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Supreme Court permits passive euthanasia for a patient for the first time in India: Read about the draft guidelines regarding the procedure and their challenges

On 11th March (Wednesday), the Supreme Court authorised passive euthanasia for 32-year-old Harish Rana, who had been in a vegetative condition since August 2013 after falling from a building in Chandigarh. The decision, which was produced by a bench of Justices JB Pardiwala and KV Viswanathan, allowed this method for the first time in the country.

Which regulations oversee passive euthanasia in India

No law in India tackles passive euthanasia, but the Union Health Ministry published “Draft Guidelines for Withdrawal of Life Support in Terminally Ill Patients” in September 2024, which was founded by specialists from All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). The stakeholders were asked to provide feedback and recommendations on the draft by 20th October of that year.

The instructions outlined the procedure hospitals must follow to withhold or withdraw treatment. They were based on directives from the Supreme Court in 2023. It outlined 4 parameters for a “considered decision in a patient’s best interests, to stop or discontinue ongoing life support in a terminally ill disease that is no longer likely to benefit the patient or is likely to harm in terms of causing suffering and loss of dignity.”

The criteria included the declaration of brainstem death in line with Transplantation of Human Organs Act, a medical prognosis and expert opinion indicating that the disease is in an advanced stage and cannot be expected to improve with aggressive treatment, recorded informed refusal by the patient or surrogate following an understanding of the prognosis, to maintain life support and adherence to the procedures mandated by the top court.

The doctor must decide whether the individual has a probability of recovering or living a happy life if treatment is continued. Afterwards, a primary medical board must evaluate the situation and come to a decision. The doctor and two experts on the subject with five or more years of experience constitute the panel.

The family must then be informed of the prognosis and asked if they would like any additional therapy. It must explain the sickness, available medical routes, alternate modes of care and the repercussions of both undergoing and not getting treatment. The medical team must reach a consensus and develop a coherent treatment plan.

The doctors and the family must lodge a request to a secondary medical board whenever they conclude that the measures should be terminated. It should consist of two subject matter experts with at least 5 years of expertise and a physician appointed by a district’s chief medical officer (CMO). A decision must be made by the board within 48 hours. While their consent is not necessary, hospitals must notify magistrates prior to ceasing treatment.

The key provisions in the draft

According to the document, a terminal illness is an incurable or irreversible condition that would inevitably result in death in the near future. This also included a severe traumatic brain injury that failed to display any signs of recovery following 72 hours.

The paperwork pointed out that life-sustaining treatments (LST) such as mechanical ventilation, vasopressors, dialysis, surgery, transfusions, parenteral nutrition, or extracorporeal membrane oxygenation are not anticipated to be beneficial for many of the hospice patients in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU).

It read, “In such circumstances, LSTs are non-beneficial and increase avoidable burdens and suffering to patients and therefore, are considered excessive and inappropriate. Additionally, they increase emotional stress and economic hardship to the family and moral distress to professional caregivers.”

The regulations outlined, “Withdrawal of LST in such patients is regarded as a standard of ICU care worldwide and upheld by several jurisdictions. Such decisions have medical, ethical and legal considerations. It may be considered that the above-mentioned also applies at the time of initiating Life support treatments to individuals with.”

They recommended reaching an informed decision not to undertake cardiopulmonary resuscitation in the case of an ensuing cardiac arrest if there is no reasonable chance of survival or substantial recovery. The draft noted that even if LST causes mortality, an adult who is capable of making healthcare choices might refuse it under the legal standards pronounced by the Supreme Court.

These principles emphasised that LST could be lawfully withheld or withdrawn from patients who cannot decide under certain circumstances, based on the fundamental rights to autonomy, privacy and dignity, alongside an Advance Medical Directive (AMD) that satisfies relevant conditions with legal binding.

AMD is a written statement that people with the potential to arrive at decisions prepare, outlining their preferences for medical treatment, or lack thereof, should they lose that capacity.

The reaction from the medical fraternity

The medical community did not approve of the effort, and Dr RV Asokan, the national president of the Indian Medical Association (IMA) contesded that it placed them under pressure and exposed them to legal scrutiny.

He asserted, “Such clinical decisions have always been taken in good faith by doctors. The patient’s relatives are explained and given all information, taken into confidence in a given case and a decision is taken on merit in every single case. Putting it down in sort of guidelines and also alleging that inappropriate decisions have been taken or they have been prolonged is a misunderstanding of the situation.”

“First, the perception and assumption that unnecessary machines are used and lives are prolonged is wrong. It exposes the doctors to legal scrutiny. More so, what is left of a doctor-patient relationship, trying to define it in four corners of black and white documentation, which is legally scrutinised, is nothing but exposing the doctors to further stress,” Asokan argued.

He insisted that some things need to be reserved for family members, patients and doctors, depending on the circumstances and science. He further conveyed that the IMA would review the text and submit its opinions to have the rules revised.

The continuous challenges

Dhvani Mehta expressed that problems have persisted despite the apex court streamlining the procedure in 2023, reported The Indian Express. She is the co-founder of the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy and one of the attorneys representing Harish Rana’s family. “It is still difficult to find doctors with a sufficient level of expertise and experience in all hospitals. And, when it comes to the secondary medical board, the process requires the CMO to send in the list of nominated doctors,” she added.

Mehta highlighted that very few states, including Goa, Karnataka and Maharashtra, have started the process of compiling this list of physicians who have been nominated for the secondary medical board.

“It is easier to withdraw such life-sustaining measures after thoroughly counselling the family members in a government hospital. Many private hospitals, however, are afraid of litigation,” observed Dr Sushma Bhatnagar, former chief of the palliative care team at AIIMS, New Delhi. She currently works at the Indraprastha Apollo Hospital in the national capital and has established a similar procedure there.

Bhatnagar mentioned, “Patients and their family members understand the pain of prolonging life through such measures. What is required is clear communication that can help them understand that they have done everything. There is a lot of guilt that families face over such a decision.”

However, the process has been made easier by understanding the patient’s intentions through a living will. These enable such persons to prepare a legal document specifying the steps they want or would rather not have executed on them when they are no longer capable of making judgments.

The first living will clinic in a private hospital in northern India was established by Bhatnagar at Indraprastha Apollo Hospital. It gives patients the option to select the particular type of care they prefer, the gender they want to be recognised as and the ability to designate someone other than their family to handle medical choices on their behalf.

Supreme Court urges the centre to frame a law on euthanasia

The Supreme Court encouraged the government to introduce a law regarding the practice of euthanasia and/or the withdrawal of medical treatment because it is pertinent to the right to live with dignity, during the recent hearing. It brought attention to the delay on the critical subject of passive euthanasia despite its “pious hope” for the centre to make such a move 8 years ago.

The court charged that no rules had been formed and there was no protracted discussion on the matter, although two law commission studies and numerous bills were presented by private members in Parliament. It was remarked that the intervention was only meant to serve as a temporary constitutional bridge until Parliament fulfilled its obligation, not to replace legislative wisdom.

The bench stressed, “The prolonged absence of a comprehensive legislation on end-of-life care has compelled this Court, time and again, to step in to fill the vacuum, out of constitutional necessity rather than institutional choice. While the guidelines as laid down in Common Cause (supra) have served as an important interim safeguard to protect the right to live and die with dignity, they were never intended to operate as a permanent substitute for legislation.”

“Therefore, we urge the Union Government to consider enacting a comprehensive legislation on the subject in consonance with the vision of the Constitution Bench in Common Cause 2018 (supra). Such a legislation would provide more clarity, coherence and certainty to these pertinent, practical and emotionally charged issues,” the court announced.

A draft bill titled “Medical Treatment of Terminally-Ill Patients (Protection of Patients and Medical Practitioners Bill)” was released by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare in 2016. The public had been asked to provide input. However, no steps were taken upon completion of the consultative phase.

The right to die with dignity was acknowledged by the Supreme Court in 2018 as a fundamental right under Article 21 in the ongoing Common Cause petition. It devised thorough norms for the withdrawal and withholding of medical care in the absence of a statutory framework. On the other hand, former justice AK Sikri had voiced hope for the government to pass an appropriate statute at the time.

What is euthanasia

Euthanasia is the intentional taking of a patient’s life to stop their suffering. It has multiple different forms and is classified as voluntary, non-voluntary or involuntary. Active euthanasia is the practice of a doctor prescribing a deadly medication or injection to end the agony of a patient who has a minimal likelihood of survival. It is permitted in the United States, Canada, Australia and several regions of Europe, but not in India.

Passive euthanasia involves enabling a person to die spontaneously by withdrawing life-sustaining medical care. Treatments including cardiopulmonary resuscitation, ventilator support, chemotherapy, radiation, dialysis, or specialist diet could be refused by patients or their families.

Strait of Hormuz crisis: Why India’s energy transition under PM Modi is crucial for energy security

The escalating Iran–US–Israel confrontation has once again exposed the fragility of the global energy system. As tensions rise in West Asia and the Strait of Hormuz becomes the centre of geopolitical confrontation, global oil markets have reacted instantly. Brent crude prices have surged, and LPG costs have begun rising, triggering fresh concerns about supply disruptions.

Nearly one-fifth of the world’s oil trade passes through the Strait of Hormuz, making it one of the most critical energy chokepoints on the planet. For energy-importing nations like India, any instability in the region can rapidly translate into higher fuel prices, inflationary pressure and economic uncertainty.

However, the current crisis is also revealing something important: India is significantly better prepared today than it was a decade ago, largely because of the long-term energy transition strategy pursued under PM Modi since 2014. What critics once dismissed as ambitious climate rhetoric is now emerging as a strategic hedge against geopolitical energy shocks.

