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New York mayoral race: Academicians, ex-civil servants, and diaspora leaders urge action against Zohran Mamdani for Hinduphobic lies in letters to S Jaishankar, Mira Nair

OpIndia Staff
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New York mayoral race: Academicians, ex-civil servants, and diaspora leaders urge action against Zohran Mamdani for Hinduphobic lies in letters to S Jaishankar, Mira Nair

The impending mayoral election in New York City has sparked an unusual diplomatic and cultural debate in India, with Hindu intellectuals, retired officers, professionals, and community leaders issuing open letters raising concerns over the candidacy of Zohran Mamdani for his Hinduphobic tendencies.

Two separate letters, one addressed to India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and another to filmmaker Mira Nair, Mamdani’s mother, have gained wide attention for their strong language and the list of signatories attached to them.

Concerns voiced to the Indian government

In a letter dated August 26, addressed to Dr. S. Jaishankar, the signatories urged India to take a firm stand against what they described as Mamdani’s “Hinduphobic lies” and defamatory remarks about PM Modi and India.

The letter accused Mamdani, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and frontrunner in the New York mayoral race, of falsely claiming that there were no Muslims left in Gujarat and of labelling Prime Minister Modi a “war criminal.” Citing census data and Supreme Court judgments, the authors argued these assertions were baseless and harmful to India’s global image. 

The letter proposed specific measures for the Ministry of External Affairs, including Official condemnation of Mamdani’s remarks, a diplomatic protest to Washington, revocation of any Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) status he may hold, denial of entry into India, and scrutiny of his alleged links to anti-India organisations.

An appeal to Mira Nair as mother and filmmaker

The second open letter, also dated August 26, took a different approach by appealing directly to Mira Nair. Addressing her as both a public figure and mother, the signatories urged her to counsel her son against making “offensive and factually incorrect” statements about India. 

The letter invited Nair to undertake a fact-finding trip to Gujarat, with expenses covered by the authors, to demonstrate to her son that millions of Muslims continue to reside in the state. It further reminded her of the Supreme Court’s clean chit to Narendra Modi in connection with the 2002 Gujarat riots, as well as details of the Godhra train burning that triggered the violence.

The letter also criticised Mamdani’s past remarks about “globalising the Intifada,” calling them inflammatory and antisemitic.

Zohran Mamdani and his inflammatory rhetoric against Hindus and India

Mamdani is notorious for a consistent pattern of inflammatory statements directed at Hindus and India. At a public forum hosted by New York Focus in May 2025, Mamdani compared PM Modi to Israeli PM Netanyahu, calling him a “war criminal.” The remarks sparked outrage among Indo-American leaders, who accused him of promoting hate and deepening divides.

This was not an isolated incident. In 2020, Mamdani described Hindus aligned with Modi’s party as “fascists” and berated fellow New York politicians Jenifer Rajkumar and Kevin Thomas for not denouncing Modi. Rajkumar responded at the time by calling his comments “extreme and divisive.”

Invoking the 2002 Gujarat riots, Mamdani has repeatedly claimed that “there are no Gujarati Muslims anymore.” However, census data confirms nearly six million Muslims in Gujarat in 2011, a number that has only grown since. Courts in India, including the Supreme Court, have exonerated Modi of allegations relating to the riots, noting that the violence began after a Muslim mob set fire to a train carrying Hindu pilgrims in Godhra, killing 59.

Mamdani also opposed the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, appearing at a rally in 2020 where derogatory chants against Hindus were raised. His critics say this reflects a larger hostility toward Hindu identity.

His rhetoric has not been limited to India. Mamdani has frequently courted controversy for his anti-Israel positions, including refusing to sign resolutions condemning the Holocaust or commemorating Israel’s founding. Colleagues in the New York State Assembly have accused him of “unapologetic antisemitism.”

Community leaders argue that Mamdani’s rhetoric threatens the pluralistic ethos of New York. Jaspreet Singh, a Sikh community leader, remarked: “Instead of uniting the Indian community, he seeks to divide us by religion, pitting Muslims and Hindus against each other. Associating Hindus with fascism and using derogatory words against them is highly objectionable.”

Voices of the signatories

Several of the signatories of the open letters, who live in the United States, expanded on their concerns in personal statements. Hemant Patel cited Mamdani’s “unrealistic socialist agenda,” “distorted view of history,” and “dangerous public safety policies,” concluding he is “not suitable to serve as Mayor of New York City.”

Vibhuti Jha called him a “lose-lose-lose politician,” warning that “New York loses, US loses, India loses” if Mamdani gains power. Prof. Lakshmi Bandlamudi said he is “factually incorrect and ethically unsound” on India and Hinduism, adding that as a New Yorker, she cannot support his “extreme views” on policing.

Rahul Sur, IPS (Retd), UN (R), argued that Mamdani is “pretending to be someone other than who he really is,” citing “reckless, baseless and deliberate remarks.” While Deepti Mahajan urged Mira Nair to guide her son toward “fact-based dialogue,” stressing that his comparisons of Modi to a war criminal and calls to “globalise the Intifada” were “inaccurate and dangerous.”

Academics, former civil servants, and activists among signatories

Both letters were signed by more than 60 individuals across India and the diaspora, including academics, former civil servants, activists, and writers. Notable signatories include: Prachi Adhikari, Dr. Aditya Arya, Neeraj Atri, Prof. Lakshmi Bandlamudi, Gautam Bose, Sanjay Dixit, Prof. Bharat Gupt, Vibhuti Jha, Dr. Ajay Chrungoo, Lt. Col. Prabhat Kapoor (Retd), RVS Mani, I.Y.R. Krishna Rao, Hemant Patel, and Deepti Mahajan. The impressive roster of signatories feature two Bharat Bhushan awardees — Dr. Bharat Gupt and Dr. T. Hanuman Chowdary — alongside retired Chief Secretaries, senior officers from the Army, Navy, IFS, IAS, IPS, and UN, as well as noted academics and Dharmic theologians.

While the election of a U.S. mayor would typically be a domestic matter, the letters argue that Mamdani’s potential rise to a high-profile office in New York has international ramifications, given his outspoken criticism of India and its leadership. The signatories stress that their interventions are not interference in American politics, but rather a defence against what they see as “defamatory intrusions” into India’s sovereignty by a U.S. political figure.

(Full text of letters can be read here)

Whenever Pizza orders spike around Arlington, Virginia, people dread a US military action somewhere, read what is the Pentagon Pizza Index

Aditi
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Whenever Pizza orders spike around Arlington, Virginia, people dread a US military action somewhere, read what is the Pentagon Pizza Index

Over a week ago, a significant surge in pizza deliveries around the Pentagon, the US Defence Headquarters in Arlington, Virginia, across the Potomac River from Washington, D.C, led to social media speculations about something ‘big’ happening in the coming days. The increased activity in the pizza outlets near the Pentagon, which hinted at officials engaged in work for long hours, coincided with the rumours of the death of US President Donald Trump. This led ‘Trump is dead’ to trend on X, as people wondered if the rumours were really true.

On August 29, 2025, an X account named Pentagon Pizza Report, which monitors online pizza orders near government agencies like the Pentagon and CIA, reported a sudden spike in pizza orders from outlets like the Domino’s Pizza, Pizzato Pizza, and District Pizza Palace. A surge of 800% was reported in the pizza orders near the Pentagon; however, the reason for the sudden surge was not clear.

The hike in pizza orders at the outlets around the Pentagon and other US government offices continued on the following days, further piquing the curiosity of people.

The Pentagon Pizza Index and its origins

One might wonder what the connection is between the surge in late-night pizza deliveries in the US government offices and the speculations of something ‘major’ taking place. This is because of a viral theory called the Pentagon Pizza Index, which suggests that a sudden increase in late-night pizza orders near the US government offices could be an indicator of a national security crisis, military action or something else of similar scale.

In other words, an increased demand for food implies US government officials working long hours, which usually happens in case of a crisis or some other serious situation. While the connection between US government officials working late hours and the spike in pizza deliveries to the US government offices seems plausible, the theory lacks a scientific basis and has not always been true, as in the case of rumours of Trump’s death and the increased Pentagon Pizza Index. However, the theory still attracts the curiosity of people as it has been proven true on many other occasions.

The Pentagon Pizza Index theory originated during the period of the Cold War. During that time, the Soviet intelligence agents in Washington, DC kept a close watch on local pizza deliveries to the US military headquarters to estimate the preparedness of the US military. The pizza intelligence, which came to be referred to as ‘Pizzint’, helped in calculating activities within the US government offices by monitoring the number of food orders placed from the government buildings.

