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Madhya Pradesh: Khandwa Police arrest Anwar Qureshi for manufacturing fake ghee made using animal fat, bones and skin, read exclusive details of the FIR

Anurag
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Madhya Pradesh: Khandwa Police arrest Anwar Qureshi for manufacturing fake ghee made using animal fat, bones and skin, read exclusive details of the FIR

On 24th April, Khandwa Police in Madhya Pradesh arrested a man identified as Anwar Qureshi for manufacturing and selling fake ghee. Qureshi was making the ghee like substance using animal fat, bones and skin. The manufacturing unit was operating from a narrow lane near Begum Park in the Imalipura area. The authorities raided the place after receiving repeated complaints that animals were being cut at the premises and their fat, bones and skin were being processed for use in food like products.

Authorities at Qureshi’s house (Image: Jagran)

The district administration, municipal corporation, veterinary department and police formed a joint team and raided the place. The authorities suspect that Qureshi was selling fake ghee in the local market, including food joints and restaurants.

During the raid, officials recovered sacks filled with animal skin and bones. They also found drums and containers filled with fat based material. Authorities recovered a large quantity of raw material, finished liquid, and a ghee like substance from the spot.

9 drums and 79 containers seized

Speaking to the media, City Magistrate Bajrang Bahadur said that the team recovered 79 containers from the premises and each container had around 30 kg of suspicious material. Furthermore, the authorities also recovered nine large drums of 200 kg capacity, which were filled with animal fat.

Authorities at Qureshi’s house (Image: Jagran)

The veterinary department collected samples, which were sent for laboratory examination. Officials stated that the material found in the drums appeared to be animal fat at first sight. However, the exact nature and intended use of the seized material would be confirmed after the lab report.

What the FIR says

OpIndia accessed the FIR in the matter. It has been registered on the complaint of the zone in charge of the Municipal Corporation of Khandwa at Moghat Road police station, Khandwa, Madhya Pradesh, under Section 7 of the Madhya Pradesh Agricultural Cattle Preservation Act and Section 292 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) against Anwar Sheikh Bismillah Qureshi.

Source: Khandwa Police, Madhya Pradesh

SHO Dharwal stated that he received a letter from the Municipal Corporation, Khandwa, signed by Zakir Ahmed and Bhuvan Shrimali, in charge zone officers, to register an FIR in the matter.

According to the complaint, a joint inspection was carried out in the area opposite Begum Park, Pardeshipura, Khandwa, by the City Magistrate, City CP, Tehsildar, Deputy Commissioner of the Municipal Corporation, SHO of Moghat Road PS and other subordinate staff. The premises belonged to Sheikh Anwar Sheikh Bismillah Qureshi, where he was melting animal fat inside his own house.

Source: Khandwa Police, Madhya Pradesh

The so called licence of the Municipal Corporation Khandwa produced on the spot by Anwar was found to belong to another person and its validity had expired in 2023. Despite this, Anwar was found to be storing and trading animal remains, including fat, skin, horns, and other material, in an unauthorised and illegal manner.

During the raid, the authorities recovered 69 tins of fat with a capacity of 15 kg each, nine drums of 200 litres capacity containing an unknown chemical, 600 pieces of leather, 35 sacks of horns of buffalo or similar animals, and six sacks of pipes or tubular parts of buffalo and similar animals.

Locals question how the unit was running without action for so long

In a statement, Khandwa CSP Abhiram Warange said that Qureshi, the owner of the premises, was detained for questioning. Police were trying to find out since when he was running the business and who else was involved in the network.

According to media reports, locals had complained several times about suspicious activities at the premises. However, no action was taken till the recent raid. According to complaints, animals were being brought to the location, cut there, and their fat, bones and skin were being cooked and processed. Following the raid, the residents questioned how such activities were allowed to run for such a long time without being stopped.

MLA Kanchan Tanve reacted to the incident

Following the raid, Khandwa MLA Kanchan Tanve reached the spot and described the incident as extremely serious. She demanded strict action from the district administration and called for tough steps against those found guilty.

As Bihar DGP bars cops from wearing religious symbols like tilak and mangalsutra with uniform, here are past incidents wherein Hindus were targeted in govt departments over visible Dharmic markers

Shraddha Pandey
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As Bihar DGP bars cops from wearing religious symbols like tilak and mangalsutra with uniform, here are past incidents wherein Hindus were targeted in govt departments over visible Dharmic markers

In an alarming assertion of ‘uniformity’ reeking of selective secularism, Bihar DGP Vinay Kumar has directed police personnel to erase visible markers of their Hindu faith while in uniform. On 26th April, Bihar’s Director General of Police issued a directive barring officers from wearing or displaying Hindu religious symbols like Tilak, Chandan, Mangalsutra when they don the Khaki.

Media reports say that this move is a part of the police’s efforts to improve ‘discipline’ within the police force. As per the directive, police personnel are not allowed to display religious symbols such as a chandan tilak while on duty. Similarly, female constables are barred frm from wearing visible jewellery or make-up while in uniform. According to the order, women personnel must refrain from wearing churis, kangans, mangalsutras, nose rings, or jhumkas that are visible over their uniforms. 

The Bihar DGP’s directive has stirred outrage, with people questioning the rationale behind linking Hindu religious symbols with discipline and forcing officials to suppress their religiosity, while no such explicit bars are imposed on police personnel belonging to other religions. Many local Hindu rights groups have registered a protest and called the move unnecessary, unfair and discriminatory.

This, however, is not the first case of blatant overreach imposing restrictions on Hindu religious symbols in police and government offices. Over the years, many such incidents have been reported.

While restricting excessive jewellery and heavy makeup is understandable,

Bihar Agriculture Department was suspended for refusing to remove Tilak in 2007

Back in September 2007, a senior Bihar Agriculture Department official, Lakshman Mishra, faced suspension proceedings for refusing to remove his Tilak. The Hindu Brahmin official had worn the Tilak to work for around three decades. However, a new dress code was cited as justification behind enforcing a ban on Tilak at the workplace. Mishra was reported to have been threatened by department secretary CK Anil with suspension for not complying with the anti-Hindu diktat.

Several Agriculture Department Tilak-wearing employees had staged a protest outside the IAS officer’s office and condemned the ban as a blatant assault on the Hindu religious beliefs.

Bihar DGP Anand Shankar faced protests from police association in 2009 for wearing Tilak to office

In 2009, then Bihar DGP Anand Shankar had faced protests by the Bihar Police Men’s Association, an organisation of constables, for wearing a Tilak on his forehead while on duty in uniform. The Association had accused him of violating the rules of the police manual. The protesting constables targeted DGP Kumar, a devotee of Lord Krishna for his Tilak and religiosity, after he directed all association office-bearers, who otherwise mostly wore Kurta-pyjama, to wear police uniform and report on duty like regular policemen. While DGP Kumar reprimanded the constables for violating the discipline by shirking their duty and not wearing proper uniform, the Association played the same card against him but by targeting his practice of wearing a conspicuous Tilak.

Bihar ADG issued circular banning police personnel from wearing Bindi, Mangalsutra, Tilak in 2025

In July 2025, Additional Director General (Law and Order) Pankaj Darad had issued a circular imposing restrictions on wearing churis, kangans, Mangalsutras, nose rings, or jhumkas that are visible over their uniforms. The order cited discipline, simplicity, and dignity in the police force’s appearance as the reason behind banning the use of Hindu religious symbols for police personnel. It further stated that violation of these guidelines would attract disciplinary action.

Does Tilak or Mangalsutra impair duty? Banning Hindu religious symbols at government and private workspaces is not grooming or discipline, but Hinduphobia

The Bihar Police DGP’s reported diktat banning Hindu religious symbols for police personnel, while imposing no such restrictions on Hijab or religious symbols of other faiths, is appalling. In addition to the above-discussed instances of government departments targeting Hindu religiosity in the guise of ‘grooming’ and maintaining ‘professional image’, there have been cases wherein Hindu candidates have been forced to remove their Kalava and Janeu before appearing for government recruitment exams, while Muslim Hijabs, Muslim beards (without moustache) and Sikh Turbans, etc, are left untouched.

In fact, in 2024, the Madras High Court allowed Muslim police officials to keep beards in Islamic style, citing religious freedom. If Muslim cops can be allowed to sport beards according to their religious beliefs, why can’t Hindu officials wear a Tilak or other religious symbols?

This pattern of small and non-obstructive Hindu markers like Tilak, Mangalsutra, Kalava, etc, while the religious markers of other faiths are conveniently accommodated, is not confined to government institutions; it is rampant in the private sector as well.

Are Hindu sentiments and religiosity not as significant and constitutionally protected as those of other religions?

Recently, a major eyewear company, Lenskart, courted controversy after its employee grooming policy document, which restricted staff from wearing Hindu religious symbols, went viral online. The document stated that Lenskart employees are prohibited from wearing sacred threads (kalava) and bindis (bindis), while they may wear hijabs and Sikh turbans. The document also stated that if someone applies vermilion, they should apply it sparingly and should not spread it across the forehead.