From energy dependence to energy resilience

For decades, India’s energy strategy revolved around importing fossil fuels, particularly crude oil from the Middle East. The result was a structural vulnerability where geopolitical tensions thousands of kilometres away could immediately impact India’s economy.

Recognising this risk early, the Modi government began pursuing a multi-layered strategy focused on diversification, renewables, electrification and domestic production. Even today, India continues to rely on imports for crude oil. However, the broader energy ecosystem has undergone a major transformation over the past decade.

Domestic production and infrastructure improvements have already reduced some vulnerabilities. India’s domestic LPG production now meets around 45 per cent of demand, while domestic LNG production covers roughly half of the country’s requirements. Alongside this, major investments in refining, pipelines and storage infrastructure have significantly improved the efficiency and resilience of the energy supply chain.

The dramatic transformation of India’s power sector

The most striking transformation has occurred in India’s power generation capacity. In 2014, India’s total installed power capacity stood at about 249 gigawatts. Renewable energy, excluding large hydro, accounted for only 35.85 gigawatts, while solar power was still in its infancy with a capacity of just 2.82 gigawatts.

Over the next decade, this picture changed dramatically. By January 2026, India’s total installed power capacity had reached 520.5 gigawatts, more than doubling in just over a decade. Even more significant is the shift in the composition of this capacity. Non-fossil sources now account for approximately 271.97 gigawatts, surpassing fossil fuel capacity of 248.5 gigawatts.

Within this non-fossil segment, renewable energy contributes the largest share at about 263.2 gigawatts, while nuclear power accounts for around 8.78 gigawatts. This means that for the first time in India’s history, non-fossil sources account for more than 52 percent of the country’s installed power capacity, allowing India to achieve a key climate commitment five years ahead of schedule.

The pace of expansion continues to accelerate. In the financial year 2025-26 alone, India added more than 50 gigawatts of new power capacity. Out of this, nearly 39,657 megawatts came from renewable sources, marking one of the largest annual renewable expansions in the world.

This rapid growth is already beginning to alter India’s energy dynamics. Coal power plants are witnessing a gradual decline in plant load factors, suggesting the beginning of a structural moderation in coal dependence.

Building domestic manufacturing strength

India’s energy transition is not limited to installing renewable capacity; it is also about building a domestic manufacturing ecosystem to reduce dependence on imports.

To achieve this, the government launched the Production Linked Incentive scheme for high-efficiency solar modules in 2020, later expanding it in 2022 with an outlay of ₹24,000 crore. The objective of the scheme is to build a fully integrated domestic solar manufacturing supply chain and reduce reliance on Chinese imports.

The results have been dramatic. In 2014, India’s solar module manufacturing capacity was around 2.3 gigawatts. By 2026, that capacity has expanded to approximately 144 gigawatts, transforming India into a major global manufacturing hub for solar equipment.

The scheme has also played a crucial role in accelerating renewable installations. In 2025 alone, India added around 35 gigawatts of solar capacity, making it one of the fastest-growing solar markets globally.

Battery manufacturing is also being strengthened through the Production Linked Incentive scheme for Advanced Chemistry Cells, which carries an outlay of ₹18,100 crore. This initiative is aimed at building domestic battery manufacturing capabilities that will support both renewable energy storage and electric mobility.

Under this programme, about 40 gigawatt-hours of battery manufacturing capacity have already been awarded to companies, while 1.4 gigawatt-hours have been commissioned so far.

Rooftop solar: decentralising energy production

One of the most ambitious initiatives in India’s energy transition is the PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana, launched in February 2024.

The scheme aims to install rooftop solar systems across one crore households, effectively transforming ordinary citizens into energy producers. By decentralising electricity generation, the programme reduces pressure on centralised power infrastructure while also lowering household electricity costs.

The response to the scheme has been remarkable. Within two years, more than 55.62 lakh applications have been received, and around 21.43 lakh households have already installed rooftop solar systems. The government has disbursed over ₹14,771 crore in subsidies to support the installations.

This decentralised model represents a fundamental shift in India’s energy architecture, enabling households to generate their own electricity while reducing dependence on coal-based power generation.

Electrifying India’s transportation sector

India’s transportation sector, which has traditionally been a major consumer of petroleum products, is also transforming.

Through the FAME-II scheme and the newer PM E-DRIVE programme, the government has introduced large-scale incentives to promote electric mobility.

So far, about 16.71 lakh electric vehicles have been supported under the FAME-II scheme, including electric two-wheelers, three-wheelers and cars. The programme has also facilitated the deployment of 5,195 electric buses across various Indian cities.

Building on this progress, the PM E-DRIVE scheme aims to support the deployment of nearly 28 lakh additional electric vehicles across the country. The gradual electrification of transportation has the potential to significantly reduce India’s dependence on imported crude oil.

Farmers and villages joining the energy transition

The energy transition is also reaching India’s agricultural sector through the PM-KUSUM scheme.

This programme focuses on solarising agricultural pumps and installing decentralised solar power plants in rural areas. More than 10 gigawatts of grid-connected solar capacity have been sanctioned under the scheme so far.

In addition, around 13 lakh standalone solar pumps have been approved, with nearly 10 lakh already installed. Another 55,000 grid-connected pumps have been solarised.

By replacing diesel pumps with solar alternatives, the scheme reduces fuel consumption in agriculture while also allowing farmers to earn additional income by selling surplus electricity back to the grid.

Hydrogen and nuclear: The next frontier

India’s long-term energy strategy also includes emerging technologies such as green hydrogen and expanded nuclear power.

The National Green Hydrogen Mission, launched in 2023 with a budget outlay of ₹19,744 crore, aims to position India as a global hub for green hydrogen production. Already, production capacity of about 0.86 million tonnes per annum has been awarded to 18 companies.

Green hydrogen is expected to play a crucial role in decarbonising energy-intensive industries such as steel manufacturing, fertilisers and heavy transport.

At the same time, nuclear power capacity in India has grown from 4.78 gigawatts in 2014 to 8.78 gigawatts in 2026, with 24 reactors currently operational.

Legislative reforms under the SHANTI Bill of 2025 have introduced provisions for private sector participation and a new liability framework, with an ambitious long-term target of achieving 100 gigawatts of nuclear power capacity by 2047.

Surat Municipal Corporation’s headquarters renamed as “Tapi Bhavan”: Read how it was declared a waqf property in 2021

The Surat Municipal Corporation’s term, which started in March 2021, has come to an end. Its last meeting occurred on 10th March (Tuesday), where Mayor Daxesh Mavani put forth several key proposals that were later unanimously accepted. One such recommendation involved renaming the headquarters of the corporation. The building, known as “Mughalsarai,” would now be referred to as “Tapi Bhavan.” It is situated in the “Mughalisara” area, which has also been renamed to “Shri Tapipura.”

Notably, suggestions for the renaming had been submitted for almost 7 years. However, Mavani introduced a resolution from the chair, indicating that Surat’s prosperity originated not from the Mughal era, but from an earlier time, attributing its existence to the Tapi River at the latest general meeting. The river also contributed to the growth of industries, leading to the cities along its banks becoming renowned worldwide. Subsequently, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) members promoted the resolution, and it was approved by all. Slogans celebrating Sanatan Dharma were also raised in the house.

On the other hand, the Indian National Congress, which lacks any representatives in the corporation, is staging a protest. Its leader, Aslam Cyclewala, called the decision a “stunt” on social media, arguing that renaming the neighbourhood, historically identified as “Mughalisara” since the period of the Mughals, without engaging residents, was an unwarranted action.

Attempt to seize the building by declaring it a Waqf property

It is important to highlight that in 2021, efforts were made to appropriate the corporation’s headquarters by declaring it as a Waqf property. Nevertheless, the municipal officials brought the issue before the tribunal, which ultimately reversed the directive. In 2016, a request was made to change the name of the structure to “Humayunsarai.” It was submitted by a local, Abdullah Jarullah, who cited section 36 of the Waqf Act in his pursuit to have the building labelled as Waqf Board property.

In 2021, a ruling was partially granted in favour of the applicant, which resulted in its registration as Waqf property. Additionally, the development empowered the Gujarat State Waqf Board to manage the building, instead of it being under the corporation’s control.

The submission alleged that the place was constructed during Shah Jahan’s rule and was part of his daughter Jahanara Begum’s estate. It was erected in 1644 by his trusted associate, Ishaq Beg Yazdi alias Haqiqat Khan, at an expense of ₹33,081. The building was then named “Humayunsarai” and was allocated for Hajj pilgrims, as Surat served as a significant port and saw a considerable influx of pilgrims.

The applicant provided 17 different documents and contended that the four-century-old edifice was utilised for accommodating Hajj pilgrims until 1867. In 1961, the British transformed it into a municipal office, and eventually, it became the primary office of the Surat Municipal Corporation.

Later, the Waqf Board sanctioned the plea and instructed the classification of the office as Waqf property. However, the corporation approached the Waqf Tribunal and contested the move.

The tribunal overturned the order

The tribunal annulled the order in April 2024, deeming it arbitrary, erroneous and unlawful. It highlighted that the order issued by the board to define the building as “Humayunsarai Waqf Property” was illegal, noting that there was no structure by that name in Ward Number 11 of Surat City, and the property listed under City Survey Number 1504 had never been referred to as “Humayunsarai” previously.

The tribunal indicated that an unjust, unauthorised and unilateral effort was made to incorporate the property into government records as “Humayunsarai” without confirming the veracity and legitimacy of the application. The order additionally referenced historical evidence pointing out that the construction of the building was funded by port taxes and revenue, rather than the personal income of Shah Jahan or Ishaq Beg.

