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Not just China, but in almost all of Asia and even in Europe: India is shamed and criticised for caste system, but similar systems existed almost everywhere

Shriti Sagar
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Not just China, but in almost all of Asia and even in Europe: India is shamed and criticised for caste system, but similar systems existed almost everywhere

For decades, discussions around caste have almost always centred on India. International media, academics and activists frequently present caste as a uniquely Indian problem, often portraying it as an institution found nowhere else in the world. However, a growing India-China debate on social media has recently challenged that perception, with many users pointing out that rigid birth-based and occupation-based hierarchies existed across several societies, often under different names.

Over the past few weeks, Indian social media users have flooded platforms such as X and Instagram with posts, memes, videos and detailed threads exposing what many describe as China’s own caste-like social hierarchy. For years, the Chinese Communist Party projected itself as a society that had successfully eliminated social discrimination while simultaneously highlighting India’s caste issues. However, users began drawing attention to China’s historical social order and its modern Hukou system, which many believe continues to create institutional barriers between different groups of citizens.

The pursuit began gaining serious traction from around 11th June 2026 onwards with posts highlighting China’s ancient Four Occupations: Shi-Nong-Gong-Shang, as a hereditary hierarchy, and institutionalised discrimination within the modern Hukou household registration system, which traps millions of Chinese people in second-class status. While the Four Occupations created a structured hierarchy of scholars, farmers, artisans and merchants, the Hukou system continues to divide Chinese citizens into privileged urban residents and disadvantaged rural populations, restricting access to education, healthcare and employment opportunities.

The debate has reopened an important historical question: Was caste really unique to India, or did many societies create their own rigid social hierarchies that controlled people’s lives for generations?

The answer is that almost every major civilisation developed some form of hereditary or occupation-based social structure. While the names differed and the rules varied from country to country, the underlying principle remained strikingly similar. People were born into specific groups, social mobility was restricted, marriage often took place within the same community, and those at the bottom were frequently subjected to discrimination and poverty.

Caste was not unique to India

Modern discussions often associate the word “caste” exclusively with India. Yet historically, rigid social stratification based on birth existed across Asia, Europe and even parts of Africa.

Many societies divided people according to birth, occupation, wealth or perceived ritual purity. These divisions were often enforced by law, religion or state authority. In several cases, people born into lower groups could neither change their occupation nor easily improve their social standing.

The difference is largely one of terminology. In India, these divisions came to be known through the framework of ‘caste’, which, ironically, originated from the Portuguese ‘casta’. In other countries, they were called classes, estates, orders, ranks, serfdoms, outcast groups or hereditary occupations. But regardless of the name, they functioned in remarkably similar ways.

This reality becomes even more evident when examining some of Asia’s most advanced and admired societies, including Japan, Korea and Vietnam.

Japan’s rigid hereditary social order

Modern Japan is often viewed as one of the world’s most advanced nations. However, for centuries Japanese society operated under a rigid hereditary hierarchy that determined a person’s status, rights and opportunities.

During the Edo Period, which lasted from 1603 to 1868, the Tokugawa Shogunate institutionalised a strict social order known as Shinokosho. Society was divided into four principal groups: 

  • Shi – Samurai
  • Nō – Farmers 
  • Kō – Craftsmen 
  • Shō – Merchants.
Image via MGSC

At the top stood the Samurai class. These warrior-administrators enjoyed significant privileges and occupied positions of authority. Below them were farmers, who were valued because they produced rice, the foundation of Japan’s economy. Craftsmen came next, while merchants occupied the bottom rung because they were considered to generate wealth without producing essential goods.

This hierarchy was hereditary. A child born into a farmer’s family remained a farmer. A merchant’s child remained a merchant. Marriage between classes was restricted, and social mobility was severely limited.

The Tokugawa government repeatedly reminded citizens to “know your station in life.” People required permission to relocate, change occupations or marry outside their social category. Even clothing, hairstyles and daily behaviour were often regulated according to social rank.

Yet even below these four classes existed groups that suffered even harsher discrimination.

Among them were the Eta and Hinin communities, who later became known collectively as Burakumin.

