cannot compromise judicial independence. The plea was based on ‘conjectures and insinuations’ and did not reach the legal threshold for recusal, according to Justice Sharma, who maintained that accusations of bias must be substantiated by tangible material rather than just perception. She firmly declared, A judge cannot recuse to satisfy unfounded suspicions or manufactured allegations made by a litigant, and added, I will not recuse. I’ll listen to the case. 

The court went one step further, issuing what might be the episode’s harshest criticism that ‘the courtroom cannot become a theatre of perception,’ and warning that even influential politicians cannot level accusations against judges in the absence of proof. Kejriwal’s reaction to this rational, legally sound decision? To post on Twitter that his hopes for justice had been shattered and that he would not take part in the court proceedings that would ultimately decide his fate.

What the law says about the stunts Kejriwal is trying to pull

Kejriwal’s Gandhian analogy completely breaks out at this point. The objective of Mahatma Gandhi’s Satyagraha was to overthrow a colonising power that lacked democratic legitimacy and against an unfair colonial law. What Kejriwal is opposing is the jurisdiction of an independent Indian constitutional court, which he willingly invoked when filing the recusal plea in the first place. A court cannot be declared illegitimate after you have petitioned it and lost. That is forum shopping wrapped in a khadi shawl, not civil disobedience.

Wilfully refusing to appear in court has established and severe legal repercussions. Contempt of court is defined by Indian law as either disobeying a court order (civil contempt) or saying or doing anything that scandalises, prejudices, or interferes with legal proceedings and the administration of justice (criminal contempt). Before the merits of a case are even heard, writing a public letter to a sitting judge that is shared on social media and accuses her of being incapable of delivering justice falls dangerously close to the second category.

The Supreme Court has said unequivocally that scandalising the court refers to attacks on individual judges by making unjustified and defamatory remarks about their abilities or character. It would be criminal contempt to write or draft statements that make defamatory accusations against a judge. This is exactly what Kejriwal’s letter, which was released publicly and written to garner the maximum amount of political sympathy, does.

What happens when an accused wilfully refuses to appear?

Kejriwal’s chosen stance is likely to fall apart on its own terms once the law becomes both fair and firm. The Supreme Court established the guiding principle for criminal appeals and revisions in cases where the accused or his counsel is not present in K.S. Panduranga v. State of Karnataka. The court is free to proceed and make a decision on the merits of the case, but it must make sure that natural justice is upheld, usually by designating an amicus curiae to support the court in the accused’s absence. When the accused’s freedom is in jeopardy, the court cannot simply dismiss the case for lack of prosecution or leave him completely unrepresented. 

It was never intended to act as a shield for an accused who has been duly served, is free, has the means to retain the best legal expertise in the country, and declares on social media that he has intentionally chosen not to appear. Kejriwal has already been served. He isn’t in jail. He is not without advice. Natural justice principles are not being violated against him; rather, he is attempting to use them as a political weapon. Applying Panduranga, the court will be well within its rights to proceed, appoint an amicus, and consider the case on its merits. 

Kejriwal’s absurd drama: A pattern, not a principle

Kejriwal’s in-person appearance before the bench, where he personally argued the recusal plea, was sharply referred to by the Indian Solicitor General as theatrics. That evaluation holds weight when compared to Kejriwal’s well-documented history of turning legal issues into political theatre. After just 49 days in office, he resigned as Delhi’s chief minister in 2014, portraying his surrender to political pressure as a moral stance. Then, in 2020, he came back to power after discreetly giving up on the very matter for which he had resigned. Kejriwal was arrested in 2024 after failing to show up for interrogation by the Enforcement Directorate despite receiving nine summons.

Each of these was characterised at the time as Kejriwal standing up to a compromised system. Despite being slower, quieter, and far more patient each time, the system continued. The pattern is consistent, the formalities of law itself are targeted when it fails to produce the desired result. When the courts decided against him on recusal, they became suspect. When the ED summoned him several times, it became a tool of political retribution. The grievance is usually legitimate in its framing, but the evidence is always noticeably lacking.

What lies ahead

Justice Sharma’s court is open to the choice of hearing the CBI’s appeal against the discharge judgement, which would address the actual merits of the liquor policy case. The court will hear the case with the prosecution’s arguments on record and render a decision if Kejriwal fails to show up and refrains from sending a legal counsel. When that verdict is issued, it will most likely be challenged in the Supreme Court, at the course of which Kejriwal will reemerge in the judicial system he claims to have abandoned.