Consequently, this did not meet the criteria for self-acquired property by Mughal rulers and cannot be named as a Waqf. A Muslim individual is permitted to waqf his self-acquired property; however, property obtained from state income derived from port taxes and revenue cannot be designated as the same.

After considering all relevant facts and information, the tribunal determined that the order issued by the Gujarat State Waqf Board on 25th November 2021, which registered the property at City Survey Number 1504, Ward Number 11, Surat City, as the “Humayunsarai Waqf property,” was illicit, inconsistent with established judicial principles, incorrect and capricious, and therefore was dismissed in the interest of justice.

Moreover, the tribunal highlighted several procedural shortcomings. For instance, Abdullah had only provided photocopies of documents rather than certified copies, and according to the Evidence Act, photocopies are inadmissible. Nonetheless, the order claimed that the applicant had provided certified copies of the documents.

Moreover, the inscriptions referenced in the application did not indicate a Mutawalli. The applicant had claimed to be the Mutawalli, but the tribunal observed that he had never truly served as the Mutawalli of the building. The board’s decision was eventually reversed in light of all these elements. The Modi government presented and enacted the Waqf Amendment Bill in Parliament last year, also resulting in extensive discussions over the matter.

Kajal Hindustani vs Sadhvi Ritambhara: UGC row sparks debate on Hindu unity. Read why their statements are going viral and why the argument is being discussed

The draconian University Grants Commission (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations of 2026 have enraged the general category Hindu community. While the Supreme Court has put a stay on the outrageous regulations, the anger, debate, and the protests against the BJP-led Central government are not dying down. A fresh controversy has erupted over statements made by a Hindu saint and a key figure in the Ram Janmbhoomi Movement, Sadhvi Ritambhara, and Hindu rights activist Kajal Hindustani over the UGC caste equity guidelines issue and the general category’s protests against it.

The issue has divided a significant section of Hindus into two factions: one, which is opposed to the UGC regulations but does not favour boycotting or completely turning against the Modi government; the other faction views the UGC regulations as divisive and destructive, and believes that the BJP is not immune to criticism and opposition.

Before delving into the details of the Sadhi Ritambhara-Kajal Hindustani controversy over the UGC issue, it is important to recall, in brief, the outrageous aspect of the UGC guidelines 2026 that have triggered uproar among the ‘upper-caste’ Hindus.

The 2026 regulations ruled out the general castes as victims of caste-based violence by restricting the category of victims to SCs, STs, and OBCs. There is no provision for general category students to raise a complaint when subjected to caste-based discrimination. The 2026 regulations not only assume that caste-based discrimination is only directed towards people from the SC, ST, and OBC communities, but, in a way, promote reverse caste-based discrimination by excluding general castes, which form a large section of the academic community, from protection.

BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj’s 90-10 Dalit-Savarna fearmongering statement

The entire controversy finds its roots in a statement given by BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj in February this year, wherein he warned the general category people against protesting or ‘overreacting’ to the draconian UGC equity rules. Highlighting that upper castes are only 10% while SC/ST/OBC together form 90%, Sakshi Maharaj said that if the Dalit Hindu community starts viewing the anti-UGC protests by the Savarna Hindus as a threat or opposition against them, the people from upper castes “may not be able to become MPs or MLAs, etc.

A few weeks later, Hindu rights activist Kajal Hindustani was invited to the Shatabdi Anand Mahotsav event marking the holy centenary year of Swami Vamdev Ji Maharaj in Uttar Pradesh’s Vrindavan.

During her speech at the 3rd day of the event on 1st March 2026, Kajal Hindustani said that during the era of Lord Shri Ram in Tretayug, he never discriminated against any caste, and considered everyone as equals. Even during the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement, all Hindus, regardless of their caste, participated. She added that the Ram Mandir Movement could become a historic success and the rightful abode of Bhagwan Ram could be reclaimed because it was a collective effort devoid of any caste bias. She further emphasised that even during the Mahakumbh held in 2025, there was no caste discrimination and no separate lines for Brahmins or Kshatriya, or Vaishya.

Kajal Hindustani asserted that everyone has made meticulous efforts to end caste divisions; however, a king then brings “black law” (Kaala Kanoon) like the UGC, and divides Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and “Sevaks”. She called it “Adharma”.

“A king (here meant for Prime Minister Narendra Modi) brings in a black law that divides Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Sevaks (SC/. This is unrighteousness,” Kajal said.

She gave the example of warrior prince Arjun’s reluctance to fight against his family members like Bheeshma, and teacher Dron Acharya, even as he knew they sided with Adharma (wrong, injustice), and was schooled by Lord Krishna against tolerating unrighteousness merely because it was committed by his loved ones.

“If we too pass a black law like the UGC and if we remain silent, then we too are unrighteous. Why are we divided into castes? Is any saint dividing us into castes? Brahmins are already being maligned. And then they abuse Brahmins and raise slogans in colleges. Brahmin, your grave will be dug. Why will the grave of a Brahmin be dug? Tilak, Taraaju, aur Talwar, inko maaro jootey char. Why beat us with shoes? And they shout slogans like Brahmins should leave India. Your blood will flow. Why will blood flow? Who is dividing us?” she continued.

Furthermore, Kajal Hindustani criticised the BJP, saying that before elections, the party gives slogans like “Ek hain toh safe hain” and “Bantogey toh katogey” to Hindus, but after elections, it divides Hindus on caste lines through its policies like the UGC equity rules.

“Before the elections, they (BJP) say that if you are united, then you are safe (Ek hain toh safe hain). If you get divided, then you will be slaughtered (bantogey toh katogey), and after the elections, the same thing happens. Leaders say divide Hindus and cut these people. They do not want the Hindu society to remain united and organised. Because they know that Hindu society will unite to fight against the unrighteous. But Hindu society will become stronger only when it is united, then when we leaders do as we please, this Hindu society will speak over us. So don’t let this Hindu society be able to speak. Therefore, divide Hindus into castes,” the Hindu rights activist said.

Kajal Hindustani further expressed her dismay over Sakshi Maharaj’s “90% Dalit 10% Savarna” statement, and said, “I feel sad about when our leaders say this and say it from the land of Uttar Pradesh, and I have come to this land, so I will say it and leave because we too are descendants of Shri Ram. So, we have taught Ramji to speak out against injustice. So, it is sad when a leader from Uttar Pradesh, who himself poses as a saint, says that you, the 10%, will tell the 90% that such UGC laws will keep coming, and you will have to accept them silently. I feel sad because they are trying to divide us.”

However, after Kajal Hindustani concluded her speech, the event’s host immediately said that the event was a platform for raising such issues. On one hand, he said that this was not the platform for raising the issue of UGC guidelines, on the other, he emphasised that if Modi government has made a “mistake”, then it will be rectified through the saints and this platform.

Sakshi Maharaj defended the Modi government without saying a word on the controversial UGC equity regulations

In the same event, Sakshi Maharaj was present, and he defended the BJP government, saying that at a time when there are two factions active, one who want to ‘Christianise’ and the other who want to ‘Islamise’ Bharat, if those Hindus who are upset with the party will not vote for the BJP, then who will they vote for? Rahul Gandhi. IF they will not vote for Yogi Adityanath, who will they vote for, the son (Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav) of those who (late Mulayam Singh Yadav) ordered firing on karsevaks.

Sakshi Maharaj said that it is because PM Modi is there that Ayodhya Ram Mandir could be built, because Modi is there that Article 370 could be abrogated, adding that Bhagwa/saffron gets respect because Modi is in power; otherwise, there would be a narrative of ‘saffron terror’.

‘Don’t wash dirty linen in public’: Sadhvi Ritambhara expressed pain over Kajal Hindustani raising the UGC caste guidelines issue

At the same event on 1st March, veteran Hindu rights leader and saint Sadhvi Ritambhara delivered a speech. She was present when Kajal Hindustani addressed the gathering. Building on Sakshi Maharaj’s counter, Sadhvi Ritambhara said that Hindus have this bad habit of finding faults within the community. She stressed that if Hindus start doubting their own (BJP) leadership, then the community is doomed.

She further asserted that ranting over the UGC caste issue is like washing dirty linen in public. She suggested that even if there are complaints and grievances over any policy decisions of the Modi government, they should not be expressed through such platforms publicly.

Sadhvi Ritambhara equated the UGC caste guidelines issue with a pimple, saying that one has to treat the pimple, not kill oneself, to get rid of it. She also argued that there is a narrative war being waged against India by external forces located in Pakistan and the Middle East to divide Hindus. Sadhvi Ritambhara appealed to Hindus with folded hands to not fall for this ploy and refrain from getting divided.

“There are many disturbing things. They don’t feel good. But that doesn’t mean that…if a pimple develops on the body, will you kill the body or treat the pimple? This is my request to the Hindu community to identify this demon called ‘narrative’. There is a war of narrative going on in this country. There are external forces…narratives coming from Pakistan, the Middle East, and others, who want to divide Hindus by exploiting caste. They plant these toxic ideas to weaken Hindu consciousness and undermine Hindu unity…I request the Hindu Samaj to not to let these divisive narratives take root. Do not let caste become a weapon against our own…Rise above petty divisions and stay united as Hindus…” Sadhvi Ritambhara said.

While Sadhvi Ritambhara did not explicitly name Kajal Hindustani, her speech was essentially a rebuttal to Hindustani’s speech. There was no direct exchange of thoughts between the two; however, Sadhvi Ritambhara’s emphasis on Hindu unity in contrast to Kajal Hindustani’s concern over suppression of GCs through UGC rules came across as a direct clash between the two in social media discussions.