Air India has also recently faced a backlash over a similar alleged grooming policy bias against Hindus.

Government office or private company, Hindu employees do not cease to be human beings while on duty, so they are expected to forget their faith and conceal their religious identity to appear proper professionals. Hindus have the right to express their religiosity, and no Tilak, no Mangalsutra, no Sindoor, or Kalava obstructs the discharge of duty. Hindu religious symbols are not optional adornments that can be scrubbed away or banned for ‘discipline’. If turban or Kada-wearing Sikh employees do not become unprofessional or undisciplined merely by wearing their religious symbol, how does this logic not apply to Hindus?

The Bihar DGP’s directive targeting Hindu symbols demonstrates that the corporate over-caution and bias have gradually metastasised into state policy for ‘secularism’, ‘professionalism’, ‘neutrality’ and whatnot. Secularism, however, does not mean erasure of Hindu religiosity. A Tilak or Sindoor or Mangalsutra or Kalava does not impair duty, and yet, time and again, Hindus have been made to feel that their religious expressions are inherently less legitimate.

As Raghav Chadha and 6 other AAP Rajya MPs defect and merge with BJP, here’s what the Anti-Defection Law is and how AAP’s attempt to have them disqualified is futile

Shraddha Pandey
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As Raghav Chadha and 6 other AAP Rajya MPs defect and merge with BJP, here’s what the Anti-Defection Law is and how AAP’s attempt to have them disqualified is futile

The resignation of Rajya Sabha MPs Raghav Chadha, Ashok Mittal, Sandeep Pathak, Harbhajan Singh, Rajinder Gupta, Vikram Sahney, and Swati Maliwal, from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and merger with the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has not only stirred a political storm but also triggered a constitutional debate. This debate centres on the Anti-Defection Law and its applicability in the present case of seven MPs defecting from AAP and merging into the BJP.

AAP Rajya Sabha MPs invoke provision of the Anti-Defection Law

An internal power tussle was ongoing among the top echelon of the Aam Aadmi Party for months. From early speculations that former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal was growing insecure about Raghav Chadha’s supposedly surging popularity to AAP formally removing him as its Rajya Sabha deputy leader, the infighting came out in public.

Before this, Swati Maliwal already had a public spat with Kejriwal, and people actually wondered why she was still in the party. She had alleged that she was assaulted by the CM’s aides in his official residence in May 2024.

Days after, AAP began “silencing” him amidst his growing clout, Rajya Sabha MP Raghav Chadha announced his resignation from the party and merger with the BJP on 24th April. Whether the meteoric rise in Chadha’s online popularity is fully organic or not could be a discussion; his departure would have been a big blow for AAP. However, Chadha decided to inflict an irreversible shock and took away six more MPs, including Swati Maliwal, who has been at loggerheads with Kejriwal over alleged harassment by his aide Bibhav Kumar in May 2024.

The seven MPs, constituting more than two-thirds of AAP’s 10-member Rajya Sabha contingent, submitted signed letters and documents to the Rajya Sabha Chairman this morning, formally triggering the merger under the anti-defection law’s exception for two-thirds splits.

During a press conference, Chadha said, “We have decided that we, the ⅔rd members belonging to the AAP in Rajya Sabha, exercise the provisions of the Constitution of India and merge ourselves with the BJP.”

Speaking about the legality of the merger with the BJP, Chadha said, “As per the Constitution, two-thirds of the total MPs of a party can merge with another party. We have submitted a letter to Rajya Sabha Chairman C P Radhakrishnan in this regard today… submitting all the documents required.” 

The AAP leadership, however, not only accused Chadha and other defectors of ‘betraying’ the party but also announced plans to challenge what they described as an “unconstitutional defection”.

AAP Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Singh said the party would petition the Rajya Sabha chairman seeking the disqualification of the defected MPs under the anti-defection law. Singh contended that this was not a case of a genuine party merger but of individual defections that should be penalised.

“Anti-defection law clearly states that no form of split is permissible in the Assembly, Rajya Sabha, or Lok Sabha… It does not carry any legal recognition, even if it’s a two-thirds majority… Therefore, the defection of these seven Rajya Sabha MPs from the AAP is entirely illegal, incorrect, unconstitutional, and against parliamentary rules. Even if the number rises from seven to eight members, it would still have no legal validity under the Tenth Schedule. It has no legal recognition, and this has also been clearly established in the Shiv Sena case,” Sanjay Singh said.

The AAP leader, however, conveniently forgot that in the Shiv Sena Eknath Shinde faction versus Uddhav Thackeray faction case, the Shinde faction never claimed a formal “merger” with the BJP or any other party. Instead, they claimed to be the “real” Shiv Sena and not defectors at all. Although the Supreme Court deemed the actions of the Shinde faction as ‘defection’, the decision was left with Maharashtra Assembly Speaker Rahul Narwekar, who decided in favour of the Shinde faction since they had the majority number.

While a disgruntled Aam Aadmi Party is desperate to have the membership of the seven MPs terminated, citing the anti-defection law, the same legislation has provisions that ensure that Chadha and six others will most likely remain unaffected.

Anti-Defection Law

Brought in the Tenth Schedule of the 52nd Amendment to the Constitution of India during the Rajiv Gandhi Government in 1985, the Anti-Defection Law is aimed at stopping what is colloquially described as the “Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram” style defections that previously toppled governments. This law was further tightened by the 91st Amendment in 2003, which removed the earlier one-third split exception.

Back in 1967, when Lok Sabha elections were held, out of 3,500 MPs that were elected to legislative assemblies of various states and union territories, around 550 later defected from their original parties. To tackle this political opportunism-based defection, a committee was formed under Congress leader Yaswantrao Chavan. However, a proper legislation to address this issue could be brought only after Rajiv Gandhi-led secured a majority in the 1984 elections and introduced the Anti-Defection Bill in 1985.

When it comes to elected representatives, the Anti-Defection Law recognises two types of defections. First, wherein members voluntarily relinquish membership of their party and the other in which an independently elected member joins a political party.

As per Paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule, a Member of Parliament or state legislature is disqualified if she or he voluntarily gives up membership of the party on whose ticket she or he was elected, or votes or abstains from voting in the House contrary to any direction or whip issued by the party, unless the party condones it within 15 days.

“(a) if he has voluntarily given up his membership of such political party; or (b) if he votes or abstains from voting in such House contrary to any direction issued by the political party to which he belongs or by any person or authority authorised by it in this behalf, without obtaining, in either case, the prior permission of such political party, person or authority and such voting or abstention has not been condoned by such political party, person or authority within fifteen days from the date of such voting or abstention,” the law states.

Apparently, the Aam Aadmi Party is placing its hopes on having the defected MPs disqualified, in the provision “An elected member of a House who has been elected as such otherwise than as a candidate set up by any political party shall be disqualified for being a member of the House if he joins any political party after such election.”

Clearly, Raghav Chadha had the legal aspects of defection and merger analysed beforehand. Out of 10 AAP MPs, one resigning would have made no big difference; however, with 7 defecting and merging with the BJP, they secured both their Rajya Sabha membership and political interests.

The question arises as to how their Rajya Sabha memberships could remain unaffected when the Anti-Defection Law says that an elected MP will be disqualified if he or she was elected on a ticket of one party but defected to another after winning the election?

The answer to this lies in the Anti-Defection Law’s provision that disqualification on the grounds of defection does not apply in the case of merger.

Paragraph 4 of the law states, “A member of a House shall not be disqualified under subparagraph (1) of paragraph 2 where his original political party merges with another political party and he claims that he and any other members of his original political party

  • have become members of such other political party or, as the case may be, of a new political party formed by such merger; or
  • have not accepted the merger and opted to function as a separate group, and from the time of such merger, such other political party or new political party or group, as the case may be, shall be deemed to be the political party to which he belongs for the purposes of sub-paragraph (1) of paragraph 2 and to be his original political party for the purposes of this sub-paragraph.

(2) For the purposes of sub-paragraph (1) of this paragraph, the merger of the original political party of a member of a House shall be deemed to have taken place if, and only if, not less than two-thirds of the members of the legislature party concerned have agreed to such merger.”

The entire game relies on the word “deemed” as the law does not require the national party leadership or party president to formally announce a merger. Basically, if two-thirds or more of the MPs or MLAs of a party in a specific House agree, the merger is automatically considered to have happened.

In the present case, the concerned party is AAP’s Rajya Sabha group. With 10 MPs, two-thirds means at least 7. In a well-calculated move, the seven MPs who left AAP satisfy this legal threshold exactly. Therefore, the law deems that AAP’s Rajya Sabha legislature party has merged with the BJP. If the number of rebel MPs was less than the two-thirds threshold, then they would have been disqualified under the Anti-Defection Law.