How pizzeria owners popularised the Pentagon Pizza Index Theory

This method of estimating or predicting the US military actions gained traction over time, with local pizzeria owners contributing to its popularity. One such pizzeria owner, named Frank Meeks, who owned 43 Domino’s franchises in Washington, D.C., played a key role in hyping the Pentagon Pizza Theory.

In 1991, Meeks reportedly gave an interview to the Los Angeles Times, in which he said that the media doesn’t always know when something big is going to happen, but pizza deliveries know. He recounted that 21 pizzas were delivered to the CIA headquarters on August 1, 1990, hours before the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. He also pointed out similar spikes in pizza deliveries to the Pentagon before the US invasion of Panama and the Grenada operation.

Surge in Pentagon Pizza orders before US military actions

As per reports, food orders from the Pentagon doubled the night preceding the Panama attack in 1989. A similar pattern is said to have been noted before the Grenada invasion of 1983. The Pentagon Pizza Index theory was also found to be true during the US invasion of Iraq, which uprooted the Saddam Hussein regime. The US officials, working late hours to plan the US response in Iraq, placed massive orders of pizzas.

The Pentagon Pizza Index also reportedly surged before the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq (1990), the Nato bombing of Serbia (1999), the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the Nato intervention in Libya (2011). The most recent example of the Pentagon Pizza Index theory proving accurate was in June 2025, when the pizza deliveries to the Pentagon shot up hours before explosions were reported in Tehran, Iraq. In 1998, a surge 250% was reportedly registered in pizza deliveries to the White House during Operation Desert Fox and the impeachment of President Clinton. While the theory has been dismissed by the US government officials, the above-mentioned instances prove that the theory does not always miss the mark.

Like the Pentagon Pizza Index theory, there are several other similar theories, such as the Hemline Index, Lipstick Index, and the Men’s Underwear Index, which lack any scientific basis but continue to invoke the curiosity of people with their occasional accuracy.

From groceries to gadgets, check your savings after tax cut: Govt of India launches website to track benefits of GST reform

OpIndia Staff
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From groceries to gadgets, check your savings after tax cut: Govt of India launches website to track benefits of GST reform

The Government of India has rolled out a new website, savingswithgst.in, to help people see for themselves how much they can save after the recent GST reform. By adding daily essentials, household goods, electronics, kitchen and lifestyle items to a digital cart, users can now instantly compare the difference between the older VAT regime and the new “Next-Gen GST” rates.

The site, launched right after the announcement of the GST Council’s latest reforms, is being pitched as a tool to make tax savings more transparent and relatable for ordinary citizens. The interactive design lets people check revised prices across categories and highlights the money they save under the new structure.

Structure of revised GST 

The decision was taken in the 56th meeting of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Council held on Wednesday, 3rd September.

In its 10-hour-long meeting chaired by Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, the GST Council unanimously revised the existing four-tier tax structure of 5%, 12%, 18% and 28% and removed the tax categories of 12% and 28%. 

This new system, effective from 22nd September, the first day of Navaratri, is expected to benefit the middle class the most. With lower indirect taxes, households will have more disposable income, boosting consumption and giving a push to domestic demand.

The government says the aim of the reform is simple: reduce tax burden on essential items, encourage spending, and make life easier for people.

Food items get cheaper

Food is one of the categories where the savings are most visible. Under the VAT system, common items like sugar, flour, oil, and spices carry additional charges. For instance, one kg of sugar, which costs ₹68.9 under VAT, now comes down slightly to ₹68.25 under GST. Flour, which earlier sold for ₹51.75, is now pegged at exactly ₹50, with zero tax.

The biggest relief is on items like groundnut oil and spices. A litre of groundnut oil earlier cost ₹360.4, but the GST price is ₹357. In the same way, cost of 100 grams of spices, was ₹84.8 under VAT, now cost ₹84.

Screengrab via savingswithgst.in

It may seem like small changes in price on individual items, but when calculated across an average family’s monthly groceries, the savings add up to a decent amount. For example, the total tax under VAT on this food basket was ₹30.85, while under GST it comes down to ₹24.25, leading to savings of ₹6.6.

Household items bring bigger savings

The relief grows bigger when it comes to household products. A cotton mattress, which was of cost ₹1,536 under VAT, now costs ₹1,416 under GST. A tube of toothpaste, which previously sold at ₹38.1, has fallen to ₹31.5.

Daily-use items like detergent also show visible differences. A litre of detergent that cost ₹281.6 under VAT now comes at ₹259.6. Even bamboo furniture, which cost ₹1,230 previously, has come down to ₹1,050 under GST.

Screengrab via savingswithgst.in

Together, for the basket of household items, the VAT tax was ₹635.7. With the new GST tax rates, it reduces to ₹307.1, so buyers save approximately ₹328.6.

Electronics see major cuts

Electronics, often hit by high indirect taxes, are one of the biggest gainers under the GST reform. A semi-automatic washing machine, priced at ₹10,504 under VAT, will now sell at ₹9,440. Similarly, a 32-inch television that earlier cost ₹9,847.5 has come down to ₹8,850.

Screengrab via savingswithgst.in

Air conditioners, one of the most heavily taxed items in the past, show the sharpest reduction. A one-ton, three-star AC that cost ₹43,329 under VAT is now priced at ₹38,940 under GST.

The savings here are significant. The total tax on these products under VAT was ₹15,180.5, while under GST, it stands at ₹8,730,  giving customers a decent saving of ₹6,450.5.

Lifestyle products lighten the load

Lifestyle goods, too, become more pocket-friendly under the new tax structure. Perfumes that sold for ₹640 under VAT are now priced at ₹590. Footwear above ₹2,500, which earlier cost ₹3,025, has now dropped to ₹2,625.

Even daily-use items like face wash and soaps show changes, moving from ₹254 under VAT to ₹210 under GST.

Screengrab via savingswithgst.in

Here, the VAT tax came to ₹719, but under the revised GST, it is just ₹225. The total savings in this category stand at ₹494.

A transparent initiative for middle class

By making the differences visible through savingswithgst.in,  the government is hoping to connect directly with consumers. The interactive platform not only shows revised prices but also builds confidence that the new GST system is designed to help ordinary people.

With food, household goods, electronics, kitchen and  lifestyle products all becoming cheaper, the reform looks set to ease pressure on families. Experts say this move could also give a big push to retail sales during the upcoming festive season.

The Crypto President: How Donald Trump is using his office to enrich his family, has added $5 billion to his wealth after WLFI crypto launch

Shriti Sagar
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The Crypto President: How Donald Trump is using his office to enrich his family, has added $5 billion to his wealth after WLFI crypto launch

The Trump family has scored one of their biggest financial wins on paper in the world of cryptocurrency. On Monday, 1st September, their flagship crypto venture, World Liberty Financial, launched a new digital currency called WLFI, and the debut was nothing short of explosive. 

Within hours of trading, the token had already created paper wealth worth as much as $5 billion for the president’s family.

The launch worked almost like a traditional IPO (Initial Public Offering). Until now, people who bought WLFI privately had no way of trading their tokens. Monday’s launch changed that, allowing WLFI to be bought and sold freely on major crypto exchanges.

The Trumps collectively own just under a quarter of all WLFI tokens, instantly making it their single most valuable asset, even bigger than the family’s decades-old real estate empire. President Donald Trump himself is listed as a “Co-Founder Emeritus” of World Liberty, while his three sons are co-founders and active faces of the venture.

Even though the founders’ tokens are “locked”, meaning they cannot sell them yet, the public debut gave the market a clear valuation of their holdings. At its peak price of around 30 cents, the Trump family’s WLFI stake was valued at more than $6 billion.

Crypto over real estate

For decades, Trump’s name was synonymous with luxury hotels, golf courses, and towering real estate. But with WLFI, crypto has now become the crown jewel of his portfolio. 

The Trump family helped launch World Liberty Financial last year during the height of the 2024 presidential campaign. While campaigning, Trump called it a part of his mission to “make America great again, this time with crypto.”

A corporate entity owned by the Trump family controls a 60% stake in the company, according to the firm’s website, where Trump was once listed as the firm’s “Chief Crypto Advocate.” 

The launch captured attention worldwide, with trading on exchanges like Binance surging to nearly $1 billion in tokens within the first hour. Prices eventually slipped from their high, settling around 20 cents. But even at that level, the Trump family’s stake still represented billions of dollars on paper.