The Eta were associated with occupations considered “impure,” including butchery, tanning and handling corpses. The Hinin included beggars, entertainers, low-status prostitutes and others considered socially undesirable.

These communities faced severe segregation. They were often forced to live in separate settlements, excluded from mainstream society and denied many opportunities available to other Japanese citizens.

Over time, the discrimination became codified in law. Occupations became hereditary, meaning the son of a tanner was expected to become a tanner. Social interaction between mainstream Japanese society and the Burakumin was discouraged and sometimes legally restricted.

Although legal discrimination was abolished during the Meiji era, the social stigma did not disappear overnight. Buraku rights organisations continue to fight discrimination even today, demonstrating how deeply entrenched these hierarchies once were.

Korea’s class system and the Nobi underclass

Like Japan, Korea also developed a highly structured and often rigid social hierarchy. During the Joseon Dynasty, Korean society was divided into several major classes. 

  • Yangban – Elite Scholar-Officials & Wealthy Landowners 
  • Jungin – Technical Middle Class (Doctors, Interpreters) 
  • Sangmin – Common Taxpayers (Farmers, Craftsmen, Traders) 
  • Cheonmin – Lowly Class (Shamans, Butchers) & NOBI (Slaves) 
Image via Pinterest

At the top stood the Yangban, who formed the ruling elite. They were scholar-officials who controlled government administration and owned significant amounts of land.

Below them were the Jungin, or middle people, who included technical professionals such as doctors, translators and administrators.

The majority of the population belonged to the Sangmin class, which consisted of farmers, craftsmen and merchants who paid taxes and supported the economy.

At the very bottom were the Cheonmin, meaning “lowly people.” This group included butchers, shamans, entertainers and the Nobi.

The Nobi occupied a particularly vulnerable position. They were considered property and could be bought, sold, inherited or transferred. In many respects, they resembled slaves or serfs. However, the Nobi system was complex. Some Nobi possessed property, accumulated wealth and lived independently. Nevertheless, their legal status remained subordinate to their owners.

For centuries, Korean society operated under this hierarchy. The Yangban enjoyed political and social dominance while lower classes faced significant barriers to advancement.

Only in the nineteenth century did these divisions begin to weaken. Economic changes, social reforms and political upheavals gradually eroded the old order. In 1894, the Nobi system was formally abolished.

Vietnam’s adoption of the Chinese social order

Vietnam presents another example of how caste-like structures spread across Asia through Chinese influence.

Historically, Vietnam adopted the Chinese Four Occupations model known locally as “Sĩ, Nông, Công, Thương.”

This system placed scholars and officials at the top, followed by farmers, artisans and merchants.

The arrangement reflected Confucian ideals that valued education and administration above commerce. Merchants often accumulated wealth, yet they remained socially inferior to scholars and bureaucrats.

Although the Vietnamese system was not as rigidly hereditary as some others, it still created a clear social hierarchy. Land ownership, education and government service became concentrated among elite families, reinforcing divisions across generations.

A key institution supporting this hierarchy was the Confucian civil service examination system. Introduced under the Ly Dynasty and continuing until 1919, these examinations selected government officials based on mastery of Confucian texts and classical literature.

In theory, any capable candidate could rise through the examination system. In practice, access to education was often concentrated among wealthy and influential families, giving them significant advantages. The examination structure elevated scholar-officials into a prestigious elite class while reinforcing the importance of bureaucratic status over commercial success. Over time, this helped create a durable social order that shaped Vietnamese society for centuries.

Caste-like hierarchies were not limited to Asia

The existence of rigid social hierarchies was not limited to Asian societies.

Europe, often portrayed as the birthplace of modern liberalism and equality, also spent centuries under systems that restricted social mobility and tied people to inherited status, even to slave-like conditions generation after generation.

For much of medieval Europe, society operated under feudalism. Feudalism was a governmental and economical structure that rose after that fall of the Roman Empire in the fifth century. When the Roman Empire controlled large portions of Europe, it functioned as a large, central, stabilizing power. After its fall, local warlords began to assert their own dominance over small swaths of land. 