Paragraph 4 (2) essentially kills AAP’s argument that a ‘real’ merger must involve the national party structure and not just one House’s lawmakers. This constitutional provision rejects the interpretation of the Anti-Defection Law, AAP leadership is putting forth.

While the final decision regarding any disqualification petition AAP moves, remains with the Rajya Sabha Chairman, the statutory text and legal reading of the law go easily in favour of the seven MPs.

Interestingly, the Tenth Schedule also bars the jurisdiction of the court regarding the disqualification of a member of the House in this context. The law states, “Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, no court shall have any jurisdiction in respect of any matter
connected with the disqualification of a member of a House under this Schedule.”

In short, the seven MPs who joined the BJP are protected, and no sword of disqualification hangs over their head. In accordance with the provisions of the Anti-Defection Law, Raghav Chadha, Ashok Mittal, Sandeep Pathak, Harbhajan Singh, Rajinder Gupta, Vikram Sahney, and Swati Maliwal shall legally retain their seats.

Past cases of defections based on the merger provision

While the 1985 Anti-Defection Law was brought with the intention of curbing defections, the practice has continued over the years. It is obvious that the anti-BJP parties and ideological ecosystem is framing the defection and merger of seven AAP MPs into the BJP as some exploitation of constitutional provisions as loopholes, political leaders across parties with varying ideologies have indulged in this practice.

Back in 2019, when state assembly elections were held in Goa, ten Congress MLAs, who constituted more than two-thirds of the INC’s legislature group in the 40-member assembly, voluntarily gave up their membership and merged with the BJP. Just as it happened in Raghav Chadha and others’ case, these Congress MLAs had also invoked Paragraph 4 of the Tenth Schedule. Their merger with the BJP was deemed valid by the Goa assembly Speaker and later upheld by the Bombay High Court’s Goa Bench. In fact, from 1970, 2019 to 2022, Goa has a history of defections This essentially confirmed that the consent of two-thirds of a legislature party alone suffices for protection from disqualification even without a formal full-fledged national-level party merger.

In 2018, six Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) MLAs representing the entire BSP legislature group in Rajasthan’s state assembly announced their merger with the Congress party after elections. The BSP MLAs had cited the two-thirds merger exception in the Tenth Schedule, and their move was accepted without attracting any penalties.

In June 2019, 12 of the 18 Congress MLAs resigned and joined the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) after elections, invoking Paragraph 4 of the Tenth Schedule. The Telangana Assembly speaker has also endorsed their merger with Congress since the defectors constituted two-thirds of the legislature party.

Conclusion

The history of defection and merger cases shows exactly why the defected AAP MPs collectively and publicly emphasised the “two-thirds” figure because they knew that their move fell squarely within the merger exception of the Tenth Schedule and would not invite disqualification. The ‘damage’ AAP and the anti-BJP cabal can inflict is online criticism, run an ‘unfollow Raghav Chadha’ campaign on Instagram and performative political manoeuvres.

Exclusive: Delhi HC documents reveal how Salim Khan alias ‘Ex Muslim’ Salim Wastik was convicted for kidnapping & killing a 13-year-old boy, jumped bail for 26 years; got exposed after Islamists slit his throat

Anurag
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Exclusive: Delhi HC documents reveal how Salim Khan alias ‘Ex Muslim’ Salim Wastik was convicted for kidnapping & killing a 13-year-old boy, jumped bail for 26 years; got exposed after Islamists slit his throat

On 25th April, Delhi Police arrested YouTuber and self-proclaimed ‘ex-Muslim’ Salim Wastik in connection with a 31-year-old kidnapping and murder case. The man who recently made headlines after surviving a brutal attack by Islamists at his Ghaziabad home was, in fact, a convicted murderer who had jumped bail and remained absconding for over 26 years.

Salim Wastik’s real name is Salim Khan. In 1997, a Sessions Court in North-East Delhi convicted him for the kidnapping and murder of 13-year-old Sandeep, son of a businessman. Following conviction, Salim appealed against the judgment in the Delhi High Court. In 2000, he was granted bail for two weeks. He never surrendered after that.

For decades, Salim lived under different names, moved across several places in Uttar Pradesh and Haryana, rebuilt himself as Salim Wastik or Salim Ahmed, ran a local business and projected himself as a social activist. While doing so, he gained public visibility as a YouTuber known for his controversial views on Islam.

However, his decade-long escape from the law came to an end only after he was attacked by Islamists in February this year. Based on the information, the Delhi Police’s Crime Branch confirmed his identity using old records, photographs, and fingerprints, which led to his arrest. Reports suggest that he admitted during questioning that he was indeed the same Salim Khan who had been on the run since 2000.

OpIndia accessed case documents from the Delhi High Court. Here is the complete chronology of events starting from kidnapping, ransom, murder, arrest, conviction, and eventual arrest after remaining absconding for 26 years.

The 1995 kidnapping and murder case

The case dates back to 20th January 1995. 13-year-old Sandeep had a routine. He used to leave for school at around 11:30 am as he studied in the second shift at Ramjas School, Darya Ganj, which ran from 12:30 pm to 6:30 pm. Every day, he used to return home by around 7:30 pm. However, on that fateful day, Sandeep did not return.

At around 8:30 pm, his father, Sita Ram, became worried and informed his brother-in-law, Rajesh Goel, that Sandeep had not returned. The family searched for him through the evening and night. However, they could not trace the child.

On 21st January 1995, the case took a darker turn. At around 12:10 pm, Rajesh Goel received a phone call at the family shop in Kartar Singh Market, Sherpur Chowk, Kabul Nagar Road, Delhi. The caller asked whether the family knew where Sandeep was. When Rajesh said they did not know, the caller claimed that Sandeep was with them and that they would call again.

The family of the missing child immediately informed the police. Rajesh Goel’s statement was recorded, and an FIR was registered at Gokal Puri police station. The kidnappers made the second call at around 3 pm on the same day, and this time, the caller demanded Rs 30,000 as ransom.

The instructions were specific. Rajesh was told to bring the cash at 4:30 pm to the bus stand near Loni flyover. He was instructed to place the money in a bus going towards Baghpat, at the place where luggage is normally kept. The caller said the money would be collected from that, and then they would release Sandeep the next day. The caller also warned not to inform the police, otherwise Sandeep would be killed.

Police swung into action following the second call, and suspicion fell on Salim Khan. It was not a random suspicion. A neighbour, Ram Avtar, informed the police that on 20th January, at around 11:30 am, he had seen Sandeep sitting in a rickshaw with a tall boy. When Sandeep passed by him, he told Ram Avtar that he was going to school with “Masterji”. That “Masterji” was Salim Khan.

Salim Khan was a martial arts instructor at Ramjas School. He was known to Sandeep and his family. He had also visited their home and shop earlier. This familiarity became important as it explained why the child could have trusted him and gone without resistance.

Based on this information, the police went to Salim’s house. Sandeep’s father, uncle and neighbour accompany the police. When Salim saw the police, he got startled. During the interrogation, Salim made a disclosure statement and stated that he could get Sandeep’s dead body recovered from a drain in Mustafabad near the Bhagirath water pump.

He was taken to the spot, and Sandeep’s body was recovered from the ‘ganda nalah’ at Mustafabad. Sandeep’s father later identified the body. The recovery of Sandeep’s body on Salim’s instance became one of the strongest pieces of evidence against him.

During the investigation. Salim named Anil as his accomplice. On 22nd January 1995, the police searched Anil’s jhuggi but did not find anything. Anil was not present at that time. On 4th February 1995, Anil surrendered in court. According to presecution, Sandeep’s watch, tiffin box and school bag were recovered from Anil’s jhuggi on his instance. He had buried them in a plastic bag. The prosecution also relied on Rajesh Goel’s claim that he recognised Anil’s voice as the voice of the person who had made the ransom calls.

In 1997, the trial court convicted both Salim Khan and Anil. They were sentenced to life imprisonment for murder, along with punishment for kidnapping and kidnapping for ransom.

Following the conviction, Salim Khan and Anil approached the Delhi High Court and filed an appeal against the judgment. The High Court noted that the case was based on circumstantial evidence. This meant the prosecution had to establish every circumstance beyond a reasonable doubt, and those circumstances had to form a complete chain pointing only towards the guilt of the accused.

In Anil’s case, the High Court found the chain broken. The prosecution’s case against Anil rested mainly on two things. First, the alleged recovery of Sandeep’s watch, tiffin box and school bag from his jhuggi. Second, Rajesh Goel’s claim that he recognised Anil’s voice as the voice of the caller.

The court found the recovery doubtful. It noted that Anil had surrendered after 14 days and that his jhuggi had already been searched earlier on 22nd January, when nothing had been found. The court also observed that the items were generic in nature, and it was not certain that they actually belonged to Sandeep.