Other Trump-linked digital assets are also contributing to this windfall. The family controls around 80% of $Trump, a memecoin that has itself been worth several billion dollars. On top of that, Trump Media, which owns Truth Social and has significant crypto holdings, is valued at around $2.5 billion.

Together, this network of tokens and companies positions the Trumps as one of the most powerful families in the global crypto industry.

A profitable side deal

The launch of WLFI was made possible through a creative financial maneuver. Earlier this year, World Liberty took over a publicly listed company and raised $750 million in cash from investors. That money was then used to buy the WLFI tokens.

Critics called the transaction “circular,” since World Liberty effectively sold tokens to itself with investor money. But the structure ensures that the Trump family gets to keep up to three-quarters of the revenues from the token sale, which could bring them as much as $500 million in profits.

For early investors, the launch was also highly lucrative. Those who bought WLFI at just 1.5 cents a token last year are now sitting on massive gains, even if the price has fallen from its opening highs.

The risks of paper wealth

Despite the soaring valuations, actually converting this wealth into cash may be difficult. Crypto currencies are notoriously volatile, and even small amounts of selling can cause prices to drop sharply.

The Trump family’s fortune in crypto is highly dependent on market sentiment. For instance, their memecoin $Trump soared when it launched in January but later collapsed. WLFI could follow a similar pattern, depending on how much interest and liquidity remain in the months ahead.

Still, for now, the launch represents one of the biggest financial victories for the family since Donald Trump’s inauguration.

Trump’s policies helped pave the way

The success of Trump’s crypto empire isn’t just about timing or branding. It’s also tied closely to legislation and policy decisions that he himself has pushed from the White House.

On 7th August, 2025, Trump signed an executive order that could funnel trillions of dollars from American retirement accounts into cryptocurrencies and other alternative assets. The order allows fund managers to include crypto, private equity, and even real estate investments in 401(k) retirement plans, something that wasn’t previously allowed.

This opens the door to a $12 trillion market of retirement funds, giving a massive potential boost to crypto projects like WLFI. For Trump, who is now both a policymaker and a crypto entrepreneur, the move could significantly enrich his own ventures.

“Crypto capital of the world”

Trump framed the order as a way to cut back regulations and encourage innovation. Once a skeptic who dismissed Bitcoin as “a scam,” he has now become one of the strongest champions of digital currency.

“This will make America the crypto capital of the world,” Trump declared when signing the order, arguing that it would help ordinary workers get better returns on their retirement investments.

The order also directs the Labor Secretary to work with the Treasury, the SEC, and other regulators to adjust rules in favor of these new assets. In short, the entire system is being nudged to accommodate crypto investments.

Concerns over risk

Not everyone is convinced this is a good idea. Critics say putting volatile and speculative assets like cryptocurrencies into retirement accounts could be dangerous. Retirement savings are usually invested in safer, more stable options like stocks and bonds. By comparison, crypto is prone to sudden crashes, fraud, and manipulation.

“Opening up the $9 trillion 401(k) industry to alternative assets is reasonable,” said Anil Khurana of Georgetown University, “but if these assets are highly speculative and underregulated, it could be a big mistake.”

Analysts also warn that the order could lead to lawsuits from retirees who don’t fully understand the risks. Plaintiffs’ lawyers are already preparing to challenge fund managers who might steer workers’ savings into complex investments like WLFI.

A win for big finance and Trump

Despite these concerns, the order is being celebrated by the financial industry. Firms like BlackRock, the world’s largest asset manager, had lobbied for such a move and are already preparing to launch new funds that include crypto and private equity.

For the Trump family, the timing couldn’t be better. With WLFI now trading publicly and valued in the billions, any surge in retirement fund investments could directly boost demand for the coin, and by extension, the family’s fortune.

A new chapter in Trump’s fortune

The debut of WLFI marks a turning point in Trump’s financial empire. What began as a real estate dynasty is now firmly entrenched in the volatile but booming world of crypto.

Whether this wealth lasts or evaporates depends on how long WLFI and related tokens can hold investor interest. But one thing is clear: Trump has successfully leveraged both his political power and his business acumen to transform his family into crypto billionaires.

By pairing high-profile launches with favorable policies like the new 401(k) executive order, Trump is not just participating in the crypto market, he’s shaping it.

Trump looking for a way out after his anti-India stance? How SCO camaraderie, PM Modi-EU talks, and dissent from within the USA may be spooking the orange man

Raju Das
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Trump looking for a way out after his anti-India stance? How SCO camaraderie, PM Modi-EU talks, and dissent from within the USA may be spooking the orange man

In a surprising shift, U.S. President Donald Trump appeared to have softened his aggressive stance toward India. While talking to the media on 6th September, he reaffirmed a “very special relationship” with India and described Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a “great Prime Minister” with whom he will “always be friends.”  He also claimed that there was no serious strain between India and the United States.

Responding to a question on whether he was ready to reset relations with India, Trump said, “I always will. I’ll always be friends with (PM) Modi. He’s a great Prime Minister.” However, he added that he remains unhappy with the Modi government for its decisions, as he said, “I’ll always be friends, but I just don’t like what he is doing at this particular moment.”

Trump added, “I have been disappointed that India would be buying so much oil from Russia. And I let them know that, I put a very high tariff – 50% on India. I get along very well with (Indian PM) Modi as you know.”

Responding to the comments, PM Modi broke his silence over President Trump’s anti-India remarks, as he posted on X saying, “Deeply appreciate and fully reciprocate President Trump’s sentiments and positive assessment of our ties. India and the US have a very positive and forward-looking Comprehensive and Global Strategic Partnership.”

Trump’s latest comments mark a significant departure from months of escalating tensions characterised by punitive tariffs, inflammatory rhetoric, and public spats over India’s purchase of Russian oil. Donald Trump has imposed 50% tariff on Indian exports to US, called Indian economy a dead economy, and lamented that his country has lost India to China. His aides like Peter Navarro and Howard Lutnick are continuously making inflammatory remarks against India on a daily basis.

Although not said publicly, it is also public knowledge that Trump is unhappy with Indian govt for not saying that he brokered India’s ceasefire with Pakistan, and for not nominating him for the Nobel Peace Prize. Several other countries, including Israel, have nominated him due to his overtly public ambition for the prize.

The question is, why the sudden apparent climbdown. A closer look at the current situation in the USA suggests that Trump’s change is due to mounting domestic pressures, not sudden realisation that India is America’s friend. Signs of economic slowdown, a dismal job market, media backlash, and a plummeting approval rating may have been the reason why Trump will attempt to mend ties with Modi.

Economic Slowdown and Dismal Job Report

Donald Trump had promised to bring the U.S. economy to new heights. He continues to claim that it is doing excellently well, citing ‘billions of dollars’ collected in tariffs, but the fact is that the American economy is showing signs of strain. Recent data paints a grim picture- inflation remains high, with consumer prices rising faster than wages for many Americans. The cost of essentials like fuel, groceries, and housing have affected the pockets of Americans badly, eroding confidence in Trump’s economic leadership.

A research report has said that there is 93% probability of American economy hitting recession.

Compounding Trump’s economic woes is a recent job report that has sent shockwaves through Washington. Unemployment figures have ticked upward, with job growth stalling in key sectors like manufacturing and technology. The report underscores a broader trend, the U.S. labour market is struggling, and Trump’s policies have done little to reverse the trend.

After the July job report released by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) showed only 73,000 new jobs were added in that month, President fired BLS Commissioner Erika McEntarfer, accusing her of manipulating numbers to make him look bad. The August report shows just 22,000 jobs added, and revises June report to negative growth.

This has fuelled domestic discontent against the administration. American workers, already grappling with stagnant wages and rising costs, are growing frustrated with policies that are harming the economy instead.

His tariffs, meant to boost American jobs by increasing manufacturing activities in the country, have instead strained industries dependent on global supply chains. In the initial weeks, impact of the tariffs was not reflected much on retail prices as importers had already stocked up before the new tariffs become applicable. Some importers also absorbed the higher import duties after that for some time. But that is not a sustainable solution, and retail prices are set to rise in American stores, as even the countries that signed trade deals with the U.S. have been hit with 10-20% tariff. This will increase inflation and alienate U.S. businesses reliant on imports.

The tariffs have also disrupted global trade dynamics, and countries are looking at setting up new trade alliances. As a result, the US dollar is losing relevance in the global economy. The BRICS countries in particular are trading more in their own currencies replacing the dollar. Trump specifically threatened BRICS against launching its own currency. While that is not happening for now, the BRICS members are using currencies like Yuan, Ruble and Rupee etc for trade among themselves.