Is the UGC caste guidelines issue a mere ‘pimple’? Is the Modi government dividing Hindus on caste lines? Sadhvi Ritambhara or Kajal Hindustani, who is right?

The simple answer to the question whether Sadhvi Ritambhara is right or Kajal Hindustani is that both are right in their own place. Both expressed contrasting opinions, yet their core concern remained Hindu unity.

There have indeed been concerted efforts to divide Hindus on caste lines, as pointed out by Sadhvi Ritambhara. In fact, politics has always thrived on exploiting caste faultlines. However, the metaphor of ‘Funsi’ suggests that the UGC caste equity issue is a ‘minor wound’ and the body, which here implies both the BJP government and Hindu unity, should not be killed.

The anti-Savarna UGC caste guidelines were not brought by the enemies of India sitting in Pakistan or the Middle East; it was brought by the same BJP government that abrogated 370, backed Ram Mandir construction, and pushed for Hindu unity for years. If the party received immense support from Hindus for its good decisions, it would naturally receive backlash for the policies deemed discriminatory or divisive. This is how democracy works. The General Category’s anger over the UGC guidelines is not a fleeting or minor issue resulting from a foreign conspiracy. The issue and the angst over misuse of UGC rules, and reverse discrimination are both genuine and not trivial.

Her core argument, however, that no issue should be allowed to become so big as to be left unresolved, divide Hindu society and eventually lead to the ouster of a relatively pro-Hindu leadership, is valid.

Kajal Hindustani’s rhetoric reflected the genuine anger of the GCs against the Modi government over the UGC caste equity guidelines issue. It was seen how the BJP leaders, including cabinet ministers, turned their damage control mode on after the Supreme Court stayed the UGC regulations, and the GC outrage intensified. If damage control can be done, damage reversal is also not impossible. However, instead of addressing the issue empathically, especially when even many BJP leaders are not in favour of the UGC rules, if Sakshi Maharaj invokes 90%-10% Dalit-Savarna fear to downplay the issue and urge GCs to continue supporting the BJP, then there is a problem. The General Category has lived through the Congress era of suppression and neglect of Hindus; nobody wants it back, but the greater responsibility to ensure that lies on the BJP. BJP is not sacrosanct to criticism.

If the BJP leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, can be praised at the same event, why does it become a problem when Kajal Hindustani raised the issue of UGC caste equity rules with the intention to rally support of the saint community? She has been an open supporter of the BJP; issue-based criticism should not be seen as peddling or falling for any narrative or agenda to divide Hindus.

It has been noticed, however, that many opposed to Sadhvi Ritambhara’s ‘Funsi’ remark are hurling abuses at her. Her analogy might not be appropriate; her intentions were not inappropriate. Sadhvi Ritambhara, who made unforgettable contributions in the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement, has lived the era wherein even appearing proud Hindu was deemed opposed to ‘secularism’ and taking the holy name of Lord Ram was considered ‘communal’ and ‘intimidation’ of ‘minorities. Her words that Bharat has achieved a strong, nationalist, and pro-Hindu leadership after many struggles, bearing insults, reflect the pain and struggle Hindus have endured to witness the present political transition. Having a pro-Hindu political leadership is, thus, essential to ensure that the mission of Hindu unity, and by extension, national security and stability, continues.

Debunked Aryan Invasion Theory, Identified Vedic Saraswati River: Who is Padma Shri Michel Danino, the French-born scholar banned by Supreme Court for chapter on corruption in judiciary

The Supreme Court of India on Wednesday barred three prominent academicians from working on government-funded projects over the Class 8 NCERT book that contained a chapter on corruption on judiciary. On the court’s earlier orders, the NCERT informed the court that the controversial chapter was prepared under the supervision of a visiting professor Michel Danino. Two others, Suparna Diwakar and Alok Prasanna Kumar were also involved in the process.

After learning about the names behind the chapter, the court claimed that the three scholars do not have any reasonable knowledge about the judiciary, and directed that they should not be associated with any other project. The apex court had banned the book last month, and ordered the removal of all copies of the book from the market.

The court said, “At the outset, we have no reason to doubt that Professor Michel Danino, along with Ms Diwakar and Mr Alok Prasanna Kumar, either does not have reasonable knowledge about the Indian judiciary or they deliberately and knowingly misrepresented the facts in order to project a negative image of the Indian judiciary before students of class 8 who are at an impressionable age. There is no reason why such persons be associated in any manner with the preparation of curriculum or finalisation of textbooks for the next generation. We direct the Government of India and all states/UTs/Universities etc. to disassociate 3 of them forthwith and not to assign any responsibility which involves public funds. This order shall be subject to their approaching this court for modification with an explanation.”

As per the affidavit submitted by the NCERT, Prof. Michel Danino, a prominent French-born Indian author and scholar, was behind the sub-chapter titled “Corruption in the Judiciary” in the Class 8 social science textbook, which the court deemed a “deliberate misrepresentation” that could tarnish the judiciary’s image among young students.

Journey to India

Michel Danino was born on June 4, 1956, in Honfleur, a coastal town in Normandy, France. From a young age, he was drawn to Indian spirituality and philosophy, influenced by figures like Sri Aurobindo and his spiritual collaborator Mirra Alfassa, known as “The Mother”.

Dissatisfied with four years of higher scientific studies in France, Danino relocated to India in 1977 at the age of 21. He initially settled in Auroville, an experimental township in Tamil Nadu founded on Sri Aurobindo’s ideals, where he immersed himself in community life and spiritual pursuits.

In 1982, Danino moved to the Nilgiri Mountains in southern India, where he lived for two decades, focusing on nature conservation and independent research. By 2003, he had relocated near Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, and formally adopted Indian citizenship, solidifying his commitment to his adopted homeland.

Danino has often described this transition as a search for deeper meaning, stating in interviews that Sri Aurobindo’s worldview provided the keys he sought.

Academic and Professional Career

Danino identifies as a lifelong student of Indian civilisation, with no formal advanced degrees in history or archaeology but extensive self-directed scholarship. He has lectured widely on ancient Indian history, culture, and knowledge systems at institutions across India, including IIT Kanpur, IIM Ranchi, and various cultural forums.

Since 2011, he has served as a guest professor at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Gandhinagar, where he has played a key role in establishing the Archaeological Sciences Centre and coordinating courses on Indian Knowledge Systems (IKS). He is also a member of the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), contributing to research on ancient India.

In recent years, Danino has held a prominent position in educational policy, serving as the chairperson of NCERT’s social science curriculum committee. Under his oversight, NCERT has undertaken revisions to school textbooks, emphasising “balanced content” and incorporating elements of Indian heritage.

However, now he has been ordered to be removed from all government-funded institutions over a textbook chapter on corruption in judiciary.

Notable Works and Contributions

Danino’s writings focus on ancient Indian civilisation, challenging colonial-era narratives and advocating for indigenous perspectives. His early work includes translating and publishing selections from Sri Aurobindo and The Mother’s writings, such as the 13-volume Mother’s Agenda from French to English.

In 1996, he published The Invasion that Never Was, arguing against the Indo-Aryan migration theory and asserting that Aryans were indigenous to India, a view he supports with claims of genetic evidence showing unity between Aryans and Dravidians.

His 2010 book, The Lost River: On the Trail of the Sarasvati, uses multidisciplinary evidence, including archaeology, hydrology, and ancient texts, to link the Vedic Sarasvati River to the modern Ghaggar-Hakra River system, proposing it as a factor in the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation. Notably,

Danino advocates for renaming the Indus Valley Civilisation as “Indus-Sarasvati” or “Sindhu-Sarasvati” in educational materials, and has added these as alternative names in some textbooks. He asserts that the new terminology used in the textbook is based on established archaeological scholarship and not any contemporary political influence.

His other key publications include Indian Culture and India’s Future (2011), which explores India’s civilisational heritage, and co-edited textbooks like Knowledge Traditions and Practices of India for CBSE classes XI and XII.

In 2018, he edited Sri Aurobindo and India’s Rebirth, compiling Aurobindo’s writings on nationalism and cultural revival.

Danino’s research has contributed to discussions on integrating India’s ancient knowledge systems into modern education, including topics like Vedic mathematics, astronomy, and ecology.

He has also been involved in environmental conservation during his time in the Nilgiris.

Awards and Recognition

In 2017, Danino was awarded the Padma Shri, India’s fourth-highest civilian honour, by the government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, recognising his contributions to literature and education.

This accolade underscores his influence in promoting Indian cultural narratives.

Controversies and Criticisms

Danino’s scholarship has not been without controversy. As an exponent of Indian civilisation, ethos, and knowledge systems, he has been accused of historical negationism, particularly in rejecting the Indo-Aryan migration theory. His advocacy for alternative names for the Indus Valley Civilisation and claims about the Sarasvati River have been criticised by left-liberals.

In his NCERT role, Danino has overseen textbook changes that critics describe as ideologically driven, such as portraying the Maratha Empire positively while depicting the Mughal Empire negatively, and avoiding “unpleasant” topics to prevent student trauma.

Danino has denied such bias, emphasising the need for balanced, non-traumatising education.

The Supreme Court’s order barring him from NCERT and other government work adds to these debates, which have been viewed as judicial overreach by many.

Danino remains an influential figure in India’s cultural and educational landscape, bridging ancient wisdom with contemporary discourse.