The court further said it was unlikely that a person who was about to surrender before the judicial process would keep incriminating evidence hidden in his own jhuggi.

The voice identification was also rejected. Rajesh Goel claimed that he recognised Anil’s voice when Anil was allegedly making his disclosure statement before the police on 4th February 1995. However, he never disclosed this fact to the police at that time. He mentioned it for the first time only during his court testimony on 10th October 1996, more than one year and nine months after the incident.

The High Court also observed that a voice heard over the telephone and a voice heard in person may sound different. It added that recognising a telephone voice after a brief conversation and after such a long gap was difficult. The court also noted the issue of the question being a leading question under the Evidence Act.

The ransom call itself was also found doubtful. Sandeep’s father, Sita Ram, stated that there was only one call, while Rajesh Goel spoke about two calls. Rajesh Goel said no police officer was present when the second call was received, whereas a police witness said he was present at the shop when the second call came.

The medical evidence also complicated the ransom story. The doctor’s opinion suggested that the death had occurred roughly around the afternoon of 20th January, while the ransom calls were allegedly made on 21st January. This created doubt about whether Sandeep was even alive when the ransom call was made.

For these reasons, the High Court gave Anil the benefit of the doubt and acquitted him.

Salim Khan’s case, however, stood on a different footing. The court found that the testimony of neighbour, Ram Avtar, remained unshaken. The court also placed strong reliance on the recovery of Sandeep’s dead body at Salim Khan’s instance.

The High Court held that when the last seen evidence was coupled with the recovery of the body at Salim Khan’s instance, there could be no doubt that Salim Khan was responsible for Sandeep’s death.

The court also noted that Salim Khan failed to offer any explanation regarding these incriminating circumstances. However, due to doubts surrounding the ransom calls, the High Court set aside Salim Khan’s conviction for the same. His conviction for murder and kidnapping was upheld.

The court records also revealed that Salim Khan did not remain within the judicial process after conviction. He was granted bail for two weeks on 24th November 2000. He was supposed to surrender after the bail period ended, but he did not.

In July 2004, the Delhi High Court was formally informed that Salim did not surrender after the bail period was over. On 17th July 2004, the court directed the State to make all efforts to arrest him. On 25th September, the court issued non-bailable warrants (NBW) against Salim Khan to be executed through the SHO of Police Station Gokal Puri.

On 20th November 2004, the court noted that (NBW) could not be executed. Fresh NBW was issued, which again came back as Salim was untraceable. On 14th February 2005, the court again directed fresh non-bailable warrants against Salim Khan.

By 19th May 2005, the High Court made it clear that Salim Khan’s absence would not stop the appeal from being heard. The court observed that “the absence of the appellant need not detain us” and appointed advocate Sumeet Verma as Amicus Curiae on behalf of Salim Khan.

This means Salim Khan was not merely unavailable once. He had jumped bail, ignored the process of law, evaded repeated non-bailable warrants, and remained absconding even while his appeal was pending before the High Court.

In 2011, the Delhi High Court finally decided the appeal. Anil was acquitted. Salim Khan’s conviction for kidnapping and murder was upheld. The court set aside only the ransom charge under Section 364A IPC.

The High Court also noted that Salim Khan had been absconding after being released on bail and directed that he be taken into custody to serve the remainder of his sentence. However, Salim Khan continued to evade arrest for years.

A new identity as Salim Wastik

According to media reports, during his years on the run, Salim Khan lived under different aliases and moved across Shamli, Muzaffarnagar, Meerut and Ghaziabad. He worked as a furniture maker before settling in Loni, Ghaziabad. There, he reportedly ran a shop selling women’s clothing and accessories.

Over time, he built a public profile under the name Salim Wastik or Salim Ahmed. He projected himself as a social activist and operated a YouTube channel. Online, he became known as an ‘Ex-Muslim’ and posted controversial views on Islam.

He was not living like an unknown fugitive hiding in a remote corner. He had built a new public identity. Reports also suggest that he had recently signed a Bollywood biopic based on his life, even as his original identity as a convicted murderer remained hidden for years.

The February attack on Salim Wastik

On 27th February this year, Salim Wastik was brutally attacked at his residence in Ghaziabad. Two Islamists entered his house and attacked him with sharp objects. His throat was slit, and he suffered multiple deep stab wounds. In a purported video of the incident, two men wearing kurta pyjamas and helmets were seen approaching him while he sat on a sofa inside his home office. One of them took out a paper cutter and slashed at his neck. He was dragged to the ground and attacked repeatedly.

Salim Wastik survived the attack but remained hospitalised for weeks. The attackers were identified as brothers Gulfam and Zeeshan. Police described them as fanatics who were angered by Salim Wastik’s views on Islam.

Zeeshan was killed in a police encounter in Loni on 1st March. Gulfam was killed in another encounter in Indirapuram on 3rd March. Police said both fired at the police and were shot in self-defence. Both carried a bounty of Rs 1 lakh each.

Ironically, the attack that nearly killed Salim Wastik also brought renewed attention to his identity. After the attack, Salim Wastik was under treatment and police protection. Meanwhile, the Delhi Police Crime Branch received intelligence that the man known as Salim Wastik could be the absconding convict Salim Khan from the 1995 kidnapping and murder case.

A team of the Anti-Robbery and Snatching Cell of the Crime Branch began verification. Inspector Robin Tyagi and ACP Sanjay Kumar Nagpal, along with police personnel, including Mintu Yadav, were tasked with tracing long-term fugitive offenders and parole jumpers. The team checked old records, photographs and fingerprint details.

The verification confirmed that YouTuber Salim Wastik was indeed Salim Khan, the convict who had been sentenced to life imprisonment in 1997 and had absconded after securing interim bail in 2000. With the help of the local police in Loni, Delhi Police finally arrested him.

During interrogation, Salim reportedly told the police that after jumping bail, he continuously changed locations and identities to avoid arrest. After completing legal formalities, Salim Khan has been sent to Tihar Jail to serve the life sentence awarded to him in 1997 and upheld by the Delhi High Court in 2011.

For over 26 years, Salim Khan was not merely a wanted man. He was a convicted murderer who had killed a child and absconded for decades. While ignoring court proceedings, he became so confident that he reinvented himself under a new identity and lived publicly as a YouTuber and social activist.

The attack on him made headlines, and eventually, his dark side was revealed.

‘Threatened to kill second son’: Accused in Tarun Khatik’s lynching pressuring family to withdraw the case, read the family’s ordeal as they prepare to leave the place – OpIndia Exclusive

केशव मालान
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‘Threatened to kill second son’: Accused in Tarun Khatik’s lynching pressuring family to withdraw the case, read the family’s ordeal as they prepare to leave the place – OpIndia Exclusive

The mob lynching of Tarun Khatik on Holi in Uttam Nagar, Delhi, has now taken a new turn. While the victim’s family is fighting for justice, the accused have barged into their home and issued open threats of murder. Distressed by this, Tarun’s family is now preparing to flee Uttam Nagar.

Meanwhile, the Delhi High Court has ordered the Delhi Police to provide security to the victim’s family and remove inflammatory videos from social media. OpIndia spoke with the victim’s family to learn about their well-being. Tekchandra, the uncle of the deceased, Tarun Khatik, told OpIndia that on 13th April, some women from the accused family visited their home.

No men were present at the house at the time. Tarun’s mother and other women were present. The women of the accused family abused them with casteist slurs, and when they refused to withdraw the case, they threatened to kill the second son in the middle of the crossroads.

Tarun’s family forced to flee

Tekchandra said, “Our entire family is terrified after this threat. Now we want to sell this house and move away. We are looking for a better place where we can live safely. We don’t want to face any trouble again.”

Regarding the Delhi Police deployment in front of his house, Tekchandra says, “The Delhi Police may be stationed here. Recently, the ACP came to meet and talk with us, and he also assured us of security. But for how long will the police stay with us or protect us? If the police leave here one day, who will protect us? Therefore, we should leave. We will flee from here.” Tekchandra said that he has also filed a complaint with the Delhi Police regarding the threats posed by the accused family.

Delhi High Court orders security for the family

Meanwhile, the Delhi High Court, hearing a petition filed by the victim’s family, has ordered the Delhi Police to provide security. It also ordered the removal of inflammatory videos from social media. The High Court has directed the Police Commissioner to instruct the concerned SHO to provide his personal number to the victim’s family so that they can contact him for assistance in case of any situation.

A Muslim mob lynched Tarun on Holi

The incident happened on Wednesday (4th March), on the festival of Holi. According to police and family accounts, an 11-year-old girl from Tarun’s family was playing Holi on her terrace. She threw a water balloon, aiming at her father, who was standing below. However, the balloon fell on the road and splashed water on a Muslim woman from the neighbourhood, leading to an argument between the two households.