Moreover, central banks across the world, including India’s RBI, are dumping the US dollar and instead buying gold and silver as their reserves, as values of these precious metals don’t depend on whimsical decisions of one person. While the dollar remains strong and top instrument of reserve, worries over inflation, deteriorating U.S. fiscal health, and geopolitical instability are raising questions about its stability in the long run.

With the U.S. facing potential recession risks, as warnedv by Moody’s Chief Economist, Trump’s aggressive trade policies are increasingly seen as counterproductive, prompting a recalibration to avoid further economic fallout.

India’s defiance

President Donald Trump’s decision to impose a staggering 50% tariff on Indian goods, including a 25% penalty for India’s continued purchase of Russian oil, was intended to pressure New Delhi into aligning with U.S. interests, particularly on Ukraine. However, the move has backfired. India has not only refused to halt Russian oil imports but has reiterated on its strategic autonomy. Even yesterday finance minister Nirmala Sitharama said that India will continue to buy Russian Oil.

Modi govt has also aggressively improved ties with China, as seen at the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit. The country’s ties with Russia remains strong, with no sign of stopping purchase of Russian oil and defence equipment. In fact, there are talks that India may buy the Russian Su-57 fighter jet, ignoring Trump’s offer to sale America’s F-35 jet.

This defiance by India has exposed the limits of Trump’s strategy to use tariff and trade deals as tools to force countries to accept his demands. While this strategy may have worked for other countries including the EU, this has clearly not worked for India.

Apart from Trump and his ardent supporters, the hypocrisy of selectively punishing only India for buying Russian oil is visible to the entire world. U.S. itself continues to buy various items from Russia, European countries continue to buy Russian oil and gas, and no punitive tariff has been imposed on China for buying the same Russian oil.

SCO Summit and revival of RIC Troika

The most significant global event to take place after Trump’s tariff assault was the SCO summit in Tianjin in China. While India has been a member of this Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, it was not seen as important for the country as BRICS of G20. Generally, India’s foreign ministers attended its summit, which has been considered to have more of a central Asian focus.

However, everything changed last month, as Prime Minister Modi decided to visit China after 7 years to attend the summit. The visuals of Narendra Modi, Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin laughing and chatting together have become a global talking point.

The message from SCO summit was clear, the world is no longer US-centric, and alternative power centre is emerging. India, China, and Russia have made it clear that the US no longer calls the shots, and other countries will take their own decisions. Trump thought the economy of India will collapse under the burden of 50% tariff by USA, but that is not happening. India has made it clear that it is ready to shift its trade to other countries if US continues to blackmail.

Some major plans were discussed at the SCO summit, including the creation of a new SCO development bank, which will directly compete with western organisations like IMF and World Bank. Xi Jinping announced 2 billion RMB ($280m) in grants, along with another 10 billion RMB ($1.4bn) in loans for SCO members.

To improve ties with China, a traditional enemy of India, is a big step taken by the Modi govt to defy Trump. At the summit, there were talks of a new world order comprising the Global South, in a direct challenge to the United States.

Importantly, Russia has proposed to revive the old RIC (Russia India China) Troika. The RIC was envisioned as a strategic counterweight to US dominance after the end of the cold war. While China welcomes the proposal, India remains non-committal. But these developments have made it clear, India will move away from U.S., instead of capitulating, as Trump was expecting, if the bullying continues.

The RIC Troika may be revived or not, but one thing is clear, world has become multipolar, with Trump’s tariffs pushing countries with diverse interests to come together. Trump has given even traditional rivals like India and China reasons to come together against his own country. While India-China has started to revive around a year ago, the tariffs came as a big boost, giving the countries an immediate cause to form an alliance.

The SCO summit and the Modi-Xi-Putin meeting showed that it can emerge as a strong alternative to the American power. India, China and Russia hold the biggest potential for real economic shifts in the world, with the ability to offer the world an ability to withstand threats from Trump to impose financial penalties for defying the US.

Notably, apart from SCO, India, Russia and China are also members of the BRICS, and both these groups are now parallelly emerging as alternative power centre. While SCO is a Eurasian group, BRICS members are from various continents. But with common members of India, China and Russia, both groups can compete with the US-led Western powers.

India-EU ties

Another development that may be behind Trump’s climbdown is European Union nudging closer to India. While Trump has condemned India’s close ties with China and Russia displayed at the SCO summit, EU has no such opposition, and they are pushing towards improving India-EU relations.

On Wednesday, held a joint telephone call with President of the European Council Antonio Costa and President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen. The leaders welcomed progress in bilateral relations in key sectors such as trade, technology, investment, innovation, sustainability, defence, security and supply chain resilience, and reaffirmed the shared commitment for an early conclusion of the India-EU FTA negotiations and implementation of the IMEEC corridor.

Significantly, Ursula von der Leyen has said that India has an important role to play in ending the Russia-Ukraine conflict. She posted on X, “We warmly welcome India’s continued engagement with President Zelenskyy. India has an important role to play in bringing Russia to end its war of aggression and helping create a path towards peace. This war carries global security consequences and undermines economic stability. So it is a risk to the entire world.”

She also said that India and EU plan to agree on a joint strategic agenda at the next EU–India summit, as early as possible in 2026. She added that they also remain fully committed to concluding the Free Trade Agreement negotiations by the end of the year.

Media Backlash

Trump’s attacks on India, including calling its economy “dead” and accusing Modi of “profiteering from chaos,” drew sharp criticism from both U.S. and Indian media. Analysts pointed out how a once-robust U.S.-India relationship is collapsing with Trump’s relentless attack on the country. Donald Trump and his tariff bravado has been subjects of memes and jokes in American late-night shows.

The Left-wing media in the U.S., always anti-Trump, are having the most fun dissecting his decisions and fact-checking his false and misleading claims, which he does on almost a daily basis. Even the right-wing media outlets are struggling to defend the policies, and are reporting how the tariffs are hitting U.S. consumers and businesses hard.

In India, where Trump was seen as a friend till a couple of months ago, the backlash has been even more pronounced. A giant Trump effigy was paraded in Maharashtra with placards branding him a “backstabber.” Such public humiliation, particularly for a person who thrives on a strongman image, has underscored the diplomatic cost of Trump’s rhetoric.

The media scrutiny has amplified perceptions of Trump’s foreign policy as erratic and divisive. His claim of brokering a ceasefire between India and Pakistan, vehemently denied by New Delhi, further strained ties and painted him as out of touch with geopolitical realities.

Plummeting Approval Ratings

Perhaps the most pressing driver of Trump’s climbdown is his declining approval rating, with voters expressing frustration over rising costs and a lack of clear wins on the global stage. The latest numbers show that his approval rating is negative at -14%. Once buoyed by his supporters’ enthusiasm for his “America First” agenda, Trump now faces growing scepticism as economic challenges mount and foreign policy missteps pile up.

In contrast, Narendra Modi remains one of the world’s most popular leaders, with approval ratings exceeding 75%, according to Morning Consult.

Trump’s hostility toward India risked alienating not only a key ally but also the Indian-American community, a growing demographic in U.S. politics. While his stand on illegal immigrants was supported by India, now he and his aides have started to oppose visas granted to Indians, further eroding his support among Indian Americans, and other legal immigrants.

A Pragmatic Climbdown

Beyond domestic pressures, Trump’s apparent climbdown reflects a recognition of geopolitical realities. India’s refusal to bow to U.S. pressure on Russian oil purchases shows the tariff threat is not working. Trump’s tariff escalation was meant to punish India for its ties with Moscow, but it has instead pushed New Delhi closer to Beijing. This shift threatens U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific, where India is a critical counterweight to China.

With media increasingly questioning his ability to manage alliances, Trump’s reaffirmation of friendship with Modi is a calculated move to quiet critics and restore an image of diplomatic competence. By emphasising a “special relationship” with India, he seeks to shift the narrative away from confrontation and toward cooperation, even if the underlying tensions remain unresolved.

Trump’s softened stance is also be a tacit acknowledgment that his “America First” approach has limits in a multipolar world. By dialling back his criticism, Trump clearly aims to avoid completely alienating India. It is an attempt to stabilize ties with a key economic partner and mitigate further damage to U.S. industries reliant on bilateral trade.

By softening his rhetoric, Trump hopes to signal flexibility, potentially paving the way for renewed trade negotiations that could ease economic pressures at home.

Therefore, Trump’s climbdown from his anti-India rhetoric is a pragmatic response to a mixture of domestic and international pressures. A struggling U.S. economy, a faltering job market, relentless media criticism, and declining approval ratings have forced him to reconsider his approach to a key ally.