When that happens, there will almost certainly be another letter, a press conference, an invocation to Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, or the Constitution. The language will differ. The drama won’t change.

The Delhi High Court dismissed the recusal plea, stating that ‘justice cannot be managed through perception.’ It’s a sentence that rings especially true given what happened this morning. Kejriwal’s letter is a master class in perception management, it is sympathetic in tone, vague in content, and only intended to win in the court of public opinion as the case moves forward.

The judiciary has witnessed this before. The Supreme Court was faced with the exact argument that a person should be shielded from the repercussions of scandalising judicial authority by principled dissent in the contempt case against Prashant Bhushan. Advertised willingness to be a martyr does not equate to righteousness.

Conclusion

Arvind Kejriwal is aware that a letter to a judge posted on Twitter receives significantly more column inches than a court judgement in the current Indian media landscape. He is aware that the phrase ‘recusal plea dismissed’ lacks the emotional impact that ‘Satyagraha’ conveys. He is not presenting a legal argument. He is performing a political stunt to entertain his supporters. The law will wait, just as it always has. There will be another hearing. The sequence shall be followed. And whatever it’ll be, it would have been decided without Arvind Kejriwal’s perspective because he chose social media over the courtroom.

What is The Timothy Initiative, a Christian MLM scheme: How a foreign entity under ED scanner spent an average of Rs 1 crore a month to convert Hindus, especially in Naxal affected areas of Chhattisgarh

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On 18th and 19th April, the Enforcement Directorate conducted raids at several locations linked to an organisation named The Timothy Initiative, TTI. In a press release, the ED said that it is investigating how TTI channelled over Rs 95 crore into India using foreign bank issued debit cards while completely skipping FCRA regulations.

Notably, TTI is not registered under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, FCRA, which means any programme run by the organisation in India cannot be funded by foreign donations. However, the ED stated that crores of funds were withdrawn using foreign bank debit cards between November 2025 and April 2026.

The ED has stated that TTI followed a specific method. Foreign bank debit cards linked to Truist Bank in the United States were brought into India and used for repeated cash withdrawals from ATMs across multiple states. The money was then used for meeting expenses connected to the conversion activities of TTI’s India chapter.

The searches were conducted at six locations in multiple states in connection with the suspected withdrawal and utilisation of funds. The agency said 25 foreign bank debit cards, Rs 40 lakh in cash, various incriminating digital evidence, devices and documents were seized during the searches.

Furthermore, 24 foreign debit cards were found in the possession of one Micah Mark, who was intercepted by the Bureau of Immigration at Bengaluru International Airport against a Look Out Circular issued by the ED while he was bringing the cards into India. The ED stated that the investigation revealed that there had been unusual and suspicious cash withdrawals using these cards in Left Wing Extremism, Naxal affected regions, including Dhamtari and Bastar in Chhattisgarh. According to the ED, around Rs 6.5 crore had been withdrawn in these areas in the past few years.

The ED further stated that these cards were being used to withdraw large amounts of cash in a planned manner, which indicated the possibility of organised networks. The agency further said that the emergence of a parallel cash based economy in Naxalite affected areas poses a serious threat to the security and financial integrity of India, as it can facilitate the movement of illicit funds for unlawful activities.

Furthermore, TTI was using a billing and accounting online platform for maintaining records of such cash withdrawals from ATMs and their utilisation. The platform, according to the ED, was purportedly controlled by foreign entities, which indicates that the withdrawals were not random or isolated.

What is The Timothy Initiative

According to The Timothy Initiative’s website, which is geo blocked in India, it is a global Christian movement that makes and multiplies disciples, churches and leaders. Its own material accessed by OpIndia states that it is committed to getting a church in every village, everywhere. Its published material, history page and promotional content show that church planting is its central measurable objective.

Originally called “Project India” as it was started to target India, the organisation adopted the name “The Timothy Initiative” in 2009.

Source: TTI

According to its “Kingdom Impact” material, it has planted over 2,68,750 churches since 2007 across 50 countries, including India. It claims that 23,92,427 people have been converted to Christianity, including 2,01,954 widows and orphans, making it a serious issue.

Source: TTI

TTI claims that the disciple count is an estimated number based on historical averages of new believers per church planted. It means the number of disciples could be much higher compared to what it claims on the website.