The Hindu family and the girl apologised, and the matter appeared to be resolved. But the tensions escalated when Tarun returned on his bike in the evening after celebrating Holi with a friend. Tarun was stopped by a group of 15 to 20 people belonging to the Muslim community and was brutally assaulted with iron rods, bricks, stones, and other objects. The attackers also beat his family members and others, who rushed to the spot to protect him. Tarun was taken to the hospital, where he succumbed to his injuries the next day.

The incident sparked tension in the area, and angry people protested, demanding action against the accused. Thousands of Hindus who attended a massive protest rally in Uttam Nagar threatened to prevent Muslims from celebrating Eid. This further escalated the situation. 

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndian Hindi.)

BJP needs to win substantial seats in the second phase to clinch West Bengal election: Read why breaching Mamata’s bastion and undoing the past record is crucial

Shraddha Pandey
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BJP needs to win substantial seats in the second phase to clinch West Bengal election: Read why breaching Mamata’s bastion and undoing the past record is crucial

A highly competitive 1st phase of the West Bengal state assembly elections has instilled the BJP, yearning for its maiden victory in the TMC-dominated state. The highest-ever voter turnout, 92.9%, during the polling of 152 seats has indicated that the Bengali voters are in a mood to bring a historic change, apparently in favour of TMC’s arch-nemesis, BJP. However, this ‘historic change’ is contingent on the BJP managing to win big in the final phase on 29th April, as many seats in this phase are in CM Mamata Banerjee’s bastion.

142 seats, Mamata Banerjee’s stronghold, the BJP’s past below-par performance and the renewed hopes of conquering the TMC heartland

The second and final phase of the 2026 West Bengal elections is a make-or-break phase for the BJP. This phase covers the large pasts of South Bengal, including 11 seats in Kolkata, North 24 Parganas has 33, South 24 Parganas has 31, Howrah has 16, Hooghly has 18, Nadia has 17, and East Burdwan has 16. These seats have been the Trinamool Congress’s core bastion.

In the controversial 2021 assembly elections, the TMC swept 124 out of 142 seats, registering an around 86% strike rate. The BJP, on the contrary, could secure only 18 seats. Similar equations emerged in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections as well, although considering the TMC’s dominance both through politics and street veto, the BJP securing overall 77 seats and becoming the principal opposition party, was also no less than moving mountains.

While a supposed upper hand in the first phase definitely improves the BJP’s prospects, to become the giant slayer, the party needs to crack TMC’s loyal voter base in the latter’s stronghold.

To form a government, competing parties need to achieve the magical figure of 148 out of 294. Even if the BJP fares well in the 1st phase, it is unlikely that the party would manage to hit the majority mark. Securing substantial gains in phase 2, say 45 to 60 seats at least, would make it numerically possible to reach or exceed 148.

TMC’s organisational depth and syndicate raj grip have allowed it a near-invincible dominance in the phase 2 seats, which had delivered the party sweeping a third term. BJP has historically struggled to gain ground here; however, this time there is a possibility of the BJP pulling off a historic show, as it did in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections at the national level.

BJP’s aggressive campaign, focus on real issues people of Bengal are facing, be it unemployment, lack of industries, as well as its messaging of preventing demographic change, has resonated well with the people. In fact, the TMC is rattled at the prospect of losing the 2026 Vidhan Sabha election, and even unleashed its hooligans to create chaos and conflict during the 1st phase of the polling. 

Phase 2 will witness the biggest fight of the 2026 Lok Sabha elections in Bhabanipur, where Chief Minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee will defend her home turf against BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari, who has inflicted an embarrassing defeat on Banerjee on the Nandigram seat in 2021.

Besides Mamata, many TMC heavyweights, including Kolkata Mayor and notorious Islamist Firhad Hakim in Kolkata Port, Minister of State for Finance Chandrima Bhattacharya in Dum Dum Uttar, Minister of Commerce and Industries Shashi Panja in Shyampukur, Power Minister Aroop Biswas in Tollyganj, Education Minister Bratya Basu in Dum Dum, and Minister of State for Fire and Emergency Services Sujit Basu in Bidhannagar, will have their electoral fate decided on 29th April.

BJP’s Kalyan Chakraborty has been aggressively holding roadshows and public events in Khardaha to breach this TMC-leaning suburban seat. Recently, BJP national president Nitin Nabin has held a roadshow here to seek votes for Chakraborty.

Another key BJP candidate is Rekha Patra, who gained national attention when the Sandeshkhali women’s harassment case involving TMC strongmen was exposed in 2024. Patra is contesting from the Hingalganj seat. Her victory here would not only contribute to the BJP’s chances to power but also hand the TMC an unescapable embarrassment since not only were TMC strongmen like Sheikh Shahjahan the main accused perpetrators of sexual crimes against women in Sandeshkhali, but CM Mamata Banerjee had even downplayed these crimes as ‘minor incident’.

From Panihati, the BJP has fielded Ratna Debnath, the mother of the doctor who was raped and killed at the RG Kar Hospital in Kolkata in 2024. The Mamata Banerjee government’s mishandling and insensitivity in this case had sparked protests and national outrage against her. Recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi campaigned for Ratna Debnath, called TMC an “anti-woman” party, and promised a fresh probe in the RG Kar rape case.

From Rekha Patra to Ratna Debnath, the BJP carefully picked its candidate. Fielding victims of the TMC regime’s misrule in elections, sending out the message that the BJP is not just raising their issues but also actively working towards empowering them.

From Krishnanagar North, the BJP has fielded Tarak Chatterjee. This seat is a major border-region test for the party since it has been a vocal critic of the illegal influx of Bangladeshi Muslims and has accused the TMC of allowing not only Krishnagar North but the entire Nadia district to be a hub of Bangladeshi infiltrators.

This seat’s significance can be understood from the fact that PM Modi held a major rally here and raised the issue of CAA and infiltration.

Another important seat is Bidhannagar constituency, wherein TMC’s Sujit Bose is competing against BJP’s Dr Sharadwat Mukhopadhyay.

In Barrackpore & Howrah seats, the BJP is targeting jute-mill and working-class voters, while Mamata Banerjee addressed rallies in the student politics hub, Jadavpur.

While the TMC portrays high voter turnout in phase 1 to mounting public anger against the SIR exercise concluded recently, the BJP and electoral pundits attribute it to a collective public mood to bring a change is Bengal’s politics.

BJP’s top leadership, from PM Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma, to UP CM Yogi Adityanath, has aggressively campaigned and seemingly managed to turn the winds in the party’s favour.

From Mathurapur/Kakdwip in South 24 Parganas, Krishnanagar in Nadia, Panihati, Jadavpur, Baruipur, Howrah to Dum Dum, Prime Minister Modi’s intense campaigning so far, and the scheduled final day roadshows in Bongaon, Hooghly’s Arambagh, and roadshow between Bhabanipur and other South Kolkata seats, shows that the BJP is leaving no stone unturned to register a historic victory.

RBI cancels banking licence of Paytm Payments Bank: Read why the decision was taken and what it means for users

Shriti Sagar
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RBI cancels banking licence of Paytm Payments Bank: Read why the decision was taken and what it means for users

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) on Friday, 24th April, cancelled the banking licence of PayTM Payments Bank, bringing an end to its operations as a bank after years of regulatory scrutiny. The decision comes more than two years after the central bank had first imposed restrictions on the entity over multiple rule violations.

Why RBI canceled the licence

As per the RBI’s order issued on Friday, 24th April, Paytm Payments Bank will not be allowed to continue banking activities under the Banking Regulations Act. Further, the central bank clarified that running the bank the way it was doing was in no way beneficial for the depositors and the public at large.

“Banks’ affairs or management are not in the interests of the depositors or the public,” says the RBI’s statement. Additionally, it added that the bank did not meet the stipulated requirements of getting a payments bank license.

The RBI further said that the management’s conduct was “prejudicial to the interest of the depositors,” which is a serious concern for any financial institution. Based on these findings, the central bank has decided to close down the banking firm. However, it has assured the clients that the bank has enough capital to return all deposits made.

The Paytm Payments Bank is an Indian payments bank company established in 2015 under One 97 Communications. The bank started as a payment bank where it could only accept small savings and deposits, but without offering any loan services like traditional banks. 

What the RBI said in its order

Explaining its decision, the RBI cited specific legal provisions under the Banking Regulation Act, 1949. It said that the bank failed to meet the conditions required to continue holding a banking licence.

“Thus, the bank is not complying with provisions of Section 22 (3) (c) of the Banking Regulations Act. No useful purpose or public interest would be served by allowing the bank to continue,” the RBI said.

The central bank also noted that the bank did not comply with the terms of its licence, which is a violation under Section 22 (3)(g) of the Act. As a result, it has now been barred from carrying out any form of banking business with immediate effect.

Under the RBI scanner since 2018

Paytm Payments Bank has been facing regulatory scrutiny for several years now. As far back as 2018, the RBI had flagged multiple issues related to compliance, especially around know-your-customer (KYC) norms.