Tensions and uncertainties remain

While his reaffirmation of a “special relationship” with India and friendship with Modi signals a desire to stabilize ties, it does not erase the underlying tensions between India and the U.S. over trade, Russian oil, and differing geopolitical priorities. The 50% tariff on India’s exports to U.S. remains, the threats of even more tariffs if India does not stop buying from Russia have not been withdrawn. The bilateral trade deal remains stalled. Trump’s aides continue to make bizarre allegations against India, including that Brahmins are benefiting from Russian oil.

Moreover, with Trump, nothing is reliable. His stand keeps changing, he keeps making new announcements on social media. Therefore, despite good words for Modi, he may go ahead and impose more tariffs and sanctions on India.

The Guardian calls India’s refusal to crawl before the US a diplomatic blunder, while American bullying ‘realpolitik’: Brown Sepoy blames PM Modi for standing up for India’s sovereignty

Jinit Jain
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The Guardian calls India’s refusal to crawl before the US a diplomatic blunder, while American bullying ‘realpolitik’: Brown Sepoy blames PM Modi for standing up for India’s sovereignty

There is something strangely predictable about India’s English-speaking liberal elite. The moment the West throws a tantrum against India, they rush to the nearest foreign media outlet, eager to pen an “I told you so” sermon that blames India, never the West, for the breakdown. The latest to join this brigade of sepoy intellectuals is Mukul Kesavan, who in The Guardian recently authored a column that squarely pins the blame for the temporary strain in Indo-US ties on PM Modi.

The headline itself was dripping with colonial smugness: “Blindsided by Trump, Modi is learning hard lessons about India’s place in the new world order.” In other words, stop pretending you are an equal, India. Know your place. Treat the United States with the respect it commanded half a century ago, or face tariffs.

The Guardian recently published a condescending article, authored by one Mukul Kesavan, on how it was India’s fault to stand up against the US bullying

But perhaps the most striking aspect of this entire episode is not the arrogance of Trump, or the opportunism of Western leaders who conveniently target India while sparing China. It is the eagerness of India’s own “brown sepoys” men like Kesavan, to amplify that arrogance and paint it as wisdom. Instead of standing with their own country against foreign bullying, they gleefully side with the bully, gaslighting their readers into believing India committed a big blunder by standing up for her honor and not massaging the ego of a mercurial narcissist.

Trump’s tariffs: A weapon of bullying, not policy

Mukul Kesavan describes Trump’s imposition of tariffs on India as if it were some inevitable lesson in “realpolitik” that Modi failed to grasp. He conveniently glosses over the fact that these tariffs were not a matter of economics but punishment.

In April, Trump slapped India with a 25% tariff, already higher than what most US allies faced. When India refused to yield, that tariff was doubled to 50%. The supposed reason? India’s purchase, refining, and re-exporting of Russian crude oil during the Ukraine war.

Let’s pause for a moment. China is the largest buyer of Russian oil, by far. Yet China faced no such tariff hike. Why? Because the United States knows better than to open a full-blown trade war with Beijing, given the American economy’s dependence on Chinese supply chains. India, on the other hand, was seen as a softer target, a country that could be pressured through economic arm-twisting.

But the calculation backfired. India kept buying Russian oil, ensuring affordable energy for its citizens and a stable refining industry. In fact, far from undermining the global economy, India’s refiners helped stabilise global fuel supplies, with Europe ironically being one of the biggest beneficiaries. The West that sanctioned Russian crude ended up buying Indian-refined Russian fuel.

If anything, India saved Europe from its own energy crisis. Yet, in Kesavan’s telling, India deserves the punishment and Modi deserves the humiliation. Only a sepoy mindset could twist victim-blaming into analysis.

The attack on Ambani and “Brahmins”: Exploiting India’s caste fault lines

Trump’s tariffs were only one part of the strategy. The other was a coordinated smear campaign against India’s business elite. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent targeted Mukesh Ambani, alleging that India’s richest families were profiteering from Russian crude. The dog whistle was clear: turn the spotlight on Ambani, vilify him, and sow divisions inside India.

Then came Trump’s notorious aide, Peter Navarro. In an extraordinary and deeply offensive statement, Navarro invoked caste politics, accusing “Brahmins” of profiteering “at the expense of the Indian people.” Think about that: a senior White House official casually imported India’s internal caste divisions into global trade negotiations.

Adding to this chorus of arrogance, US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick recently declared that India would “say sorry” within a month or two for resisting Trump’s diktats. The remark perfectly sums up Washington’s entitled mindset: expecting India to behave like a vassal state, and exposes why sepoys like Kesavan so eagerly amplify this bullying as “realpolitik.” In reality, Modi’s government has shown restraint and maturity, refusing to dignify such condescension with a reaction while keeping India’s long-term interests paramount.

This was not diplomacy. This was psy-ops, a deliberate attempt to weaponise India’s social fissures in order to pressure the Modi government into signing an unfavourable trade deal. The expectation was that India’s internal critics would amplify these attacks, thereby isolating Modi.

And lo and behold, Mukul Kesavan obliges. Rather than call out the racist, casteist rhetoric of Trump’s advisers, he writes a column in The Guardian blaming Modi for “overreaching” and “miscalculating.” For Kesavan, the real scandal isn’t that American officials mocked India’s caste dynamics, but that India refused to bend.

False equivalence with Pakistan: The old American playbook

Another strand of Kesavan’s argument parrots Trump’s treatment of India and Pakistan as “squabbling South Asian neighbours.” After the Pahalgam terror attack, India launched a swift and decisive response. Trump and his vice president, JD Vance, tried to spin the crisis as if their phone calls had stopped a war. When India refused to endorse this fiction, the White House sulked.

Kesavan frames this as Modi’s failure. But let’s be clear: this is the same American playbook that has been used for decades. Washington loves to bracket India and Pakistan together, reducing one of the world’s largest democracies to the same level as a failed terror-sponsoring state.

Modi rightly rejected this false equivalence. India will never allow its couter-terrorism policies to be dictated by an American president desperate for a Nobel Prize. Yet for Kesavan, India’s refusal to play along is a diplomatic misstep. He is less offended by Trump humiliating India than by Modi refusing to accept the humiliation quietly.

Strategic autonomy: India is not for sale

The central thrust of Kesavan’s piece is that India under Modi foolishly tilted too close to the US, believing it had a permanent seat at the “white man’s table.” This is both historically false and analytically dishonest.

India’s foreign policy under Modi has been remarkably consistent: deepen ties with the United States, yes, but never at the cost of sovereignty. That is why India simultaneously buys Russian oil, expands defence ties with France, joins the Quad with Japan and Australia, and attends SCO summits with Putin and Xi.

This is strategic autonomy: ,the very principle that guided India’s non-alignment during the Cold War, but now adapted to a multipolar 21st century.

Ironically, Kesavan himself admits this when he says “Non-alignment flies today under the flag of strategic autonomy.” Yet he still twists it into a criticism, as if Modi should apologise for pursuing exactly what every serious Indian statesman from Nehru to Vajpayee aspired to: an India free to choose its partners, not dictated to by any bloc.

The irony is that Trump himself, in a rare moment of honesty, admitted that the US had “lost India and Russia to China.” What he didn’t say was that it was his bullying, his tariffs, his casteist taunts, his attacks on Indian business, that drove India to broaden its embrace of multipolarity.

Kesavan’s anger is not that Modi “lost” America. It is that Modi refused to lose India’s dignity to please America.

The dignity of silence vs. the cowardice of sepoys

Through all of the tariffs, the attacks on Ambani, the Brahmin jibes, and the veiled threats, India has maintained a dignified silence. Modi even reciprocated when Trump recently extended an olive branch, calling him a “great friend.” That is statesmanship: refusing to be dragged into the mud, keeping long-term strategic interests above short-term slanging matches.

Perhaps, Kesavan would interpret this perforative charm offensive by Modi as weakness. But what he calls weakness is in fact maturity. A confident India doesn’t need to issue X rants. It plays the long game. Sadly, brown sepoys like Kesavan, blinded by ideological prejudice and crippled by intellectual shallowness, simply lack the depth to grasp this nuance.

Kesavan’s piece betrays his abject lack of maturity as he rushes to The Guardian, the favourite platform of colonial nostalgia masquerading as progressive thought, and writes a lecture about how India should know its place.

This is the essence of the brown sepoy: silence when the West insults India, but loud indignation when India refuses to bow.