From Harrow Holi celebrations to Indian restaurants in Wembley, Hindus faced half a dozen attacks by Muslim gangs in March 2026

The 2022 anti-Hindu Leicester violence orchestrated by Muslim mobs and the Islamo-leftist cabal’s propaganda campaign to paint Islamist perpetrators as victims of ‘Hindutva aggression’ have emboldened the Hinduphobic lot to continuously attack Hindus in the UK with impunity. In March 2026 alone, at least six incidents of Islamist attacks on Hindus and their businesses have been reported in Wembley.

A Somali Muslim gang attacked the Manek Chowk Restaurant

On 5th March, a gang comprising 15 to 20 masked men stormed an Indian restaurant named Manek Chowk Restaurant on Ealing Road in Wembley, smashing furniture, equipment, and windows after 8 pm. The attack was not preceded by any confrontation or provocation. The perpetrators were a gang of Somali Muslims. The visuals from the spot showed that the restaurant was badly damaged, with tables and chairs lying upside down, and food and crockery scattered.

As per a local PIO store owner, who saw the Muslim gang vandalise the Indian restaurant, said, “It started in Traders Wembley last Wednesday. Three men from Daman and Diu were beaten up in the toilets and left bleeding.”

Second attack on Manek Chowk Restaurant

In a second attack that reportedly occurred on 7th March, the same Somali Muslim gang attacked the Manek Chowk restaurant again. An eyewitness said that around 15 to 20 attackers came from the mosque side and ran riot. They were soon joined by a group of 10 to 12 youths who arrived in a bus, indicating that the attack on the Hindu Indian restaurant was preplanned. The Muslim gang vandalised restaurant furniture, damaged the cash counter, and also broke the lights.

Islamists hurl eggsat then Rangrez restaurant in Hammersmith over the Sikh owner’s strict ‘proudly non-Halal’ food serving policy.

The Rangrez restaurant, owned by Harman Singh Kapoor, was vandalised after closing hours when eggs were hurled at the premises on 7th March. Harman Singh Kapoor, who has faced constant backlash and attacks from Islamists for not serving Halal food, earlier this year announced plans to shut down the restaurant amidst Islamists threats and police negligence.

Harman Singh Kapoor has been facing attacks from Khalistani and Pakistani Muslim gangs since 2023, when he posted a video on social media criticising the Khalistan movement, after which he and his family received death threats. Owner Harman Singh’s restaurant was attacked,d and he was pressured to chant “Khalistan Zindabad”. Back then, Harman Singh had alleged that despite providing CCTV footage and evidence to the London police, he was not provided adequate security, leaving his family living in constant fear.

Panesar Food & Wine Store in Wembley ransacked

On 6th March, the Panesar Food & Wine Store in Harrow Road, Wembley, came under attack, with masked men pulling fruit and vegetable boxes, throwing them down and trampling them. As per a local, “They destroy the places, video it and go. It looks like they.”

In most of these cases, the police arrived at the spot only after the perpetrators wreaked havoc and fled the spot.

A Gujarati man was stabbed on Ealing Road

On the night of 9th March, The Times of India reports that a Gujarati-origin man was stabbed with a sharp weapon in Ealing Road after an altercation. The victim was required to be rushed to a hospital.

Hindus celebrating Holi were attacked by a Muslim mob near Harrow Civic Centre

On 3rd March 2026, a group of Muslim youths who reportedly came from a nearby mosque created unrest in the former Harrow Civic Centre parking lot in London, obstructing a Holi festival that was attended by hundreds of Hindus.

The video of the incident has gone viral on social media. The authorities have apprehended a 14-year-old regarding the attack on Hindus. The captured footage featured shoving and scuffing as tensions intensified between the attendees and the intruding group. The Muslim youths attacked Hindus when the celebration of Holika Dahan was taking place at the International Siddhashram Shakti Centre. As per an eyewitness, the Muslim perpetrators approached the Hindu event and started interrupting it by abusing Hindus and hurling trash cans.

As per a report by UK-based Hindu rights group INSIGHT UK, the Muslim attackers initially created a ruckus and left the scene, only to return with around 20 other Muslim jihadists and attack Hindus.

Islamists openly target Hindus while the UK authorities watch iin silencee

The recent attacks on Hindus, Sikhs, and their businesses in the UK are evidently isolated from a part of a continued Islamic hate campaign over the past couple of years, particularly since the 2022 anti-Hindu Leicester violence. The UK Police and the Labour government, who remained largely reluctant to act against Pakistani Muslim gangs due to the fear of appearing ‘Islamophobic’, often dismiss the incidents of Islamist attacks on Hindus as minor disputes, not treating them with the same seriousness as they do in cases involving Muslim ‘victims’.

Islamists street veto from one side and liberal propaganda machinery on the other: Hindus facing attacks after attacks in the UK while Labour prioritises not appearing ‘Islamophobic’

Over the years, the Islamo-leftist academic, activist, and media circles have been pushing a narrative painting Hindus and Hindutva as aggressors or sources of communal tensions in the UK to downplay, rather, whitewash Islamist violence against the Hindu community. Having a pliable government and law enforcement system as well as a propaganda machinery at their disposal, Islamists are openly and violently demonstrating their hatred for Hindus and Sikhs.

In Wembley, three Hindu men from Daman and Diu were attacked by Muslim men earlier this month. The attack came just days after a George Soros-funded SOAS-led Independent Commission of Inquiry report on the 2022 Leicester Violence, which villainised Daman and Diu-origin Hindus.

Even as it was Muslim leaders and Islamists like Majid Freeman who were found guilty of instigating violence against Hindus, the SOAS report claimed that Hindus from India’s Daman and Diu “were central actors in the events from May until September.”

Further villainising the Hindus, the SOAS report says, “They (Hindu Daman and Diu communities) were blamed for antisocial behaviour, unregulated religious celebrations, a culture of drinking, and harassment and provocations outside mosques.”

The report was published on 23rd February 2026, and just days after, a Muslim mob targeted and attacked three Hindu men from Daman and Diu. The dots are not too blurry to be connected. The Islamist-sympathising ‘activists’ are essentially the instigators and enablers of Islamist violence against the Hindu community in the UK. They are complicit in the Islamist anti-Hindu crimes.

Strait of Hormuz crisis: How Saudi and UAE pipelines are keeping global oil supplies moving despite rising tensions

The conflict between the United States, Israel, and Iran has disrupted the global energy supply. The vital Strait of Hormuz has been seized by the Islamic Republic in an attempt to impose an unbearable economic burden on the United States and its associates. However, the fallout has reached far and wide, impacting nations with no involvement in the war, such as India. Nevertheless, there appears to be a solution to this energy crisis that has generated global concerns.

Two pipelines have been constructed specifically for this purpose, one located in Saudi Arabia and the other in the United Arab Emirates, which are designed to circumvent the strait. They are the sole means of transporting an extensive amount of Persian Gulf oil into international markets. They cannot completely replace the flows conveyed by tanker ships, but their use serves as a single factor stopping an even more dire situation from emerging.

Saudi Arabia is moving as much crude as it can through its pipeline to Yanbu, a port on the Red Sea. It was constructed 45 years ago in the early 1980s when shipping in the Persian Gulf was at risk due to the Iran-Iraq War. “While we have faced disruptions in the past, this one by far is the biggest crisis the region’s ​oil-and-gas industry has faced,” informed Amin Nasser, Saudi Aramco’s chief executive, as quoted by The Wall Street Journal.

He added, “The shipping blockage has made Saudi Arabia’s East-West pipeline one of the most critical pieces of infrastructure in the world economy. The state oil producer expects to send a maximum of 7 million barrels of oil through the 746-mile-long pipeline within a few days.”

The pipeline takes oil from massive sources in eastern Saudi Arabia to the nation’s Red Sea Coast, winding over dunes, mountains and lava fields. Its length is similar to that of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline.

Two years after the initial shipment, in 1983, an internal Aramco newsletter stated that over 7,000 individuals worked on the four-year project, which was supervised by a subsidiary of Mobil Oil. 2,000 tonnes of explosives were used to blast a trench across the Arabian Peninsula for a parallel conduit intended for the byproducts of natural gas. The artery was designed to avoid the Persian Gulf and strengthen the proximity of Saudi goods to markets in the West.

The kingdom’s refiners use about 2 million barrels of oil every day, leaving 5 million barrels that could be sold to other countries. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), that is equivalent to the majority of its crude shipments over the strait before the standoff. However, the pipe has never operated at maximum capacity for a prolonged period of time.

Additionally, it cannot resolve the entire issue because Aramco cannot reroute the 800,000 barrels of petroleum products that are sent via the strait every day. Furthermore, oil is also stuck in Bahrain, Iraq and Kuwait. The strait is a chokepoint for over 20 million barrels of oil and refined items each day, accounting for one-fifth of global consumption. The Saudi pipeline would not be able to counteract all of that. However, it can offer an alternative for up to 5 million barrels per day.

For 1.5 million barrels, a pipeline maintained by the United Arab Emirates provides a second bypass option. It can be employed to transfer crude from Abu Dhabi to the port of Fujairah on the Gulf of Oman. Moreover, the country could likely raise the figure to over 2 million in an emergency, reported Bloomberg.

What role can the pipelines play?

These two together can slow the skyrocketing prices of petroleum if enough tankers arrive at the loading ports. Presently, roughly 25 supertankers, each with a capacity of 2 million barrels, are headed toward the new pickup locations after diverting from their original courses.

On 8th March (Sunday), three very large crude carriers or VLCCs were loaded simultaneously at the Yanbu and Al Muajjiz terminals on the Red Sea by Saudi Aramco. Similarly, a VLCC was stocked at Fujairah by state-controlled Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC). These three locations have been functioning at an unparalleled magnitude.