One major concern was that a single PAN card was linked to multiple accounts, raising fears that rules could be bypassed. The RBI also found that transactions were being allowed beyond prescribed limits in some cases, which increased the risk of money laundering.

An audit conducted in June 2018 revealed serious gaps in how new customers were being onboarded. Proper verification processes were not always followed, leading the RBI to order the bank to stop adding new customers until it fixed these issues.

Over time, the RBI continued to tighten its grip on the bank. RBI’s decision comes more than two years after it first imposed restrictions on PPBL and over a year after severe business curbs were placed on the entity. The RBI’s scrutiny of Paytm Payments Bank dates back to at least March 2022, when the regulator directed the bank to stop onboarding new customers with immediate effect due to “material supervisory concerns.”

The situation became worse in January 2024 when the RBI instructed the bank not to accept any more new deposits owing to concerns related to customer identification, fund usage, and weak technology systems. The restrictions were originally set to take effect from February 29, 2024, but were later extended to March 15, 2024, to allow customers and merchants time to make alternative arrangements.

Customers were allowed to withdraw or utilise their existing balances without restrictions, and pipeline transactions initiated before the cutoff were to be settled by mid-March 2024. The 2024 curbs effectively halted most banking activities at PPBL while the parent company, One97 Communications (Paytm), worked to migrate operations and partnerships. Despite these measures, the bank continued to operate in a highly restricted manner until the full licence cancellation.

The RBI also imposed a penalty of ₹5.39 crore in October 2023 for non-compliance with regulatory guidelines. Among the concerns raised were violations of KYC norms and the failure to maintain a clear separation between the bank and its parent company, One 97 Communications.

Impact on Paytm and its ecosystem

The RBI’s action had a major impact on Paytm’s overall business. Shares of One 97 Communications saw a sharp fall, and its integrated payments system faced disruptions. Services like wallets, FASTag, and merchant settlements were affected.

To deal with the situation, Paytm had to partner with other banks like Axis Bank and Yes Bank to continue offering payment services, including UPI. It also had to shift its infrastructure and users, which increased costs and led to some customers and merchants moving to competitors like Google Pay and PhonePe.

What it means for users

For banking customers, the RBI has clarified that their money is safe. The central bank has stated that it has enough liquidity to repay all depositors during the winding-up process.

At the same time, services on the Paytm app will continue as usual. The company has said that features like UPI payments, mobile recharges, QR payments, and payment gateway services will not be affected. This is because Paytm Payment Bank is a separate entitty, and not linked to the payment services platform.

One 97 Communications has also clarified that it has no financial exposure to the payments bank, as it had already written off its investment earlier. It added that other services like Paytm Money and Paytm Gold will continue to operate normally.

The cancellation of Paytm Payments Bank’s licence sends a strong signal from the RBI about the importance of compliance in the financial sector. 

SP delegation tries to exploit murder of minor girl in Ghazipur: People protest, refuse to allow the leaders into the village, former minister Ram Asre Vishwakarma wounded in confrontation

रामांशी
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SP delegation tries to exploit murder of minor girl in Ghazipur: People protest, refuse to allow the leaders into the village, former minister Ram Asre Vishwakarma wounded in confrontation

The events that happened in Uttar Pradesh’s Ghazipur on 22nd April (Wednesday) should not be dismissed as a simple incident. The manner in which leaders of the Samajwadi Party (SP) became active in the charged environment following the tragic death of a minor girl and the subsequent developments serves as a notable political indicator.

An SP delegation attempted to visit the grieving family, but they were met by villagers at the outskirts of the area. A confrontation broke out, which escalated into stone-throwing. During this conflict, former Minister Ram Asre Vishwakarma suffered a serious head injury and the villagers eventually succeeded in preventing the leaders from entering the hamlet.

It was not just an eruption of collective anger but rather represented a response to a political approach that has been consistently shaped by caste considerations. The significant distinction this time was that the populace not only acknowledged this political maneuvering but also delivered a retaliation, specifically tailored for such a circumstance, and completely unforeseen by anyone.

The attempt to politicise the tragedy backfire

The 16-year-old girl who passed away in Ghazipur was a member of the Vishwakarma community, whereas the accused identified as Pandey belongs to the Brahmin community. The rapid political reaction that followed the revelation of the details has prompted numerous inquiries. Offering condolences and seeking justice are expected but the inclination to interpret these instances immediately through a caste perspective inevitably raises doubts about the underlying motives.

The approach taken by SP officials upon their arrival in the village strengthened the doubt that their intention was not solely to convey condolences, but also to concoct a particular narrative. Consequently, the fury of the residents escalated and in the subsequent outburst, Vishwakarma who is also from the victim’s community found himself subjected to their ire.

The continuous plot of constructing caste-centric propaganda

Socialist political movements have historically been criticised for trying to gain political advantage by interpreting occurrences via a caste-oriented lens. This pattern was evident in the Ghazipur incident as well. The circulation of false information on social media, the promotion of unverified accusations like allegations of gang rape and efforts to provoke discord between two communities seemed to be components of a conspiracy that has been observed repeatedly in history.

The administration clarified that multiple claims were factually inaccurate, however, in spite of this, they continued to be disseminated. This communicated that more significance is being given to a special narrative, one that has the potential to generate political benefits than to the truth itself.

From Fatehpur to Badaun: A pattern of infusing a casteist and communal colour into every incident

Even if the incident in Ghazipur is regarded as an isolated matter, the recent developments in Fatehpur and Badaun help to further elucidate this narrative. Take, for example, the recent issue involving Aryan Yadav in Fatehpur, where a mundane situation was initially given a political interpretation, depicted as “punishment for serving tea” and later, attempts were made to turn it into a massive controversy.

A routine food safety enforcement action was characterised as an act of political retribution. Thereafter, a local disagreement was also transformed into a skewed narrative. As the matter progressed, visible resentment arose within the Muslim community with individuals asserting that the issue had been politicised without their submission being thoroughly acknowledged. In other words, the political tactic that the SP was using to maintain balance inadvertently placed the party in a difficult situation concerning its supposed vote bank.

A similar event surfaced last month, referred to as the Badaun double murder case. What was fundamentally a personal vendetta was tried to be showcased through the lens of caste supremacy and a “Thakur versus Others” narrative. The reality, however, was that immediate action was taken in this case and police encounters were conducted, bulldozers were deployed and a Special Investigation Team (SIT) was formed. However, a narrative was shaped to suggest that the incident was an act of hooliganism by a specific caste.

Now, the question is that if every incident is consistently portrayed as a caste-based conflict in this manner, will it promote trust within society, or will it simply deepen the existing divisions? These two instances from Fatehpur and Badaun demonstrate that the political strategies of the SP and its leadership continue to portray events as caste conflicts, instead of analysing them in an objective and just way.

When the public saw through the intentions

If these two incidents are concerned in relation to the case in Ghazipur, the reaction of the villagers stands out as the most critical aspect of the entire sequence of events. They prevented the SP delegation from entering the village, leading to an argument. This reaction was not spontaneous. It was the outcome of a lived experience in which people have often witnessed how incidents are politically twisted.

It was unmistakably evident to the populace that the politicians who had reached there were not present to contribute to a resolution, but instead to exacerbate the dispute. This is exactly the reason they declined to welcome them. This was not just a simple act of dissent, but a definitive statement that such political ventures would no longer be accepted. This change indicates that society is growing more conscious and it is no longer offering support merely based on identity but is also examining the genuine intentions of those who pretedn to be the sympathisers or well-wishers.

The public has also disclosed whom it trusts

The Ghazipur incident demonstrated who has earned the public’s trust. People are confident that the authorities will operate in accordance with due process and that the offender will face consequences, irrespective of their caste or religion. This trust is evident throughout the entire series of events. The public has recognised that political intervention is unnecessary for obtaining justice. In fact, they have firmly dismissed any attempts that seemed to seek to sway the same. Such trust represents the most imoprtant asset for any government.

A warning for the SP

For the Samajwadi Party (SP), this occurrence should be regarded as a significant warning. This is not simply a localised response, but a part of a larger sentiment that has been developing over time. When a political party cultivates a reputation for perceiving every event solely as a political opportunity, it is only to be expected that public trust will collapse. Akhilesh Yadav must pay attention to this indication. The circumstances will not improve through mere rhetoric or a cycle of attacks or counter attacks. Similar events will persist in this manner in the future without a change in political approach.

Outdated political paradigms are ineffective in a transforming society

The Ghazipur incident illustrates that society is not only evolving, but its political expectations are also shifting. Relying exclusively on caste dynamics for political maneuvering is becoming less effective with time. Individuals are now more alert, they pose more inquiries and most crucially, they are unafraid to express their opinions. This incident conveys a strong message that the people are no longer just an observer. They watch, they review and when required they take to the streets in protest. As a result, for those political parties that do not recognise the importance of this change, the future will be challenging.