The ministry model of TTI is based on the Biblical verse 2 Timothy 2:2, hence the name. The verse refers to entrusting teachings to reliable people who will also be qualified to teach others. In simple terms, this is a replication model. One person trains another set of people, those people train others, and the network continues to grow through successive layers of trainees, leaders, pastors, church planters and disciples. It can also be seen as a Multi Level Marketing, MLM, project, and the only difference is that people do not buy products but convert to Christianity.

Source: TTI

Just like MLM, one person trains another set of people, those people train others, and the network continues to grow through successive layers of trainees, leaders, pastors, church planters and disciples.

In one of its promotional explanation videos, TTI stated that everything it does, directly or indirectly, goes towards planting churches around the world. This is an important statement as it means even expenses that may look administrative, logistical or welfare oriented are ultimately tied by TTI itself to the objective of church planting and converting people to Christianity. Notably, majority of the visuals in one of its main videos are from India.

Screenshot of India-centric visuals in one of TTI’s videos. Source: TTI

According to TTI, it has five levels of leadership, each with its own funding needs. In the information shared on its website and in the video, it mentions Titus, Timothy, Pauls, master trainers and movement leaders. It is very similar to MLMs, where there are Gold, Silver, Diamond and Platinum members based on the number of members under them.

Titus level workers are trained through two books. Timothy level workers are trained through 12 books, with thousands of pages of material that need translation. Pauls receive a master trainers manual, eight quarterly trainings and travel stipends.

The organisation further says master trainers and movement leaders receive funds for food, travel and accommodation while leading trainings. It also says they receive a small monthly stipend to help with the cost of living. This is important because the model is not simply voluntary preaching by individuals. The organisation’s own material says funds are used to support certain categories of leaders and trainers who are part of the church planting chain.

The same promotional material says donor funds also pay for vision castings to mobilise more labourers. In simpler terms, these are events or meetings used to inspire and recruit more people into the mission. It also says TTI field representatives visit the field to verify that churches and fellowships actually exist. This shows that TTI has not only a training model, but also a reporting and verification system.

The organisation says funds are also used for expansion into new countries. It mentions buying flights, funding offices and translating material into new languages. Beyond this, the promotional material lists a wide range of expenses, including village mapping software, launches, reporting, leadership development, mentoring, continental offices, printers, new training material, Jesus films, benevolence, videos, audio Bibles, book printing, metrics, staff salaries, leadership filtering, regional leadership meetings, local fundraisers, partnerships, graphic design, editing books, ministry statistics, church planter graduations, ministry pictures, national offices, computers and coalition meetings.

In simple language, TTI’s model appears to work like a large religious expansion machine. Donor money funds training material, translations, travel, meetings, stipends, office infrastructure, digital systems, local leaders, verification and reporting. These resources are then used to train people who are expected to create more disciples and plant more churches.

TTI’s own history also supports this reading. In 2010, the organisation says it developed its 10 book core training material with the expectation that each disciple would plant one church by the end of training. In 2013, it implemented a multiplication model called Disciples Making Disciples, DMD. By 2020, it was talking about mapping 700,000 villages. By 2021, it was speaking of mapping 5 million villages through the Coalition of the Willing.

TTI may not be a commercial MLM, but its church planting system follows a multi level replication model. It creates layers of leadership, trains people through standardised material, funds movement leaders and trainers, tracks expansion, verifies field output and measures success through the multiplication of churches and disciples.

Foreign churches, India focus and Hindu majority regions

The material shared by TTI linked partners shows that the India connection is not limited to the ED investigation in Chhattisgarh. Social media posts indicate TTI associated activity in other Indian regions, including Rajasthan and northern India.

One post said The Timothy Initiative was active in Rajasthan through a mission focused on equipping pastors and leaders. It described the work as involving intentional training, discipleship and support. It also said the initiative was made possible through a partnership involving Faculdade Batista Pioneira and the Baptist Churches of New England Multiplication Center. This shows that foreign or international church networks were linked to training activity in Rajasthan.

Source: instagram

Another post by Kensington Church described TTI as a worldwide movement that makes and multiplies disciples, churches and leaders. It stated that the church’s partnership with TTI had allowed the start of over 3,000 house churches in northern India, a region it described as predominantly Hindu. The same post said a group of eight churches, including Kensington, had committed to raising $1 million to bring the message of Jesus to that region.