According to Vikas Dwivedi, global energy strategist at Macquarie, daily shipments from Yanbu have boosted by two million barrels per day over the previous week. He believed that the pipe was utilising between 50% and 60% of its capacity as of 9th March (Monday). 

Image via The Wall Street Journal

The smaller, more recent Emirati pipeline connects Habshan in Abu Dhabi to Fujairah on the Gulf of Oman. It was primarily developed by a subsidiary of the state-run China National Petroleum Corp. The IEA pointed out that it can carry up to 1.8 million barrels per day and was already passing through roughly 1.1 million barrels before the outbreak of violence in the region.

Both Yanbu and Fujairah have experienced a surge in crude loadings. Petrobras announced that Saudi Arabia has fulfilled its obligation by pouring oil through the pipeline. It is a state-backed oil firm of Brazil. The company’s top executive highlighted that the problem is the hike in shipping expenses.

According to analytics company Sparta Commodities, an approximate evaluation suggested that around 10 million barrels are going to stay trapped in the Persian Gulf despite pipeline movements. Neil Crosby of analytics platform Sparta observed, “We’ve basically solved half of the problem.”

How reliable are the alternative pipelines

Iran has attacked energy infrastructure in the Gulf, and experts feared that these pipelines might also meet the same fate, but at least some could reach customers, as over 1,000 tankers remained stranded in the Persian Gulf.

“If you suddenly see two very large crude carriers coming out of Yanbu and one out of Fujairah, there is a psychological effect that at least some oil is coming out,” mentioned former trader Adi Imsirovic, who currently teaches at Oxford University. He then voiced, “What really worries me is that it’s not particularly difficult to target those pipelines.”

It’s not risk-free to ship oil in the Red Sea and at Fujairah, even though it’s safer than embarking into the Persian Gulf. Last week, an attempted drone strike damaged the Emirati port, leading some gasoline suppliers to cancel contracts.

In 2024, the Houthi militants in Yemen, who have ties to Iran, attacked numerous commercial vessels. Maritime security analysts at the United Kingdom-based Ambrey are warning ships affiliated with the United States and Israel to steer clear of the Red Sea, even though they haven’t revived the offensive during the present confrontation.

Shortage of LPG? Refill delays in several cities affect restaurants in Chennai, Bengaluru, Mumbai as govt announces booking curbs, Essential Commodities Act invoked

On 9th March (Monday), the Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Gas has instructed oil refineries to increase Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) production, with the additional output designated for domestic consumption, in light of the continuous conflict in the Middle East affecting energy trade supplies.

“In light of current geopolitical disruptions to fuel supply and constraints on the supply of LPG, the Ministry has issued orders to oil refineries for higher LPG production and using such extra production for domestic LPG use,” the official statement read.

The minimum interval for booking a household LPG refill has also been extended. “The ministry has prioritised domestic LPG supply to households and introduced 25 day inter-booking period to avoid hoarding/black marketing. Non-domestic supplies from imported LPG are being prioritised to essential non-domestic sectors such as Hospitals and Educational institutions,” it further conveyed.

The release added, “For LPG supply to other non-domestic sectors, a committee of three EDs of OMCs have been constituted to review the representations for LPG supply to restaurants/hotels/other industries.”

The Modi govt invokes emergency measures to ensure LPG supplies

The government has formally enforced a stringent natural gas rationing policy spanning all industries to manage major supply interruptions in light of the dispute in the Middle East, reported NDTV Profit. The Natural Gas (Supply Regulation) Order was passed after foreign suppliers exercised force majeure provisions in the wake of blocked LNG supplies over the Strait of Hormuz.

The centre created a supply hierarchy through this emergency step to ensure distribution for vital industries. All current commercial agreements and Gas Sale Agreements (GSAs) are superseded by this directive. The Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell (PPAC) would notify a pooled pricing, and the Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL) will oversee natural gas supplies to carry out the mandates.

City gas networks and critical fuel providers are now drawing their entire historical needs to safeguard the citizens. However, substantial gaps are being borne by heavy industries. According to current operational statistics, the supply allocation is as follows:

  • Compressed natural gas (CNG), pipeline compressor fuel, LPG production, and domestic piped natural gas (PNG) all averaged 100% over the previous six months.
  • Tea industries, manufacturing, and other industrial consumers accounted for 80% of the previous six-month average.
  • Fertiliser production was 70% of the previous six-month average.
  • Petrochemical plants, power plants and oil refineries accounted for 65% of the previous six-month average.

This natural gas shortage has transpired along with the country’s ongoing LPG challenge. Policymakers are still considering a formal reprioritisation directive, but industries are currently confronting supply cutbacks of 20% to 35%. Moreover, energy-intensive industries, such as the enormous ceramics manufacturing cluster in Morbi of Gujarat, have started to shut down plants or hunt for alternate fuels.

Shortage of LPG hit Bengaluru and Chennai hotels

Hotel and restaurant industry groups in Bengaluru and Chennai have highlighted a shortage of commercial cooking gas cylinders due to the geopolitical unrest. According to the Bangalore Hotels Association, hotel and restaurant operations throughout the city are probably going to be impacted from 10th March.

“Since the gas supply has stopped, the hotels will be closed from tomorrow. Since the hotel industry is an essential service, common people, students, and medical professionals, who rely on the hotels for daily meals, will be affected. In addition, our hotel industry will also face difficulties until the gas supply returns to normal,” a formal release mentioned.

It added, “Oil companies had said that there would be no disruption in gas supply for 70 days. However, the sudden stoppage of supply is a big blow to the hotel industry. Therefore, we expect the concerned Union Ministers to take immediate action in this regard and resume commercial gas supply and provide support to the hotel industry. Hotels will be closed from tomorrow due to the gas supply being cut off.” 

“Without gas, food and refreshments will not be available at the hotels starting tomorrow. Hotels will not open. We have spoken and sent communications to central ministers and also informed MPs from Bengaluru. Without gas, it will not be possible to prepare food, so the government should respond immediately,” expressed PC Rao, the body’s honorary president.

The Chennai Hotels Association complained that things have “now become even more critical.” The outfit’s president M Ravi, wrote a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and outlined, “The food industry works on a 24 x 7 basis for many hospitals who require the food to be supplied on time, besides IT Parks, students at college hostels, train and business travellers will all be affected, if the supply of commercial LPG is hindered.”

“There are also banquet bookings undertaken by many star hotels and restaurants which will also be affected. The short supply of commercial LPG to the food industry will also hinder the dependence of the large public across Tamil Nadu,” he asserted and asked PM Modi to provide the food industry with a constant supply of commercial LPG.

Similar scenes unfold in Maharashtra

Mumbai’s hospitality industry is also experiencing an energy crisis, with roughly 20% of hotels and restaurants having to stop their services due to an enormous shortage of commercial LPG cylinders. Prominent restaurants in places like Dadar, Andheri and Matunga have already started limiting their menus, eliminating slow-cooked dishes like Rava Dosa and Dal Makhani. They have restricted their operation hours to save their gas supplies.

Mumbai Hotel Association, Aahar stated that in the next two to three days, up to 50% of hotels would close if the situation persists. The amount of LPG stock they possess will determine how long they can afford to stay open. However, Aahar has not officially decided whether or not to close hotels, and instead, hotel owners will have to make that call.

Plants in Nagpur, Pune and Mumbai have significantly reduced their supply of commercial LPG. Deliveries to eateries and cloud kitchens have fallen drastically. According to reports, 9,000 eateries and bars might have to halt business.

There is a serious LPG cooking gas scarcity in Mumbai, where refill wait periods might reach eight days, as per some reports. The supply of commercial cylinders to lodging facilities and dining establishments has entirely ceased, which could lead to a problem for restaurants. Bookings have increased since Monday morning, indicating panic buying. Families with two cylinders hurried to dealer locations to schedule refills.

“Moreover, a new notification from the Union Ministry of Petroleum stipulates that domestic consumers can only book a new refill 25 days after receiving one cylinder. It is not like last week when you could book the next cylinder within a day or two. At least the domestic 14.2 kg cylinder is still available. The supply of commercial LPG cylinders has been completely halted since Sunday. This will lead to a crisis for hotels and restaurants that purchase these large cylinders,” warned a suburban dealer, reported The Times of India.

The shortfall is now spreading throughout Mumbai’s food business, according to Vijay Shetty, head of the India Hotels and Restaurant Association. According to him, an increasing number of eateries are already having trouble getting commercial LPG cylinders. “As of today, 10–20 per cent of our members are facing problems. By tomorrow, it will be 60 per cent. By the day after tomorrow, it will be 100 per cent impact on restaurants, forcing them to shut,” he stated, reported India Today.

Furthermore, the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas directed the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) to temporarily close the gas-based crematorium furnaces. The ministry ordered on 5th March that the nation’s available propane and butane will be essentially utilised for residential LPG supply.

LPG worries hit multiple states

Oil marketing companies stopped shipping non-domestic LPG cylinders throughout Punjab on 8th March. This impacted larger industrial and 19-kilogram commercial cylinders. Distributors were told to refuse any refill reservations inside the 25-day period, according to authorities, who maintained the step was necessary to protect domestic supplies in the face of declining imports.

Several districts are rigorously adhering to central directives in Andhra Pradesh as well. Distributors have been told to prioritise domestic demand and stop making new commercial allocations. Since thousands of people depend on their services either directly or indirectly, thousands of hotels and small restaurants have reported a major decrease in supplies. They are appealing to the government to guarantee continuous LPG delivery.