Image via Brewminate

At the top were kings, nobles and landowners. At the bottom were serfs, who worked the land but did not own it.

Europe’s serfs and lords

Serfdom was one of the defining institutions of medieval Europe.

Serfs were not technically slaves, but their lives were heavily controlled by local lords. They farmed land belonging to the lord and were required to surrender a significant portion of their produce as rent.

They could not freely leave the land. They often required permission to marry, relocate or change occupations. If the land changed ownership, the serfs frequently changed owners with it. In practical terms, their freedom was extremely limited.

The system was built around inherited status. Children of serfs generally became serfs themselves. Opportunities for advancement were rare.

Lords, meanwhile, exercised considerable authority. In exchange for labour and rent, they provided protection, housing and basic security. Yet the relationship remained deeply unequal. The institution survived for centuries and shaped the lives of millions of Europeans.

Only major disruptions such as economic transformation, urbanisation and the Black Death began weakening the system. The Black Death dramatically reduced Europe’s population, creating labour shortages that gave surviving workers greater bargaining power. Peasants increasingly demanded better conditions and greater freedom.

Over time, feudalism gradually declined and serfdom was abolished across much of Europe.

Scotland’s coal miners: Slavery by another name

Even after Britain began presenting itself as a champion of liberty and the abolition of slavery, forms of hereditary labour bondage continued to exist.

One striking example came from Scotland’s coal mining industry.

For centuries, Scottish colliers and salters were effectively tied to the mines where they worked. This included the colliers’ families as well. Mining was often a generational occupation, and even children would work in mines, some as young as four years old, although usually children were eight or nine if they were to work down in the pits. If conditions were better in other mines, colliers could not choose to leave and improve their situations, and any miner who did so was treated as a criminal and actively sought and retrieved. Some were punished severely for ‘absconding’ from their mines; they were treated as ‘vagabonds and sturdy beggars’; some were even sent to specific correctional facilities, created to deter miners from trying to leave their mines. 

They could not freely leave their employers and were often bought and transferred along with mining operations.

In practice, many historians describe the system as resembling slavery.

Image via Labourheartlands
Image via Historic UK

This brutal act was actually extended in 1641 to enslave other workers, such as trappers, watermen, windsmen, gatesmen and carriers, who also worked at the mines. This act also increased the working week to six days out of seven. The situation lasted until 1775, when the process of freeing the mining communities from these abhorrent conditions was begun with the Colliers and Salters (Scotland) Act of Parliament. This started the process of freeing miners from their bonds, in a top-down approach. This effectively meant that if the father of a family was freed then so were his family. 

A global reality often ignored 

The historical record shows that rigid social hierarchies existed across much of the world.

China had the Four Occupations and later systems that institutionalised social divisions. Japan enforced hereditary classes and segregated Burakumin communities. Korea maintained a hierarchy dominated by Yangban elites while millions lived as Nobi. Vietnam adopted Confucian social structures that privileged educated elites over other groups.

Europe had feudalism, serfdom and hereditary labour systems that tied generations of people to specific occupations and social positions in deplorable living conditions and almost no rights.

The names differed. The legal frameworks differed. The cultural justifications differed. But the outcome was often similar.

People born into lower groups faced restricted opportunities, social stigma, economic hardship and limited mobility. Their lives were shaped by structures they did not choose and often could not escape.

Looking beyond simplified narratives

None of this means that social discrimination did not exist in India or that caste-related problems should be ignored. However, history shows that hierarchical social structures, what has been called the ‘caste system’ in India, were not a uniquely Indian phenomenon.

Across continents, societies created systems that divided people according to birth, occupation, status or perceived purity. These systems controlled access to wealth, education, political power and social respectability.

Yet public discourse often treats caste as though it were an exclusively Indian invention while overlooking similar structures elsewhere.

The recent discussion surrounding China’s social hierarchy has therefore opened a broader conversation. It reminds us that rigid social orders were once common across the world.

Whether called caste, class, estate, serfdom, nobility, outcaste status or hereditary occupation, these systems shared a common feature: they restricted human freedom and concentrated privilege in the hands of a few while keeping those at the bottom poor, dependent and socially marginalised.