Source: Instagram

The ED press release mentions alleged withdrawals in Left Wing Extremism affected regions such as Dhamtari and Bastar in Chhattisgarh. But TTI linked partner material points to a broader India focused church planting network, including Rajasthan and northern India. It also specifically refers to work in a predominantly Hindu region.

According to a Bhaskar report, Chhattisgarh adds further context to the ED findings. The report claimed that in tribal villages across Jashpur, Ambikapur, Raigarh, Bastar and Surguja, Hindus have become a minority while Christians are now the majority. It said villages without a single temple but with three or four churches have become common, and traditional cremation has been replaced by burials with crosses on graves in several places.

The report also suggested that poor, sick and socially neglected families were being targeted by two or three salaried pastors active in several villages. It further said 146 NGOs are FCRA registered in Chhattisgarh, including 50 missionary organisations, out of which 30 work in Jashpur, Ambikapur, Raigarh and Bastar, the same districts where conversions are said to be highest. These NGOs are also registered with Chhattisgarh Firm and Society, but the society does not audit them and the NGOs submit their own audit reports. The report said the state government has no concrete information on their foreign funding.

TTI’s timeline shows how church planting became a measurable expansion project

According to TTI’s history section, the movement began in 2007 after founder David Nelms visited Asia. The organisation says he saw countless temples and mosques and asked, “Where are the churches?” The reply, according to TTI’s own account, was, “There are none.” TTI presents this moment as the “spiritual beginning of the movement” to target Hindus in India.

Source: TTI

In 2008, TTI says David Nelms and local leaders Joshua Vijayakumar and Harsha Kumar started a church planting training programme. The organisation also says that this was the launch of TTI’s first 3,075 church planters. This is a significant number for the initial stage of a religious movement. It shows that the organisation’s early model was not merely personal evangelism or small scale fellowship work, but structured training of church planters.

In 2010, TTI says its 10 book core training material was developed. The stated expectation was that each disciple would plant one church by the end of their training. This is perhaps one of the clearest admissions of the model. The disciple is not just expected to learn. The disciple is expected to produce a church. In other words, training and church creation are directly linked.

In 2013, TTI says it implemented a new multiplication model for training called Disciples Making Disciples, or DMD. It also says TTI became active in 30 countries. The phrase itself explains the model. A disciple is trained not merely to remain a disciple, but to create more disciples. This is where the structure begins to look like a replication chain. Each trained person becomes a possible node for further expansion.

Source: TTI

In 2014, TTI claimed that it had crossed 25,000 churches planted. In just a few years, the organisation was already presenting church planting numbers as an achievement marker. This also shows that TTI measured its work not only through welfare or community service but through the number of churches planted.

In 2016, TTI says it began focusing on helping reach Unreached People Groups, or UPGs. These are communities where Christian presence is limited or absent. This again underlines the target based nature of the movement. The goal is not simply to serve wherever help is needed, but to reach communities identified as unreached from a Christian missionary perspective.

In 2020, TTI launched ACHIEVE, described as “A Church in Every Village, Everywhere”. The organisation says two Asian countries began surveying and mapping 700,000 villages so each could have a church. It also claimed that a new church was being planted through TTI every 40 minutes. This is a very important stage in the timeline because it shows the use of mapping, surveying and village level targeting for church planting.

Source: TTI

In 2021, TTI moved into what it calls Pursuit. It says that in pursuit of ACHIEVE, TTI knew the goal could happen only in partnership. This is when COTW, the Coalition of the Willing, was born. TTI says ministries worked together to map 5 million villages. The organisation claimed at this stage that a new church was being planted through TTI every 20 minutes.

In its “today” section, TTI describes the phase as acceleration. It claims that it has surpassed 260,000 churches planted, has 2.3 million new disciples and is expanding towards 50 countries. It also claims that a new church is planted through TTI every 11 minutes.

Current leadership and the role of Dr Jared Nelms

TTI’s website names Dr Jared Nelms as its President and CEO. His profile says he is passionate about serving, equipping and partnering with indigenous leaders across the globe with the overarching aim of getting the Gospel to every people and place.

Source: TTI

Conclusion

While the ED’s investigation has put focus on TTI’s activities in Naxal hit areas of Chhattisgarh, the larger play of the organisation is not limited to one state but the whole of North India. The MLM style working and “passionate” members who are running pillar to post to install churches and convert Hindus to Christianity are serious concerns that need deeper investigation.