Historical parallels: From Nehru’s kowtow to Modi’s spine

To understand the contrast, let us recall history. In 1962, when China invaded India, Nehru begged the Americans for military help. Washington’s response was humiliating: they offered conditional aid, lectured India on its “socialist policies,” and even toyed with mediating Kashmir in exchange. Nehru swallowed the insult because he had no choice.

In 1971, during the Bangladesh Liberation War, Indira Gandhi faced the same American arrogance. Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger called her names, sent the Seventh Fleet into the Bay of Bengal, and tried to bully India into submission. But Indira, unlike Nehru, stood firm. India liberated Bangladesh and rewrote South Asia’s map.

Fast forward to 2025. Modi faces similar bullying. This time through tariffs and oil diplomacy rather than fleets and armies. And like Indira, he refuses to blink. He keeps India’s interests of prime importance, whether in buying Russian oil or refusing unequal trade terms.

The sepoys who once applauded Nehru’s humiliations now criticise Modi’s defiance. That is the inversion of India’s liberal elite: surrender is “sophistication,” but sovereignty is “hubris.”

The real “hard lesson”

The Guardian headline sneers that Modi is “learning hard lessons about India’s place in the world.” But the truth is the opposite. The real hard lesson is being learned in Washington: that India is no longer a pushover.

Trump is realizing the hard way that hyphenating India and Pakistan was a big mistake; that Modi is not someone like Asim Munir who could be influenced by simply inviting him over for a sumptuous meal at the White House.

India will not be told who it can trade with. India will not apologise for buying affordable oil. India will not accept being bracketed with Pakistan. India will not sign a bad trade deal just because the American President wants us to.

If that frustrates Trump, so be it. If that makes Mukul Kesavan choke on his colonial hangover, even better.

Because this is the India of 2025: proud, assertive, civilisationally confident. It knows that the West’s “rules-based order” was always a euphemism for Western hegemony. And it knows that the multipolar world is here to stay.

Learning for sepoys and the West: India will not crawl when asked to bend

At the end of the day, this is what it boils down to. Mukul Kesavan and his ilk see India’s refusal to bow as a failure, not as a nationalistic defiance. They measure success not by what India achieves for its people, but by how well India conforms to Western approval.

PM Modi, whatever his critics say, measures success differently. For him, India’s dignity is non-negotiable. And that is precisely why the sepoy class despises him: because he exposes their irrelevance in a world where India no longer needs their colonial hand-holding.

So let us be clear: Modi is not “blindsided.” India is not “learning its place.” It is Trump and his sepoys who are learning theirs that in this new world order, India will not crawl when asked to bend. It is a reminder to everyone that India, under Modi, is not the timid nation of yesteryears. It is a confident civilisational power that knows how to stand up against bullying, protect its interests, even if that unsettles both Washington and its sepoy cheerleaders.

Kerala police books Hindus for making Pookkalam with ‘Operation Sindoor’ on it, image of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, says it was ‘done to cause riots’ between ‘political groups’: No rights for Hindus in Communist Kerala

OpIndia Staff
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Kerala police books Hindus for making Pookkalam with ‘Operation Sindoor’ on it, image of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, says it was ‘done to cause riots’ between ‘political groups’: No rights for Hindus in Communist Kerala

In a condemnable incident, Kerala police booked Hindus for creating Pookkalam (flower art) containing the name of ‘Operation Sindoor’, in which the Indian Armed Forces destroyed terrorist camps in Pakistan and the PoJK, in retaliation for the ghastly Pahalgam terror attack in which 26 Hindu tourists were killed by Pakistan-backed terrorists after verifying their identity. Some people were also booked for erecting banners containing the image of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.

Some Hindus wrote the name of Operation Sindoor and created some creative imagery using flowers in the premises of the Sri Parthasarathy Temple in Muthupilakkad in the Kollam district of Kerala on September 4, 2025, to pay tribute to commemorate Operation Sindoor. However, the celebration attracted action by the Kerala Police, who booked several people for creating the floral art allegedly with the intention of “creating a riot”.

The police registered an FIR, accessed by OpIndia, against 27 people for creating the flower art and erecting flag poles and a flex board bearing the image of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, which, as alleged by the FIR, amounts to instigation of riots.

The seemingly unfair police action was condemned by the Kerala BJP, which termed it “atrocious and unacceptable”. Demanding the withdrawal of the FIR, the party reminded the police that Kerala is not Pakistan, where celebrating the valour of the Indian Armed Forces would constitute a crime.

“In Kerala, an FIR has been filed for making a Pookkalam with “Operation Sindoor” on it. If this happened in Pakistan, it may have been expected but in India, it is atrocious & unacceptable. Operation Sindoor is Bharat’s pride, symbolising the valour of our armed forces. The target is to insult every soldier, including thousands of Malayalis who wear the uniform, guard our borders, and sacrifice their lives for the Tricolour. Kerala is not Pakistan and will never be a land where Jamaat-e-Islami dictates. On behalf of every patriotic Malayali, the BJP strongly condemns this shameful act and demands immediate withdrawal of the FIR, failing which we will be compelled to seek legal recourse,” BJP Kerala wrote on X.

The current incident highlights the tragic situation in the state ruled by the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front, where celebration of the courage of the Indian Armed Forces and the valorous Hindu king Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj amounts to “creating riots”. However, this is not the first time that Hindus in Kerala have faced unwarranted police interference in their celebratory activities.

During last year’s Pooram festivities in Thrissur, Kerala Police used excessive force against the devotees and manhandled them. The festivities involving friendly rivalry and competition between different temples were hindered by the Kerala police, who imposed extreme restrictions and erected barricades during temple processions to control the crowd. Due to the police’s excessive restrictions on the festival rituals, one of the participating temples stopped the festivities, and several artists and devotees left.

Similarly, in February 2023, Kerala Police instructed the Vellayani Bhadrakali temple located on the southern outskirts of Thiruvananthapuram in Kerala, not to use saffron decoration during a festival, as they believed that it would create a law and order situation. The police advised the temple to use flags and buntings of all colours, and not just saffron, even though traditionally the temple is decorated with saffron during the festival.

However, the Kerala Police’s concerns regarding a possible ‘law and order situation’ due to the use of saffron flags came true in the case of Attukal Bhagavathy temple in Thiruvananthapuram in February 2024, where CPI workers removed saffron flags and other decorations in the temple, and erected a hoarding glorifying the Kerala CM, covering some of the saffron flags. This led to protests by Hindus, whose religious sentiments were hurt.

The incidents highlight how interfering with the festivities and celebrations of Hindus has become a norm in the Communists-ruled state of Kerala.

Canadian government report on terror funding reveals Khalistani terrorist groups receiving funds in the country: Read how Canada has been backing Khalistani elements over time

OpIndia Staff
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Canadian government report on terror funding reveals Khalistani terrorist groups receiving funds in the country: Read how Canada has been backing Khalistani elements over time

A recent report released by the government of Canada assessing the money laundering and terror financing in the country revealed that the Khalistani terrorist organisations in Canada have been receiving funding from within the country. The report titled “The 2025 Assessment of Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing Risks in Canada“, released by the country’s Department of Finance, is a comprehensive assessment of the “most pressing” money laundering and terrorist financing threats in the country.

Khalistani groups listed with Hamas and Hezbollah under the ‘Politically Motivated Violent Extremism’ category

The report places Khalistani terrorist organisations like Babbar Khalsa International and the International Sikh Youth Federation under “Politically Motivated Violent Extremism” (PMVE), along with Islamic terrorist organisations such as Hamas and Hezbollah. The PMVE has been described in the report as ideologies aiming to establish new political systems or new structures and norms within existing systems by use of violence.

According to the report, Babbar Khalsa International and the International Sikh Youth Federation received financial support originating from Canada. “Several terrorist entities listed under the Criminal Code in Canada that fall under the PMVE category, such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Khalistani violent extremist groups Babbar Khalsa International and the International Sikh Youth Federation, have been observed by law enforcement and intelligence agencies to receive financial support originating from Canada, the report stated.

“While PMVE may incorporate religious elements, actors are more focused on achieving political self-determination or representation, rather than promoting racial or ethnic supremacy, ” it added.

Khalistani groups intend to establish an independent state in Punjab through violent means

Divulging the motives of the Khalistani organisations in Canada, the report stated these organisations support “violent means to establish an independent state within Punjab, India “. It further adds that the funding sources of Khalistani organisations are not limited to Canada but are spread across various countries. “These groups previously had an extensive fundraising network in Canada but now appear to consist of smaller pockets of individuals with allegiance to the cause but seemingly no particular affiliation to a specific group, ” the report said.