7 people granted life imprisonment, but was ‘cow vigilantism’ the motive? The judgment says motive not proven, yet the media fails to point it out

Aditi
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7 people granted life imprisonment, but was ‘cow vigilantism’ the motive? The judgment says motive not proven, yet the media fails to point it out

Recently, an Additional District and Sessions court in Madhya Pradesh convicted 7 individuals in a rioting and murder incident that happened in the Narmadapuram district of Madhya Pradesh in August 2022. The incident resulted in the killing of a man named Nazeer Ahmed, while several others were seriously injured.

In a verdict passed on June 12, 2026, Additional Sessions Judge Tabassum Khan convicted seven accused, namely, Deepak alias Baba Kewat, Ajay alias Ajju Rathore, Prakash Kaushal, Pawan Bathav, Amar alias Bhola Bathav, Kanhaiya Bathav and Ballu alias Anuj Raghuvanshi, under Sections 302, 307, 148 r/w 149 of the Indian Penal Code. The judge sentenced all the convicts to life imprisonment.

While the culprits were convicted under provisions relating to murder, attempt to murder and rioting, some media outlets were quick to peddle the case as one relating to cow vigilantism merely because the incident involved a truck carrying cattle.

Several media outlets referred to the convicts as Gau Rakhshaks (Cow vigilantes), while the term is nowhere mentioned in the judgment.

Some media reports wrongly mentioned the number of convicts granted life imprisonment by the court as 14, but 7 people were convicted and sentenced by the sessions court.

Before moving on to the court’s observations and the decision in the case, let’s take a look at the incident that led to the filing of the case.

As recorded in the judgment, the incident took place around midnight on August 3, 2022, on Nandarwada Road in Barakhad village, under the Seonimalwa Police Station area, of the Narmadapuram district in Madhya Pradesh. The complainant, Sheikh Lala (a truck driver), along with his companions, Nazeer Ahmed and Sheikh Mushtaq, was travelling in a truck carrying cattle. The truck left from Nandarwada and was travelling towards Amravati in Maharashtra.

As the truck was passing near Barakhad village around midnight on the day of the incident, its occupants were attacked by 10 to 12 villagers carrying sticks. The thrashed Sheikh Lala, Nazeer Ahmed and Sheikh Mushtaq. The police arrived at the spot and rushed the victims to the Community Health Centre (CHC) Seonimalwa. Sheikh Lala and Sheikh Mushtaq sustained serious injuries, but Nazeer Ahmed passed away during treatment at the hospital.

A FIR was registered by the police at Seonimalwa Police Station against 10-12 persons under Sections 147, 148, 341, 307, and 302 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). Seven of the accused were tried for the offences and convicted of some of the offences mentioned in the FIR.

The court framed seven issues for determining the commission of the offences alleged in the FIR. Out of the seven issues framed by the court, a key issue mentioned at number 3 stated whether the accused deliberately stopped the truck of the victims before launching an attack on them. This issue was crucial for establishing whether the accused had a motive behind their actions.

Screenshot of the judgment

“Whether, at the said date, time and place, the accused persons wrongfully restrained the complainant Sheikh Lala, Nazeer Ahmed and Sheikh Mushtaq, who were travelling in truck registration number MH-40-CD-8751, by stopping/obstructing their way?” read the issue framed by the court.

After examining the evidence adduced and the arguments advanced by both sides, the court concluded that the element of wrongful restraint could not be proved against the accused. In other words, the court held that the prosecution could not prove that the accused deliberately stopped the truck of the victims before attacking them. In the absence of a motive, the misleading claims of the media portals about the attack on the victims being motivated by cow vigilantism do not hold water.

Screenshot of the judgment

In para number 96 of the judgment, the court stated that the allegation against the accused that they wrongfully restrained the injured persons and the deceased by blocking their way was not proved. The court stated that the eyewitnesses, Sheikh Lala and Syed Mushtaq, made no statements before the court to the effect that anyone from the crowd had stopped their way by placing any vehicle in front of them. The court also pointed out that even their statements given to the police did not mention that the path of their truck had been blocked. No other evidence was submitted to the court to show that the accused blocked the truck’s path.