Read the original report in Hindi here.

Legal advocacy group APCR, which peddled false Muslim-victimhood narrative, attempts to give clean chit to Muslim men who forced TCS Nashik Hindu employees to convert to Islam

Aditi
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Legal advocacy group APCR, which peddled false Muslim-victimhood narrative, attempts to give clean chit to Muslim men who forced TCS Nashik Hindu employees to convert to Islam

A ‘fact-finding’ report released by the controversial ‘civil rights’ organisation, the Association for the Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) at the Mumbai Press Club on Thursday (23rd April), has claimed that there is no evidence to support the allegations of an organised religious conversion activity in the Nashik’s Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) workplace harassment case. The Nashik TCS workplace harassment case sent shockwaves across the country after victims shared stories of sexual harassment and religious coercion by some Muslim employees at the Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) facility.

The report is claimed to have been compiled after a five-member team of the APCR visited Nashik to collect the ground details of the case. Activists from People’s Union for Civil Liberty (PUCL), Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), Bombay Catholic Sabha (BCS) and others joined APCR during the release of its report.

As per reports, the APCR findings claim that the police officials have indicated that the allegations levelled in the 9 FIRs filed in connection with the case differ among complainants. While the police investigation into the TCS Nashik workplace harassment case is underway, the APCR report has rejected the complaints of the victims, which highlighted the Love Jihad angle and religious coercion in the case.

The APCR tries to whitewash the crime and peddle Muslim victimhood in the garb of the ‘fact-finding’ report

As per the claims made by the report, the investigation agencies in the TCS Nashik case have not confirmed any organised conspiracy for religious conversion. The report also laments that the religion coercion angle has been made a central theme in the case, while according to APCR’s teams’ findings, no conclusive evidence exists to prove the existence of any organised or systematic activity of religious conversion.

APCR’s national secretary, Nadeem Khan, who was booked by the Delhi Police in November 2024 for hatching a criminal conspiracy and promoting enmity and unrest during a communally charged exhibition in Delhi, claimed during the release of the APCR report that the civil society organisations did not trust the investigation being conducted by the Nashik police in the case. He demanded an investigation into the case conducted by a retired high court or supreme court judge.

Casting aspersions on the victims’ testimonies, Khan, who has a history of instigating communal feelings, termed the case a conspiracy to prevent Muslims from working in corporate jobs. “The issue will be used to prevent Muslims from securing employment at corporate workplaces. It is difficult to believe that someone can be forced to observe roza for 24 hours. The FIRs filed by the police raise multiple doubts, and their role has become questionable,” Khan said.

Khan also raised suspicion over the undercover operation by the Nashik police, which uncovered the entire case, questioning how the undercover cops could not ascertain the job profile of the accused Nida Khan even after spending three weeks at the BPO. Notably, the TCS has recently released an official statement, clarifying that Nida Khan is not an HR Manager at the BPO as stated in several media reports, but holds the post of a process associate. Pertinently, the role of a process associate falls within the larger HR framework. Besides, the fact that the job profile of Nida Khan was not accurately mentioned in the media reports does not take away from the fact that she did work at the BPO office and that she has been named as an accused in the FIRs.

Controversial activist Teesta Setalvad also termed the case “manufactured.” “The Nashik case is a manufactured case that will not hold in a court of law. The process is the punishment. A crime should never be seen through the lens of religion or caste. It is important to note that Nida Khan is being targeted because of her gender,” said secretary of Citizens for Justice and Peace, Teesta Setalvad.

Joining Khan’s claims, former journalist and a Nashik-based activist, Niranjan Takle, alleged that the first complaint in the TCS Nashik case was made by a person who was an employee at the BPO and was not a victim. He demanded that narco tests should be conducted on the victims and the accused to find out the truth. “The allegations in most of these FIRs are vague and can not be proven. The truth will come out only when the complainants and the accused will be made to undergo narco tests,” Takle said. Controversial ‘activist’ and CJP’s secretary, Teesta Setalvad, said that workplace sexual harassment cases formed the least number of total 12,019 complaints reported by the Maharashtra.

The so-called activists present at the release of the APCR report dismissed the entire case as a ploy to cover the sexual exploitation involving the Nashik astrologer Ashok Kharat. They also alleged that the Nashik TCS case was also a ruse to avoid public scrutiny of alleged tree-cutting by the Nashik civic body for the Simhastha Kumbh Mela and another alleged housing-related scam.

Horrifying details of sexual harassment and religious coercion revealed by victims in multiple FIRs filed in the case

The claims made by the APCR report fall flat on a mere perusal of the details divulged by the victims relating to sexual harassment and religious coercion in the multiple FIRs filed in the Nashik TCS workplace harassment case. The first FIR in the TCS grooming jihad case was registered on 23rd March at the Deolali Camp Police Station in Nashik. 

Following the registration of the FIR, some women cops went undercover in the company to investigate the matter. The undercover operation exposed stories of victims who were subjected to sustained sexual harassment, vulgar innuendos, physical advances, invasive questions, and derogatory commentary against Hindu deities at the BPO for years. This led to multiple victims coming forward and filing FIRs against the accused.

As per the complaints made by the victims, six Muslim employees working as team leaders and two women, including a Muslim, were forcing Hindu women to convert to Islam, offer namaz and eat beef. The Islamist horror against Hindu women at the TCS BPO office in Nashik continued for over four years.

In an FIR dated April 3, 2026, the 23-year-old Hindu victim stated that Raza Meman and Shahrukh Qureshi made sexually coloured remarks against her and mocked Hindu customs. In another FIR registered on April 2, 2026, filed by another 23-year-old Hindu woman, she named five accused and revealed how she was sexually harassed and made to bear religious insults. The victim, who had recently married, said that Shahrukh Qureshi and Raza Meman repeatedly questioned her about her honeymoon, sexual life, and past relationships in an intrusive and inappropriate manner. She said that Asif Ansari made derogatory comments about Hindu practices, including statements suggesting that sexual violence occurs in Hindu communities because women do not wear burqas, along with remarks mocking Hindu deities.

Another FIR stated that the Muslim accused mocked Hindu deities Brahma, Ram and Sita. The accused called Brahma a rapist of his own daughter and claimed that Ram and Sita ate meat during their exile. The Muslim accused derisively mocked the existence of Lord Shiva, and cast aspersions on the father of Lord Ganesha, the Elephant-headed Hindu God.

The victims in their complaints stated how their repeated complaints about the misconduct of the accused, including consistent mocking of Hindu religious beliefs, went unnoticed. The victims’ testimonies demonstrate how the accused took advantage of the workplace power to suppress the complaints relating to the sexual harassment, exploitation, and religious brainwashing to ultimately convert them to Islam. The APCR report conveniently overlooks the details revealed by the victims in their complaints and bases its so-called fact-finding report on a selected and distorted version of facts.

APCR’s tainted track record of peddling Muslim victimhood

The APCR, closely associated with Prashant Bhushan and his Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), presents itself as a non-profit working to “bridge the gap between law and justice”, but its track record tells a different story. Constituted in 2006 and registered under the Societies Registration Act, the organisation claims to offer free legal aid, financial assistance and legal literacy programmes through workshops and seminars.

The organisation has repeatedly appeared in controversial cases, often extending legal aid to individuals accused in violent incidents such as the Sambhal violence and the anti-Hindu Delhi riots. Its so-called “fact-finding reports” read less like neutral documentation and more like one-sided propaganda designed to shield certain groups while vilifying others.

The current ‘fact-finding’ report of the APCR is not the only time the organisation has attempted to peddle a manufactured ‘Muslim victimhood’ narrative. In July 2024, the organisation released a report claiming that incidents of anti-Muslim crimes have increased in India following the Lok Sabha Election results, in which the Modi government retained power. The report was used by several media houses, including Free Press Journal, Clarion, Muslim Mirror and others to make similar claims. The APCR is notorious for cherry-picking and selective reporting, which indicates how the organisation has been trying to create a communal rift in the country and projecting a bad image of India on international platforms. The baseless claims made by the APCR were debunked by OpIndia in our report.

Highest voter turnout marks assembly elections in Assam, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal: The possible reasons for the unprecedented numbers and who stands to benefit from it

Rukma Rathore
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Highest voter turnout marks assembly elections in Assam, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal: The possible reasons for the unprecedented numbers and who stands to benefit from it

The election season has captivated India, as the legislative assemblies of Assam, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, along with the bye-polls for 8 assembly constituencies in Goa, Gujarat, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Nagaland and Tripura, are taking place in April, with the outcome scheduled for the 4th of May (Monday).

This election, like all others, is accompanied by its share of controversies, debates, allegations and protests. However, it is also distinguished by another significant factor that has drawn attention, which is the unprecedented voter turnout, specifically in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. The Election Commission of India also lauded the two states for “the highest-ever poll participation since Independence” and “saluted every voter” for the same. It was referred to as a landmark moment in India’s democratic progress.