Khalistani groups, Islamic terrorist groups like Hamas, and Hezbollah adopting the same strategy to raise funds

The government report shed light on the financial networks of these terrorist organisations. It discloses that the Khalistani organisations have been raising funding in the garb of non-profit and charitable activities. It adds that Hamas and Hezbollah also adopt a similar strategy to secure funds. Donations from diaspora communities are also said to be among the active sources of funding for the Khalistani organisations. “Khalistani violent extremist groups have also been known to use networks to solicit donations from diaspora communities to raise and move funds, including through NPOs,” the report mentioned. It claims that the revenue generated through charitable activities forms only a small percentage of the operational budget of these terrorist groups.

The inclusion of the Khalistani terrorist organisations in the government report might be seen as an indication of the Canadian government’s efforts to improve relations with India, which were strained during the previous openly pro-Khalistani Trudeau regime. However, the current Canadian PM Mark Carney belongs to the same political party as the former Canadian PM Justin Trudeau, i.e. the Liberal Party of Canada. The party has steadily supported the Sikh community in Canada, and some of its politicians, including Trudeau, have either tacitly or openly supported individuals linked to the Khalistani ideology.

India-Canada ties soured during the previous Trudeau regime

Although Canada has historically been the haven of Khalistani terrorist groups, the former Canadian Prime Minister’s blatant support of Khalistani terrorists resulted in an unprecedented downturn in India-Canada ties last year. This came as a result of Trudeau, without any evidence, openly blaming India for the killing of Khalistani terrorist Hardeep Nijjar on Canadian soil in June 2023. In October 2024, India recalled its High Commissioner Sanjay Verma from Canada, who was declared a person of interest in the Hardeep Singh Nijjar murder case by the Trudeau government, without proof. Subsequently, the Trudeau government expelled 6 Indian diplomats from Canada in the same month. This was followed by India asking six high-ranking Canadian diplomats to leave the country. The tension resulted in a freeze on trade discussions and a re-evaluation of bilateral partnerships.

Khalistani elements thrived under the previous Labour Party government led by Trudeau

Khalistani terror groups have been getting direct or indirect support from the Canadian government. The Liberal Party government led by Justin Trudeau was supported by the New Democratic Party (NDP), led by pro-Khalistani leader Jagmeet Singh. Under the former Trudeau government, incidents of attacks on Hindus by Khalistani elements increased in Canada. In November 2024, Khalistanis attacked Hindus at the Hindu Sabha Temple in Brampton, Canada after Hindu devotees protested against Khalistani elements raising anti-India slogans outside the temple to mark the anniversary of the anti-Sikh riots in Punjab, following the assassination of then-Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi. The Hindu community in Canada has been facing continuous threats by Khalistani terrorists and SFJ founder Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, as successive Canadian governments have turned a blind eye to the activities of Khalistani elements.

Canada’s hesitancy to act against pro-Khalistani groups under the guise of upholding freedom of speech has international consequences. India has expressed frustration over the lack of action, with Indian officials pointing out that Canada’s policies directly threaten India’s security. Canada’s recent immigration policy review, aimed at slowing the rate of incoming immigrants, has added to this complex situation, as India remains one of Canada’s largest sources of new residents.

For the first time after assuming office in March this year, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Caney met Indian Prime Minister Modi on the sidelines of the G7 Summit held in Kananaskis, Alberta, in June 2025. The meeting focused on revamping the strained ties between the two countries through future collaborations. Both leaders agreed to take constructive steps to restore stability and send their respective High Commissioners to each other’s capitals.

Glimmering hope of improved India-Canada ties

In August 2025, India and Canada announced the appointment of new high commissioners to each other’s capitals as a mark of improving bilateral ties between the two countries. India has named Dinesh K. Patnaik, a 1990-batch Indian Foreign Service officer and currently Ambassador to Spain, as its new High Commissioner to Canada. Veteran diplomat Christopher Cooter was appointed as the Canadian High Commissioner to India.

Even though with the changed Canadian regime, India-Canada relations appear to be normalising, given Canada’s long-standing backing for Khalistani elements, hopes for a drastic shift in their stance relating to the Khalistani ideology would be premature. This is evident from the fact that a couple of months after the meeting between the Indian and the Canadian Prime Ministers, Khalistani outfit Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), in collaboration with the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara, opened a so-called “Embassy of Khalistan” in Surrey, Canada. The diplomatic post, bearing a sign of the fictional “Republic of Khalistan,” was set up in a building on the gurdwara premises in August 2025. Notably, the building in which the “embassy” was set up was reportedly built using taxpayer money. It was reported that the British Columbia government had allocated $150,000 for installing an elevator in the same structure.

The incident reignited the concerns of the Canadian government’s adopting a lenient approach towards Khalistani elements.

Islam puts women in a lose-lose situation: How women are dying after deadly earthquake in Afghanistan because Taliban’s Sharia imposition stops men from rescuing women

Shriti Sagar
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Islam puts women in a lose-lose situation: How women are dying after deadly earthquake in Afghanistan because Taliban’s Sharia imposition stops men from rescuing women

Afghanistan suffered third earthquake in a week, which killed more than 2,200 people and injured thousands, has revealed not only the destruction of homes and villages but also the deep human tragedy faced by women under Taliban rule. According to the reports, many women were left to die under rubble because male rescuers were forbidden from touching them.

As per the strict Taliban-enforced Islamic rule, ‘no skin contact with unrelated males’, only a woman’s close male relatives, her father, husband, brother, or son, are allowed to touch her.

This has made rescue efforts nearly impossible in communities where female rescue workers are almost absent, since women have been barred from medical education and most public roles for years.

Women trapped beneath collapsed buildings were often ignored, while men and children were pulled out first. Some female victims were left waiting until women from nearby areas could arrive to help. In other cases, bodies of women were dragged out by their clothes to avoid physical contact.

“They gathered us in one corner and forgot about us,” said Bibi Aysha, a survivor from Kunar Province, recalling how rescue teams arrived after more than 36 hours but offered no direct help to injured women.

A male volunteer, Tahzeebullah Muhazeb, told media that women appeared “invisible” during rescue operations. He described how male rescuers hesitated to pull out trapped women, fearing cultural backlash. “It felt like women were just invisible for the rescue teams,” he said.

Shortage of female medical staff left many women untreated

Reports from quake-hit areas show a clear pattern: men and boys received immediate medical attention, while women sat apart, untreated and in pain. Hospitals in some provinces were overwhelmed, with few or no female doctors available because of Taliban restrictions on women’s education and employment in healthcare.

United Nations officials have warned that women and girls will bear the worst consequences of this disaster. Susan Ferguson, UN Women’s representative in Afghanistan, stressed: “Their needs must be at the heart of the response and recovery.” Yet, in reality, women remain at the margins of both rescue and aid efforts.

The Taliban-run Ministry of Health acknowledged the lack of female medical staff but insisted women were serving in hospitals across affected provinces. However, the accounts of survivors indicate otherwise, pointing to a shortage that left many female victims untreated. 

The deadly earthquake has only highlighted a much broader reality: Afghan women are suffering under some of the harshest gender restrictions in the world. For the past four years, the Taliban have enforced a rigid interpretation of Sharia law that has stripped women of education, work, and freedom of movement.

Girls are prohibited from attending secondary schools and universities. Women cannot work in most professions, including NGOs and international organisations. They cannot travel long distances without a male guardian. Even public spaces like parks and gyms have been shut to them.

This extreme environment meant that when disaster struck, women had no safety net, no female rescue workers, no female doctors, and no rights to demand equal treatment.

Taliban’s Sharia law has erased Afghan women

What happened during the earthquake rescue efforts is not an accident, it is the direct outcome of four years of Taliban’s brutal system of control. Their version of Sharia law has one goal: to make women invisible.

Since 2021, when the Taliban seized power, Afghan women have been pushed out of schools, jobs, and public life. The regime’s bans have closed classrooms to girls beyond the sixth grade, barred women from universities, and forced female employees out of offices. 

Humanitarian organisations, which once relied on Afghan women to reach vulnerable communities, have been crippled because women staff are no longer allowed to work.

Officials have reportedly shut down beauty salons run by women in their homes and women’s radio stations in various provinces, UNAMA said.

In the province of Kandahar, de facto inspectors asked shopkeepers in a market to report women unaccompanied by a guardian (mahram) and deny them entry into their shops.

At one hospital, authorities ordered staff not to provide care to unaccompanied female patients.

The Taliban claim to rule by “Islamic law,” but this is their own narrow and violent interpretation. Across Islamic history, Sharia has been debated, interpreted, and practised with compassion in many traditions. The Taliban’s version is neither universal nor inevitable, it is a political tool of oppression.