A plain reading of the judgment is sufficient to debunk the claims of the media portals to misrepresent the case as one of cow vigilantism. It is clear from the findings of the court that the incident did not relate to cow vigilantism and involved acts of murder, attempt to murder and rioting.

Should Punjab CM resign on orders of Akal Takht? The Bhagwant Mann controversy and the historical lesson of Tiwana: When the ‘Chief Minister’ bowed to Jinnah’s pressure

अर्पित त्रिपाठी
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Should Punjab CM resign on orders of Akal Takht? The Bhagwant Mann controversy and the historical lesson of Tiwana: When the ‘Chief Minister’ bowed to Jinnah’s pressure

The Akal Takht has labelled Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann as a “Guru-dhokhi” (one who has betrayed the Guru) and declared him an adversary of the Khalsa Panth. There are increasing demands for his resignation and calls for his boycott, subjecting him to both political and religious pressure. Mann has dismissed these accusations and has shown no signs of intending to give up his chair.

As we discuss whether Mann should step down, it is first vital to understand the Punjab of the 1940s, as this period offers significant historical context for the matter at hand. The Punjab of that time was significantly different from today. During that period, both Lahore and Rawalpindi were part of the region.

Punjab before 1947

At that time, the Chief Minister or Premier of Punjab was Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana. He was a key figure in Punjab’s powerful Unionist Party and initially took on the role of Chief Minister in 1942. He returned to the office in 1946. His government received support from the region’s two principal political parties: the Akali Dal and the Congress.

This era was marked by massive upheaval in the country. The Muslim League was advocating for a separate Pakistan, while the Congress was resisting the partition of the nation, and the British were attempting to maintain their authority.

Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana

By the year 1945, the Second World War had concluded, and it became increasingly hard for the British to sustain their control over India. In February 1947, British Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced that the country would be granted independence. Subsequently, the British acquiesced to the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan and revealed a plan for the partition of India in June 1947.

Sir Cyril Radcliffe was dispatched to establish the borders between India and Pakistan. The demarcation process was greatly impacted by factors such as population, religion, language and the preferences of local leadership. The league argued that Muslims represented the largest demographic group in Punjab and hence the entire province should be incorporated into Pakistan.

It was not solely Hindu leaders who opposed this demand. The Muslim League faced its strongest opposition from Tiwana. He was an influential Muslim leader, yet he unequivocally rejected the partition of Punjab.

In fact, this resistance was not a recent development. A conflict between the Unionist Party and the Muslim League had been ongoing since 1935. An agreement was even set up between Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan and Mohammad Ali Jinnah in 1937. This deal had no mention of Pakistan, but Jinnah sought the Unionist Party legislators to align with the League.

In 1940, the Muslim League adopted the Lahore Resolution, which became known as the Pakistan Resolution. Afterwards, the Muslim League consistently applied pressure on the Unionist Party to endorse the creation of Pakistan. Most senior leaders of the Unionist Party were Muslims, and therefore, they faced pressure based on their religious affiliations.

By 1944, the Muslim League’s influence had expanded considerably. During a meeting, Jinnah urged Tiwana to support the Pakistan movement. Although Tiwana hesitated momentarily, the Governor of Punjab counselled him to maintain his stance, and he ultimately declined to comply with Jinnah’s requests.

Jinnah and his associates then initiated an extensive smear campaign against him. He was labelled a traitor to his community, a kafir (infidel) and a foe of Muslims. Jinnah himself referred to him as a kafir. This campaign escalated further following the announcement of the partition.

Tiwana consistently asserted that Punjab should not be divided. He believed that the individuals of different faiths residing in Punjab shared a common cultural heritage. Nevertheless, this viewpoint proved to be politically detrimental for him. Protests erupted on the streets against him, and his effigies were displayed in mock funeral processions. Maulanas delivered speeches denouncing him. Wherever he went, he was vilified as an infidel and a traitor to the community. His vehicles were surrounded, and he endured continuous social and religious pressure.