The distributors in Rajasthan are instructed to stop making new reservations for commercial usage, resulting in an unexpected shortage of LPG cylinders for hotels, restaurants, dhabas, and roadside food vendors throughout the state. Deepak Gehlot, president of LPG Distribution Federation of Rajasthan, informed, “Distributors are instructed not to place new indents or orders for commercial cylinders starting Monday,” reported The Times of India. A distributor from Jaipur stated, “We are currently out of stock. Supplies may resume in three to four days; until then, even domestic consumers will have to wait.”

Hyderabad and other parts of Telangana are no longer receiving commercial LPG shipments, and the current inventories have been carefully rationed, as per reports. Officials stated that because supplies are unpredictable, the measure is vital but only temporary.

Industry associations have called for a partial rollback, citing pressure on Tamil Nadu’s eateries and food enterprises, after oil suppliers froze the shipping of new commercial cylinders in Chennai and Coimbatore.

The government of Himachal Pradesh has used the Essential Commodities framework to invoke emergency powers. Indian Oil Corporation, Hindustan Petroleum, and Bharat Petroleum have been directed to minimise non-essential usage and prioritise propane and butane for residential cylinders.

The suspension of non-domestic LPG cylinder delivery by the Union Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas created uncertainty for businesses that depend on LPG in Kolkata. The ministry instructed oil marketing companies to immediately cease distributing non-domestic non-exempted (NDNE) LPG cylinders until further notice. Nonetheless, hospitals will continue to receive commercial LPG. Likewise, a 21-day lock-in period for home LPG refills has been implemented by Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) and Bharat Petroleum Corporation Ltd (BPCL) after a recent high increase in bookings.

FHRAI, NRAI raise an alarm

Concerns about a severe scarcity of commercial LPG cylinders were voiced by the hotel and restaurant sector after suppliers blocked supplies. Citing recent government orders for the disruption, it requested the centre to intervene. The National Restaurant Association of India (NRAI) and the Federation of Hotel and Restaurant Associations of India (FHRAI) both reported extensive supply interruptions, stating that hotels and restaurants nationwide were having difficulty obtaining cooking fuel, which is essential to day-to-day operations.

FHRAI pointed out “widespread disruption at the ground level” in a letter to Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri. It stated that a number of wholesalers had halted deliveries after the 5th March 5. The association called on the government to formally clarify that the hospitality and food service industries are not subject to any limitations. Jaison Chacko, Secretary General of FHRAI, urged all oil marketing firms to “ensure the seamless distribution of commercial cylinders” to stop further damage to the hospitality sector.

Similar worries were expressed by the NRAI, which added that the situation has started to “severely impact” eateries and, consequently, the public’s access to food services. It stated that vendors on the ground have expressed their inability to deliver commercial LPG cylinders to restaurants, contrary to reports implying that there was no government ban on their supply.

NRAI has even written to the Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas, Hardeep Singh Puri, requesting the centre’s intervention to make sure an ongoing supply of commercial LPG cylinders to restaurants. It warned that disruptions could have a serious negative impact on the industry and the availability of cooked food for the public.

It wrote a letter on 7th March and highlighted that the restaurant industry is heavily reliant on commercial LPG for day-to-day operations and that any inconvenience might result in a huge number of businesses closing.

According to the letter, suppliers nationwide suggested that the supply of commercial LPG cylinders to eateries would be discontinued. The NRAI highlighted the sector’s economic impact, stating that it has an annual revenue of over ₹5.7 lakh crore and represents over five lakh restaurants throughout India. It is one of the biggest service sectors in the nation and directly employs over eight million people.

Notably, the price of LPG cylinders was also raised last Saturday owing to the dispute between the United States and Israel. Commercial LPG cylinders were increased by Rs 115 and residential cooking gas by Rs 60. It is important to note that key oil imports through the Strait of Hormuz, a conduit for international energy supplies, have been severely strained by recent intensifications in the Middle East conflict. As a result, India is already experiencing a severe gas supply shortage, which has already resulted in de facto supply cuts across key industries.

India procures 1 mt LPG supply from USA, more purchase underway

has procured 1 million tonnes from the United States. India has acquired 20 very large gas carriers (VLGC) cargoes, equivalent to 1 million tonnes, from the US. However, the national consumption each month requires 40 VLGC cargoes.

India has also invoked the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, to regulate the availability and proper distribution of petroleum products and natural gas in the country.

As per the Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell, the total cumulative LPG production in India during April 2025 to January 2026 stood at 10.642 million metric tonnes (MMT). The production in January 2026 alone was 1.158 MMT. The government is not planning to increase the domestic production of LPG to reduce dependence on imports.

CNN deletes tweet after online backlash: How an ISIS-inspired terror attempt was turned into a humanising story about ‘teenagers enjoying the city’

The credibility crisis facing legacy Western media deepened this week after CNN was forced to delete an astonishingly tone-deaf post that appeared to humanise two ISIS-inspired suspects who hurled homemade explosive devices outside the residence of New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani near Gracie Mansion.

The now-deleted tweet read like the opening paragraph of a travel blog rather than a report about a suspected terror incident.

“Two Pennsylvania teenagers crossed into New York City Saturday morning for what could’ve been a normal day, enjoying the city during abnormally warm weather,” CNN wrote.

Only later in the post did the network casually mention that the pair had allegedly thrown homemade bombs packed with screws and bolts during a protest outside the mayor’s residence.

In other words, an ISIS-inspired attack attempt involving explosive devices was framed as a pleasant spring outing gone wrong.

The backlash online was immediate and brutal.

Social media users were stunned that a major global news organisation could describe suspected terrorists in such sympathetic terms.

One widely shared comment captured the absurdity perfectly: “Two ISIS-inspired teenagers drive from Pennsylvania to NYC, bring IEDs packed with screws and bolts, and throw them at an anti-Muslim protest outside Gracie Mansion. CNN: Shame their nice day enjoying the city didn’t work out.”

Another furious user wrote, “OMG, omg, omg. @CNN delete your network.”

Yet another user identified the reporters behind the piece, Gloria Pazmino and Taylor Romine, accusing them of downplaying what appeared to be a jihad-inspired attack by describing the perpetrators merely as “Pennsylvania teenagers.”

The outrage forced CNN into damage control mode.

The network eventually deleted the tweet and issued a clarification admitting that the post “failed to reflect the gravity of the incident” and therefore breached its editorial standards.

But the controversy did not end there.

Several users pointed out that even in its initial framing of the incident, CNN had inserted another questionable narrative: describing the gathering outside the mayor’s residence as an “anti-Muslim protest.”

However, it is worth noting that the protest taking place outside the residence was not an anti-Muslim event at all. CNN’s framing appeared to inject a politically convenient label that shifted attention away from the alleged perpetrators and toward the protesters themselves.

In other words, the framing accomplished two remarkable things simultaneously: it softened the portrayal of the suspected bomb-throwers while casting the surrounding protest in a negative ideological light.

For many observers, this was not an isolated editorial lapse but a textbook example of a broader pattern that has increasingly defined sections of Western media.

When Islamist extremism surfaces, the language often becomes curiously restrained. At times, facts of the incidents are obscured for the fear of “fanning Islamophobia.” The perpetrators are humanised as “teenagers”, “youth”, or merely “individuals”, with no ideological or religious moorings to drive them towards committing such atrocities.

In fact, the ideological motivations behind the violence are often buried several paragraphs deep, if they are mentioned at all. Meanwhile, contextual framing frequently shifts attention toward the surrounding political environment rather than the act of violence itself.

The result is a bizarre moral inversion where suspected terrorists are subtly humanised while the ideological backdrop is reframed to dilute the seriousness of the crime.

CNN’s tweet was a perfect case study in this phenomenon. The first line focused on a “normal day enjoying the city.” The second line mentioned the bombs. One would imagine that if individuals transport explosive devices packed with shrapnel into a major metropolitan area, the explosives, not the weather, would be the headline.

But that assumption apparently no longer holds in the editorial culture of certain legacy media organisations.

What made the episode even more revealing was how accountability arrived. It did not come from CNN’s editorial oversight mechanisms. It came from ordinary social media users who instantly spotted the absurdity and called it out.

Within minutes, screenshots of the tweet spread across the internet, accompanied by ridicule and anger. The network eventually had no choice but to delete the post.

But deletion does not erase the deeper question. How did such framing pass through editorial review in the first place? Major networks like CNN operate with multiple layers of editorial scrutiny. Tweets and headlines are reviewed, approved and distributed through structured workflows. A narrative that trivialises an ISIS-inspired attack cannot simply appear out of thin air.

It reflects a newsroom culture where such framing no longer triggers alarm bells. And that culture is precisely why public trust in legacy media institutions continues to erode. Increasingly, audiences believe that these organisations are less interested in reporting events as they are and more interested in shaping narratives that align with ideological preferences.

CNN’s deleted tweet is therefore not just an embarrassing social media mistake. It is a revealing glimpse into the editorial instincts of an industry that once claimed to be the guardian of truth.

If describing suspected terrorists as unfortunate teenagers whose pleasant day in the city went wrong passes as acceptable journalism in elite newsrooms, then the crisis facing Western media is far deeper than a single tweet.

And no amount of post-facto deletions can restore credibility once the public has seen behind the curtain.

Ummah over India? Islamists are targeting Adani-Elbit plant in Hyderabad, spreading hate on India’s defence manufacturing citing Gaza and Iran

Islamists have their loyalties exported to foreign countries and leaders. This misplaced loyalty often reflects in the unapologetic expression of support and solidarity of countries and leaders based on religion, even at the cost of undermining India’s foreign policy and national security. The same lot that was devastated and snivelling over the assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Syed Ali Khamenei, in Israeli strikes, has channelised their anti-Israel sentiments towards hatred against India’s defence manufacturing by targeting the India-Israel joint Adani-Elbit Advanced Systems India drones manufacturing factory in Hyderabad.