Notably, the development took place after the critical Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, which sought to prioritise authentic voters and eliminate illegitimate names, including deceased, migrated or fabricated entries, from the list to fortify the democratic process.

A record voter turnout: A steady element from West Bengal to Puducherry

On 23rd April (Thursday), voting in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal started at 7:00 am with improved voter facilitation and extensive surveillance. Tamil Nadu had an excellent overall voter engagement of 84.69% until 5:00 pm. This exceeded its previous peak of 78.29%, which was attained at the assembly elections in 2011.

The gender-wise engagement is even more impressive. The participation was higher among women (85.76%) as compared to men (83.57%). This was in line with the state’s trend of growing female voter turnout and demonstrated a considerable spike over prior elections.

Voter turnout in the state has historically wavered from the early decades following independence. Moderate attendance was observed throughout the 1950s and 1960s. However, there was a surge starting in the late 20th century. Nonetheless, the 2026 numbers reflected a substantial boost that put the state at its highest level of democratic involvement ever.

On the other hand, West Bengal’s Phase-I polling registered an exceedingly exceptional turnout of 91.78% by 5:00 pm, surpassing its previous breakthrough of 84.72%, which was reached in 2011. Females again took the lead at 92.69% as male voters stood at 90.92%. This pointed to a widespread trend of high female voter turnout.

West Bengal already displayed staggering voting figures, counted frequently among the greatest in the nation. However, the magnitude of this turnout is especially noteworthy. The state gradually rose to overtake 80% in the 1980s and 1990s from levels in the mid-50% range in the early post-Independence years. This was constantly maintained in the following polls.

Thus, Phase-I turnout illustrated both continuity and a sharp boost in voter mobilisation and fervour. The concluding Phase-II is going to be held on 29th April (Wednesday) and considering the precedent, it is also expected to establish new benchmarks.

The voter turnout for the assembly elections in Assam, Kerala and the Union Territory of Puducherry similarly registered outstanding statistics on 9th April. Assam scored 85.38% turnout while Puducherry was at 89.83%, delivering the highest numbers. The best poll participation rates touched by Assam and Puducherry in the past were 84.67% and 86.19%, respectively, in the 2016 and 2011 assembly elections.

Image via Election Commission

According to the Election Commission, 78.03% cast their votes in Kerala as compared to 77.35% in 2016 and 74.06% in 2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic. This represented the third-highest voter turnout in the state’s history. The three regions also boosted the greatest female voter turnout with 85.96% in Assam, 80.86% in Kerala and 91.33% in Puducherry.

What brought about the unparalleled totals

The stunning boom can be attributed to several reasons, ranging from the enthusiasm of the populace to be a part of the democratic process, the monumental SIR initiative designed to cleanse the electoral rolls across the country, alongside fear and intimidation from the politicians and even an attempt to defend their illegal presence in India.

A phenomenon recently came to light in which multiple videos with women discussing the abrupt absence of house helps in Gurgaon and Delhi-National Capital Region (NCR) were posted online. OpIndia spoke with the latter, and the first clear pattern was that the majority were from West Bengal. In fact, the unique accent of some suggested that they were likely Bengalis from Bangladesh. The second clear trend was that Bengali Muslims made up the vast bulk of these maids escaping Gurgaon.

Moreover, it was revealed that they were receiving calls from local All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) party leaders who were pushing them to show up for the ongoing polls. A woman quoted her area’s TMC worker who stated, “Voting this time is important, even if you can’t vote next time. You have to come.”

They were blackmailed that their land would be occupied and their homes destroyed if the party is not elected to power. The TMC representatives even threatened that they would be transported to the Bangladesh border and either shot or pushed into the country if Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) assumed control of the state.

“I don’t know why they are so desperate this time. They are scaring us and forcing us to return. They are saying if they win, they will not let the National Register of Citizens (NRC) happen. If the BJP comes to power, NRC will take place and we will all be killed,” a woman voiced. OpIndia also interviewed several Hindu domestic workers who were also departing, albeit in smaller numbers.

They highlighted, “This is our last chance to save Bengal. See how the Muslims are going in thousands to vote for TMC. We have to go too. If they come back, we will never be able to go back. Do you know what they did to us in Sandeshkhali? Do you know how they treat us. Bengal will become Bangladesh, that is what they want. This is why these Muslims are going to vote.”

The evident desperation of the TMC, which might have sensed a brewing wave against their corrupt and anti-Hindu government, likely contributed to the hike in voter turnout. However, there is a different side of this story that contends that Muslims were already voting en masse for the TMC and the growth is categorically ascribed to Hindus backing the saffron party. There was no serious jump in polling percentages after 5:30 pm, leading up to the final turnout statistics as opposed to 2024 and 2021.

Indians fly home to vote

Indian voters from abroad and other states rushed to their native regions to utilise their Constitutional right in an exemplary manner. Tamils from Singapore, Malaysia and the Gulf states headed to the central region of Tamil Nadu, which includes Tiruchy, Thanjavur, Tiruvarur, Nagapattinam, Pudukottai, Ariyalur and Peramblur. Flights from Kuala Lumpur had been fully booked for the last few days.

The Gulf, Singapore, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Dubai, Sharjah, Kuwait, Abu Dhabi and Muscat employ lakhs of Tamils. There are roughly 12 daily flights to these locations from airlines like Air India Express, Scoot Air, Indigo Air and Sri Lankan Air. Many non-resident Indian families also landed from other countries such as Australia and the United Kingdom.

A video of an Indigo Flight captain asking passengers journeying from Singapore to Tiruchirappalli how many were going to vote went viral because nearly all of them raised their hands.

On 21st (Tuesday) and 22nd (Wednesday) April more than 13 lakh people used public transport from Chennai to their hometowns in various regions of Tamil Nadu and other states to cast their votes. 97 trains with a combined daily capacity of almost 3.65 lakh individuals left Chennai Central and 85 from Chennai Egmore and Tambaram during this time. 7 lakh passengers reportedly took the train from Chennai in these two days. The railways also ran an unreserved special train from Chennai to Madurai to meet the demand.

Chennai, which has a sizable population from other districts, underwent a massive outflow as professionals, workers and students readied themselves to head back to their homes. Transport services in key cities like Tiruchirappalli, Madurai, Coimbatore, Salem and Tirunelveli also saw an uptick to assist the voter movement. However, the fares also rose steeply as people were required to spend double and even triple the usual amount.

SIR ensured a clean and effective voting process

SIR, which represents a monumental action by the Election Commission to eliminate the irregularities tied to the voter list and secure the democratic rights of the eligible citizens, has extensively added to the remarkable achievement.

“Though we have experienced that the turnout is usually less in assembly polls, this polling percentage reflects the deletion of false and dead voters through SIR and also the improvement that has been brought in the electoral list through technology. Especially in Bengal the bogus voters have been removed through the impartial implementation of an honest process, who were not even Indian citizens. This will influence the citizens to raise their voice. The value of their votes will be reflected in the polls this time,” union minister Piyush Goyal pointed out, emphasising the role of the pivotal program.

More importantly, there is a history of high voter participation pertaining to SIR. Voter turnout in the 2025 assembly elections was much higher than in earlier elections following the exercise in Bihar and climbed from 57.29% in 2020 and 56.91% in 2015 to 67.13% in 2025. This resulted from the Election Commission’s revision of the rolls, which removed lakhs of names that were deemed to be duplicates, dead or otherwise ineligible.

It can be illustrated by the example of Maynaguri, where the electorate crossed 7,000 voters and turnout expanded to around 95%, yielding nearly 9,500 more votes than in 2021. This is real engagement growth, not statistical inflation. Both fresh voters and those who were inactive or migrants had to formally register their names during the procedure. Maynaguri truly exhibited expansion and a true broadening of the vote base.

SIR reduced the number of voters by deleting phoney names and confirming that only valid people were retained or added to the list, prompting a cleaner and more transparent process as well as enhancing public participation, as indicated by these figures.

Is it a verdict in support of incumbency or against it

The parties are actively showcasing the significant voter turnout as a testament to their victory. The TMC in West Bengal is claiming that this represents a pro-government vote, while the BJP has countered that it signals a change aimed at bringing their party to power and liberating the state from years of divisive and corrupt policies.

Nevertheless, if the significance of the Bihar assembly election result is taken into account, it could be a positive for the BJP. However, the likelihood of relentless anti-SIR rhetoric from Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and other opposition leaders, coupled with aforementioned unfounded threats, could have also motivated anxious people to cast their votes. The heightened security and mobilisation efforts of the Election Commission, even in the most remote and sensitive pockets also allowed individuals to freely exercise their franchise.

There might be countless factors contributing to such a significant voter turnout, and only the day of the results will disclose who really stands to gain from it. Until that moment, the sequence of claims and counterclaims will persist without interruption.

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