On 2nd March 1947, Tiwana ultimately resigned from his position as Chief Minister. RK Kaushik, a former IAS officer, has detailed the events surrounding his resignation in an article featured in “The Tribune.”

Kaushik recounted that on the day he resigned, Tiwana paid a visit to the residence of Punjab’s Education Minister, Ibrahim Khan Barq. During this visit, the minister’s 8-year-old son confronted him, asking, “Are you the same Khizar Tiwana uncle who is obstructing the Muslim nation of Pakistan? I will not shake your hand.” This comment profoundly disturbed Tiwana.

He confided in the Development Minister, Sardar Swaran Singh, expressing, “I could have persisted in the struggle against the Muslim League, but if even our children are beginning to see us as adversaries, it is wiser for us to withdraw and allow events to unfold organically.”

He subsequently stepped down. The day after, Mohammad Ali Jinnah proclaimed that the primary hindrance to the creation of Pakistan had been overcome. Historians believe that the situation in Punjab deteriorated rapidly thereafter, marking the onset of widespread communal violence.

Should Bhagwant Mann resign

The present controversy involving Bhagwant Mann evokes memories of the region’s history. The Akal Takht has announced that it has received two objectionable videos featuring Bhagwant Mann, leading it to classify him as an opponent of the Khalsa Panth. In addition, various political parties, including the Akali Dal and the Congress, have called for his resignation based on these allegations.

Nevertheless, if the issue of Mann’s resignation is to be considered, the rationale must be rooted in democratic and administrative principles. If one contends that Punjab’s debt has increased during his tenure, crime control has been ineffective, criminals are making video calls from prisons, the drug problem remains unresolved, or election promises have not been met, these are issues that pertain to political accountability and the public interest. On such bases, the public is entitled to seek answers from a Chief Minister and may even call for their resignation.

The notion that an elected Chief Minister should resign merely due to an order from a religious institution raises major concerns from a democratic standpoint. If a leader has offended religious sentiments, the Akal Takht has the authority to impose religious penance, limit their religious privileges or initiate a social boycott. However, the ultimate decision regarding their continuation in a democratic role must be left to the electorate.

The people are the ultimate source of authority in a democratic system. If the public believes that a leader has failed to uphold their trust, they have the option to remove them from power in the subsequent election. The upcoming election in Punjab is approaching and this decision should rest with the populace, rather than a system that claims superiority over elected officials.

The story of Tiwana serves as a historical case pertinent to this issue. This account transcends the resignation of a single individual and delves into the crucial debate of whether democratic governance should be influenced by religious pressures. Historical evidence indicates that when political choices are swayed by religious or communal influences instead of the democratic framework, the entire society could face serious repercussions.

Read the original report in Hindi here.

Ancient Four Occupations to modern Hukou divisions: Inside the Chinese caste system highlighted by Indian netizens in pushback against CCP’s anti-India propaganda

Shraddha Pandey
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Ancient Four Occupations to modern Hukou divisions: Inside the Chinese caste system highlighted by Indian netizens in pushback against CCP’s anti-India propaganda

For many years, the Chinese Communist Party concealed its societal realities behind a ‘firewall’ and concocted hateful narratives about India’s social structure and caste system. However, Indians have memed their way into rattling the CCP’s propaganda fortress. Since the past few days, major social media platforms, particularly X (formerly, Twitter) and Instagram, have been flooded with Indian users posting ground-level visuals, threads, sarcastic commentary, videos and memes calling out the exploitative Chinese caste system.

While in scholarly discourse in India, the Chinese caste system and its modern Hukou form are not lesser-known issues, Indians, in fact, know only the sanitised version of China’s caste system. However, Indian social media users decided to make this lesser-known societal truth about China globally known.

The pursuit began gaining serious traction from around 11th June 2026 onwards with posts highlighting China’s ancient Four Occupations: Shi-Nong-Gong-Shang, as a hereditary hierarchy, and institutionalised discrimination within the modern Hukou household registration system, which traps millions of Chinese people in second-class status.

Before delving into how and why Indians are after China’s societal realities, it is important to learn about the Chinese caste system, both historical and modern.