While spreading anti-India hate, they are very conveniently forgetting they live in India, and defence manufacturing keeps their own homeland safe from external threats.

Indian Islamists are painting a dangerously distorted picture of the Adani-Elbit joint venture in Hyderabad. Social media is replete with videos and posts claiming that India is somehow actively exporting weapons, particularly Hermes 900 UAV drones, to Israel against Iran. They are fuelling hatred against India’s defence manufacturing amidst escalating conflict between Israel and Iran. The insinuation is that the Hyderabad factory of the Adani-Elbit joint venture is enabling the Israeli aggression, first in Gaza, and now in Iran.

Islamists are writing posts and making emotional videos, often with exact location details of the Adani-Elbit JV’s Hyderabad factory. In one such post, a Muslim man named Mushir Khan claimed that Israel has been making drones and missiles in India for the last 11 years, and that these drones and missiles were used in Israel’s war against Palestine earlier, and are now being used against Iran. “Nobody likes it, when in your neighbourhood there is a factory making weapons for a foreign country,” he said.

One Anis Ahmed shared the same video on X. He wrote, “If, for the past 11 years, Gautam Adani and Israel have been collaborating in Hyderabad to build drone-missiles… and those very weapons are being used for genocide in the Gaza Strip and against Iran… then the question is, what message is being sent to the world by partnering with an illegitimate country? Why are Asaduddin Owaisi Sahab and Rahul Gandhi ji silent on this issue? Is this just a rumour… or a big truth that’s being suppressed?”

One Adil Siddiqui also amplified the distorted claim that “Israel is making missiles and drones in India,” to target Gaza and Iran, sharing Mushir Khan’s video.

Kavish Aziz, a notorious Islamist and Hindu-hater, also amplified the claim that Israel is making weapons in India, which are being used in Iran after Palestine.

“Do you know??? Israel has been manufacturing missiles and drones in Hyderabad for the past 11 years. Adani Defence formed a joint venture with Israel’s Elbit Systems in 2016 to manufacture the Hermes 900 drone. These are the drones that were used in the Palestine War and are now being used in the Iran War. Adani Defence also manufactures small arms such as the Tavor TAR-21, X-95 Tavor, Negev light machine gun, Galil ACE assault rifle, Galil DMR, and Masada pistol in collaboration with the Israeli arms industry. In 2020, a contract was signed for 16,479 Negev NG-7 LMGs for the Indian Army,” Aziz posted on 9th March.

India supplied Adani-Elbit-made drones and missiles to Israel against Palestine and Iran? Islamists go on propaganda overdrive to score Ummah points

Before delving into the mindset of these Islamists, who see even issues like defence manufacturing from an Islamic Ummah lens, it is imperative to make some facts clear.

The Adani-Elbit defence manufacturing facility in Hyderabad does not essentially make missiles.

Back in 2016, Adani Defence and Aerospace and Israeli defence manufacturer Elbit Systems had formed a joint venture, Adani-Elbit Advanced Systems India Ltd to manufacture Hermes 900 Medium Altitude Long Endurance unmanned aerial vehicles in India. In 2018, the Adani Elbit JV opened its first UAV manufacturing facility in Telangana’s Hyderabad. The version of the Hermes 900 made in India by the JV is called Drishti 10. While the Indian armed forces are the company’s primary customer, it is free to export the drones as well.

It must be recalled that in 2024, the Indian Islamo-leftist cabal had been outraged over reports of India supplying 20 Hermes 900 drones manufactured at the Hyderabad Adani-Elbit facility to Israel. These, however, formed only a tiny chunk of India’s overall defence ecosystem. The Adani-Elbit defence manufacturing factory primarily caters to Indian defence needs, not those of Israel.

Those drones are primarily protecting India, where these Islamists live, and are meant to keep them safe.

The portrayal of India as a large weapons exporter to Israel is detached from reality. Contrary to the narrative that India has been arming Israel against Palestine first, and now Iran, India is Israel’s largest arms buyer, accounting for 34% of Israel’s total defence exports. Israel supplied India with Barak-8 missiles and Heron drones in recent years.

In the Gaza war’s case, India has explicitly stated that it will not directly supply arms or ammunition to Israel for immediate use in Gaza, and that all exports are governed by an end-user agreement. It was confirmed earlier by Adani Defence and Aerospace that Hermes 900 drones were purpose-built for surveillance and reconnaissance missions and cannot be used for attack roles.

Coming back to the Iran-Israel war, there is zero evidence that India has exported Hermes 900 drones or any ‘missiles’ to Israel for use against Iran. This entire claim that the Adani-Elbit defence manufacturing unit in Hyderabad is making drones for Israel’s war against Iran is an absolute propaganda spin.

Hermes 900 is an Israeli drone, and Israeli defence forces already use a large number of Hermes 900 drones and their earlier versions, like Hermes 450 drones made by Elbit in Israel. Hermes is actually one of the most widely used military drones in the world, and several countries have purchased it for their forces. Merely because the Hyderabad Adani-Elbit facility manufactures Hermes 900 drones, it does not automatically mean that India is exporting these drones to Israel for combat use in Iran.

The Muslim influence Mushir Khan relied on a ChatGPT response to his query about Israel using Hermes 900 surveillance drones in its offensive against Iran. However, the chatbot nowhere mentions that the drones used in anti-Iran operations are manufactured in India. It is obvious that Israel is using locally-made Hermes 900 UAVs, and yet, Khan and other Islamists are twisting facts to peddle a false and sinister narrative.

India maintains a balanced approach, whether it is in the context of the Israel-Palestine war or the ongoing war between Iran and Israel-US. The Modi government has maintained a balance in ties with Israel through defence tech partnerships, with Iran through energy and logistics ties, and Arab states via elaborate economic relations. India is the only country to have good relations with countries which have a historical enmity or are at war, be it Russia-Ukraine, Israel-Palestine, Thailand-Cambodia, and Israel-Iran, or Iran-Gulf countries.

Although the location of the Adani-Elbit defence manufacturing facility in Hyderabad is not secretive, highlighting map images comes across as an attempt to incite a protest or even an attack.

Framing the Adani-Elbit defence manufacturing joint venture between India and Israel as some sort of ‘betrayal’ to Iran is baseless, dishonest and essentially a betrayal by Indian Islamists against India. The propaganda being run by Indian Islamists is nothing short of a dog-whistling campaign designed to incite low-IQ communal hatred, paint a target on the Adani-Elbit manufacturing facility in Hyderabad, harm India’s own defence sector, and rally domestic and global outrage against India as a ‘war enabler’.

Islamists forget that they are living in a safer and stronger India, not war-torn Gaza or Iran

Weapons manufactured in a country not only keep that country safe, but they also buy crucial military leverage and strategic relations, making that nation stronger in combat and diplomacy. Any defence manufacturing plant in India that supplies to the Indian military and exports to other nations is an essential pillar that keeps India safer and stronger in the world.

These Islamists, who are safe in India, far away from war-torn Gaza, and Iran, are forgetting that it is a strong and stable India with healthy diplomatic and strategic relations that is making it possible.

India’s foreign and defence policy is not and should not be governed by the emotions or ‘religious’ sentiments of those who hold foreign leaders and countries in higher regard than their own country and its interests.

The Indian Islamist campaign against the India-Israel joint venture operating in Hyderabad is akin to the propaganda campaign that Pakistani jihadis have been doing since the war between Iran and Israel+America erupted in late February 2026. Pakistani propaganda social media accounts fabricated and amplified videos of Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Foreign Minister S Jaishankar, and Indian Army Chief Upendra Dwivedi ‘admitting’ that India aided Israeli attacks against Iran, framing these false statements as India’s ‘open betrayal’ against Iran to incite global hatred against India. This ‘India betrayed Iran’ rhetoric, rooted in falsehoods, speculations, and outright propaganda, is being pushed even as India offered sanctuary to at least three Iranian naval ships, with Iran even thanking New Delhi.

The Indian Islamists are proving to be no different from India-hating Pakistani jihadists. Their conduct is essentially a blend of ‘Islamic Ummah solidarity’ with Iran and Palestine, anti-Modi bias, and, of course, opportunistic rabble-rousing while forgetting the interests of their own nation. The Islamists know for sure that portraying the Modi government as ‘pro-Israel’ would automatically make them seem “anti-Muslim”. It is not that a significant section of Indian Muslims does not already see the BJP and the Modi government as ‘anti-Muslim’; however, the underlying motive of the ongoing propaganda seems not to be confined just to generating hatred against India’s defence manufacturing but appears to be extending to stirring unrest in the country.

It was seen how, after reports of the killing of Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Syed Ali Khamenei in Israeli strikes emerged, protests by Shia Muslims erupted in Lucknow, Jammu and Kashmir, Kargil, and other areas. Many even expressed willingness to go to war-torn Iran and fight Israel and America for Khamenei, while most never even condemned the persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Such religion-based support for foreign leaders and countries, even at the cost of going against India’s official foreign policy, is dangerous and treasonous.

Although the context varies, the pattern of dog-whistling is akin to what was seen during the Nupur Sharma ‘blasphemy’ episode back in 2022. The same Islamist lot had dog-whistled against the former BJP spokesperson for quoting a Quranic fact. In no time, ‘Sar tan se Juda’ calls began to be made by rioting Muslim mobs across the country, with outrage spilling over to Gulf nations. In what appears to be almost a redux of the Nupur Sharma episode, Islamists are now dog-whistling against the Hyderabad factory of the Adani-Elbit joint defence venture as a war between Iran and the US-Israel alliance rages on.