And the results are brutal. Afghan women today are prisoners in their own country. They cannot travel freely, they cannot study freely, and they cannot even be rescued if they are dying under rubble.

Increasing number of forced conversion

Taliban authorities have also increased enforcement of repressive restrictions on media outlets, ramped up corporal punishment, and the clampdown on religious freedom and re-education.

Between 17th January and 3rd February, in Badakhshan province in northeastern Afghanistan, at least 50 Ismaili men were taken from their homes at night and forced to convert to Sunni Islam under the threat of violence, the report says.

More than 180 people, including women and girls, have been flogged for the offences of adultery and practicing homosexuality during the reporting period, in public venues attended by Taliban officials.

Public punishments and fear

The Taliban’s so-called Sharia has also revived violent punishments. Public floggings, amputations, and even executions have returned. During their first rule from 1996 to 2001, such punishments created a climate of fear. The same pattern is emerging again.

Women are told they must remain silent and hidden. Men are told to enforce these rules on their mothers, sisters, and wives. In every way possible, women are treated as property of men, not as independent human beings.

And when women resist, by trying to protest or demand rights, the Taliban’s morality police crack down with arrests, threats, and violence. Even Afghan women working with the UN have faced escalating harassment, forcing agencies to ask them to stay home.

Country’s economy can’t recover without women contribution

The earthquake was a tragedy of nature. But the deaths of women who were left buried under rubble because men “could not touch them” were a human-made disaster. This is what happens when ideology trumps humanity.

Afghan women are not invisible. They are not burdens. They are human beings worthy of the same dignity, the same rights, and the same opportunity to survive as men.

Until the Taliban see this, or until the world puts enough pressure on them to make them change, women in Afghanistan will keep dying, not just from earthquakes or starvation, but from the suffocating brutality of laws intended to wipe them out.

The security situation in the country has also deteriorated since the group’s takeover in 2021, with the nation growing increasingly isolated and impoverished.

Afghanistan is suffering under the burden of this Islamic oppression. Almost half of the country is starving. Families are living off a single meal per day. With women excluded from work and education, the economy has no chance to recover. Aid is harder to deliver, because half the workforce, Afghan women, is banned from helping. Essentially, the enforcement of Sharia has put women in a lose-lose position. Since women are barred from getting an education and joining the work force, there are no women doctors or caregivers in Afghanistan. And since there are no women in the work force, women, crushed under the debris, are doomed to die because Islam does not permit equal rights for women.

Book review of ‘Blade of Fury’, the second part of ‘Rama of the Axe’ trilogy: A fiery tale of Parashurama which can alter the consciousness of a Hindu

Shalini
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Book review of ‘Blade of Fury’, the second part of ‘Rama of the Axe’ trilogy: A fiery tale of Parashurama which can alter the consciousness of a Hindu

Blade of Fury is the second in the Parashurama trilogy that Ranjith Radhakrishnan has embarked upon and it does give centre stage to this avatara of Maha Vishnu who is not much celebrated and talked about as some of the others.

I would start with Ranjith’s ‘Author’s Note’ which comes at the end of the novel. He tries to explain how he has gone about writing what I consider to be quite a magnum opus regarding one of our ancient superheroes if you will. Ranjith says that he was asked by many people after his first book Rama of the Axe as to whether the story that he had trail blazed in that first book was exactly as it happened as per our puranas. It would be good to quote some of his lines so that the reader gets a heads up on what to expect in this the second tome.

Ranjith says, “The tone of both the books is one of deep devotion. At the very start, I was clear that I do not intend to write Parashurama as a mere mortal who later came to be considered an avatara”.

Regarding the Chinnamasta manifestation in book 1, Rama of the Axe, he says, “Some incidents aren’t in the Brahmanda Purana—Renuka manifesting the Mahavidya Chinnamasta, for example. That comes from folklore and legends connected to the Yellama Temple in Saundatti, Karnataka”.

He also says that the consistent reaction that he got from people who had read book 1 was that they always had the impression that “Parashurama is an arrogant and violent man”. Ranjith’s devotion and deep immersion into Sanatana Dharma and its tenets have ensured that this sixth avatara of Vishnu gets the attention he deserves and that his life and exploits are portrayed with utmost reverence while also not sacrificing modern story telling sensibilities. So, if readers found book 1 to showcase an ‘arrogant’ and ‘violent’ side of him, book 2 would uncover more facets to this fascinating personality. A deeply reflective and contemplative side of Parashurama dominates book 2.

So, before I give my impression of the second book Blade of Fury, I would advise readers, that ideally they should have read book, Rama of the Axe, before embarking on this tome. While this book can be read as a standalone book, it is definitely connected to the first one and therefore, it makes sense to have read and digested book 1 before starting this one. I have also reviewed book 1 here.

Readers of book 1 who were enthralled by all the adrenaline packed action might find book 2 dense but the depth of ideas in book 2 is sublime. Do visit the trailer of Blade of Fury here. The writer Ranjith expands beautifully in this book and while retaining his skill at hair-raising and thrilling action in this tome, he also packs a deep and solid punch with his knowledge of Hindu metaphysics. Hardcore action lovers might just feel a tad disappointed at the drastic reduction in action in this book but if they would just keep an open mind, they will be transported into a deep and sublime world of Hindu philosophy and metaphysics in the way Ranjith handles the evolution of the character of Parashurama here.

In this book, Parashurama discovers his true nature chakra by chakra and in essence the book is a revelation of the character of Parashurama as he grasps the beeja mantra of each chakra through his experience of them. It is an enthralling journey that a seeking reader undertakes along with Parashurama, reflecting, despairing, thrilling and understanding along with him as he unravels the mystery. There is a chapter called Trikona Prashna in which Parashurama is subjected to a Q and A session with three of the Saptarishis. Ranjith excels in creating this exchange and does justice to the gravity that such an exchange deserves. Here’s a sample of the exchange.

When one the Saptarishis asks, “What is dharma”, Parashurama answers, “That which is true to Rta and Satya. Dharma is the anvil of the world. What is forged in it sustains and nourishes. What breaks on it never would sustain and nourish”.

Then the rishi asks, “If dharma is the anvil, what is the hammer”, and Parashurama answers, “Karma is the hammer. If correct, the result will be upheld; if not, it will collapse. Mind the correctness of karma, not the result. That will take care of itself”.

I just provided a small glimpse of the richness of dialogue in the exchange between the Saptarishis and Parashurama. This, I hope will whet the appetite of a curious reader.

Parashurama emerges out of each of his tests and experiences as a more evolved being and we readers journey along with him living his experience too. It is the skill of the writer that he is able to draw the reader into the world of the protagonist and live the emotions and feelings of the character that is emerging from the pages. Ranjith is able to draw the reader poignantly into the life and soul of Parashurama and one is almost living that character. The other skill of Ranjith is that his writing is so visual that one can conjure the image of the scene he is painting with words in the mind’s eye.

The book is replete with ideas that are deep and profound and therefore it is not a work for those interested only in the superficial nature of existence itself. It is a deep dive into metaphysics told with an intensity and bhakti which is unlike the usual spiritual texts that we are used to. From book 1 to book 2, the shift to a higher plane is very evident and Ranjith gives some insight into this in his Author’s Note.

He says, “A good story is like the five koshas of Hindu yogic philosophy. The plot is the Annamaya kosha, and the emotional energy of the story is the Pranamaya kosha. The character arc and character motivations are the Manomaya kosha, the theme and insights, form the Vijnanamaya kosha. Finally, the joy of connection with the divine, the transcendence a story evokes, is the Anandamaya kosha”.

This book does have all five but definitely more in the Pranamaya, Manomaya and Vijnanamaya Kosha. As I mentioned in my review of book 1 too, Ranjith has used extremely profound tenets of Hindu dharma to write his story and he has achieved the near impossible task of making it also contemporary. And to achieve this through a tale that is eons old is not an ordinary skill.

Ranjith is definitely an author to look out for in the coming years and as a reader, I look forward to the third book of this trilogy to see what further realms is going to be opened to us in it. And Parashurama is emerging as an extremely poignant avatara, given to extraordinarily human emotions like anger, pain, joy, suffering and compassion while also revealing his evolved state through the feats he can achieve through his intense tapasya and dhyana. After this trilogy, I guess the personage of Parashurama would have altered in a Hindu’s consciousness for the better and that in itself is justice to this much misunderstood avatara of Maha Vishnu.

The book can be purchased in all leading bookstores and also online here. 

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