From ‘Four Occupations’ to Hukou system: Caste system is not alien, rather entrenched in Chinese society for centuries

The ‘Four Occupations’ system dates back to the Zhou dynasty, though formalised in later periods. It was an ideal social hierarchy under the emperor. Under this system, people were divided into four categories.

At the top was the Shi (士) caste. This comprised scholars, gentry, officials, and the overall ruling elite.

Shi were followed by Nong (农), who were peasants, farmers, the producers of food. Although respected in theory, they were deemed lower in practice.

In third position was Gong (工). This category included artisans and craftsmen.

The lowest in the hierarchy was the Shang (商) group. These included merchants and traders. They were viewed as profit-driven and less essential.

In some eras, there was a bottom layer of Jianmin or “degraded people”. The emperor was above all these categories.

It is argued by many pro-China elements outside China, and Chinese scholars, that this arrangement, though hierarchical and functional, was not identical to India’s Varna or Jati system. They contend that while the Varna system was strictly hereditary or purity-based, the ‘Four Occupations’ system was more vocational than hereditary.

However, even the Varna system, in its original Vedic form, was not hereditary or birth-determined. While China’s ‘Shi-Nong-Gong-Shang’ hierarchy was based on occupation, Bharat’s Varna system was based on guna or qualities and karma or work.

Brahmins, comprising Vedic priests, scholars and teachers, Kshatriyas comprising the ruling elite and warriors, Vaishyas, comprising merchants, farmers, traders, and finally, the Shudras, who were service providers. This system was based essentially on a division of labour and a social organisation wherein individual aptitude, qualities, duties and interests decided their Varna, not immutable birth.

Varna was theoretically fluid and based essentially on personal conduct and aptitude. Many noted individuals rose to the status of Brahmins through merit and conduct, while in many cases, bad conduct would result in caste and reputational loss. None of it was based on birth.

It is undeniably true that in later periods, the caste system became hereditary; the original system, just as China’s Four Occupations, was not birth-based. Social hierarchy and exclusion are not unique to India alone. Many countries have religion-based or occupation-based hierarchies that were either originally or, through corruption over time, took rigid and discriminatory forms. However, it is strictly in India’s context that social hierarchy and exclusion are raised to essentialise Hindu culture and religion.

This is deliberately done to defame Hinduism and establish a norm that the Hindu religion and culture alone define Indian society and culture, even as India is home to diverse religions and cultures, which have their own separate hierarchies and related rivalries.

Despite this, the Chinese propaganda factory cherry-picks convenient negatives of the Indian caste system, blends it with their exaggerated narratives to portray India as a feudal, divided and even ‘inferior’ country, unlike the imaginary ancient and present communist Chinese Utopia where everyone is ‘equal’.

Hukou system: The de facto Chinese caste system

While independent India has, through laws and societal reforms, achieved considerable success in eradicating caste discrimination, Communist China has adopted a highly rigid Hukou system.

The origins of the hukou system date back to the Warring Kingdoms period (third century BC). Unlike India’s Varna system or ancient China’s Four Occupations, Hukou is not occupation-based; it divides people into groups according to birth-based privileges for some.

Hukou is a household registration regime introduced in its strictest form in 1958 after the Chinese Communist ‘revolution’. With this system, the CCP made it mandatory for every Chinese citizen to have a Hukou status by birth.

It divides people into two groups: Agricultural (rural) versus Non-Agricultural or urban. This is also linked to a specific location, like local or outsider. The Urban hukou holders enjoy privileged access to better public schools and colleges, subsidised healthcare and housing. Pensions and social welfare, as well as stable government or formal sector jobs. They are basically a privileged minority.

This system divides the Chinese populace into nongmin (rural citizens), with an agricultural hukou, and shimin (urban citizens), with a non-agricultural hukou.

The rural hukou holders, who form the majority, have to face systemic barriers. Several media reports and studies say that when the rural hukou holders migrate to cities for work, they usually get only temporary residence permits. The children of these rural hukou nongmin become left-behind children in villages, and face extra fees issues in urban schools.

In fact, there are separate unlicensed migrant schools outside the CCP-run state’s education system, reflecting how rural hukou are segregated from the socially and economically better and mainstream urban hukou and have very little access to public resources. These schools rely mainly on tuition fees to operate, have dilapidated buildings and are no match for the public schools in terms of facilities and quality of education.

Unable to get admission even in the migrant schools, the workers are sometimes forced to send their children back alone to their place of hukou for education. This essentially perpetuates a generational poor educational trajectory for rural hukou holders, while urban hukous have seen their educational levels improve generation by generation from school to universities.

In this ongoing decade alone, China’s capital, Beijing, has seen the closure and demolition of numerous migrant schools, further disconnecting rural hukou holders from education.

The only way for children of migrant workers to get admission to mainstream public schools is by providing the “five permits”. These include a labour contract and proof of local housing. However, obtaining urban hukou for a migrant worker is a near-impossible task. Since most of the migrant workers are employed in the informal economy and living in informal apartments, they cannot fulfil the requirements for obtaining an urban hukou.

In his notable book The Urbanization of People, sociologist Eli Friedman notes that, unlike discriminatory practices and social conditions in other regions, the Chinese Hukou system is “wholly and openly by state design, systematically creating a division among and within the predominantly Han population.”

In a study titled, Hukou and Urban-Rural Educational Inequality: Who Are Left Out?, Zheyu Zhao details the inequalities rural hukous face in the education sector.

“The educational system in China is rife with urban-rural inequalities, owing to the discriminatory effects of Hukou on educational resources and opportunities. In many cities, migrant students without local Hukous are excluded from the Nine-Year Compulsory Free Education [7]. Most state schools receive no state funding for migrant pupils, so they often claim to be full [8]. As a result, migrant students must either attend private institutions or return to the village linked to their Hukou status, where they can receive a free but bare-bones education,” the study reads.

Since migrant workers do the dangerous, dirtiest, and low-paid jobs in factories and construction, a social stigma is attached to them. They get lower wages compared to urban hukou for similar work, face hiring discrimination, and have limited access to full urban benefits. The same is the story of peasants (nongmin) and other rural hukou holders.

The Chinese Hukou system is equivalent to a birth-based discriminatory caste system, given the disparity in economic standing, social status, and access to public resources based on the birth of the urban and rural Hukous. The CCP has created a regime that has pushed a significant section of the population into perpetual precarity and destitution based on birth.

Clearly, China’s socialism-communism is confined to lip service and the CCP conveniently adopted not only the pre-Mao Hukou (Huji) system, which was originally based on where a person resided, but also made it even more rigid and discriminatory by making it birth-based, turning the residency status became inheritable.

From an economic point of view, the Hukou system helped China create a dual economy, with a large proportion of unskilled labour.  With a birth-based and institutionalised exclusionary Hukou regime, the CCP achieved social stability and economic growth, thanks to the abundance of cheap labour, which it needed to perpetuate its authoritarian rule.

In fact, initially, the hukou inheritance was made matrilineal and not patrilineal. No, this was not a progressive move; rather, historian Professor Glen Peterson described it as the elimination of the opportunity for upwardly mobile fathers to bequeath urban hukou status to the offspring.

“By assigning hukou status through the maternal parent, the opportunity for upwardly mobile fathers to bequeath urban hukou status to their offspring was eliminated. … Hukou controls were the state’s primary mechanism for allocating – and denying – access to a wide range of state-supplied goods and services: schooling, food, housing, employment, consumer products, and other benefits. Following the great famine of 1959-61, moreover, China’s leaders came to regard a peasantry bound legally and permanently to the land as the most effective means of guaranteeing the country’s precarious food supply,” Peterson wrote in his book The Power of Words: Literacy and Revolution in South China, 1949-95.

It was only in 1998 that Hukou inheritance was made patrilineal.

In his noted work, Organizing Through Division and Exclusion: China’s Hukou System(2005), Dr Fei-Ling Wang, Professor at Sam Nunn School of International Affairs, described Hukou as a “control measure by dividing the population into small segments.”

“China’s imperial hukou system functioned as a quasi-institutional exclusion. In addition to the location-determined population immobility, there always lingered an inherited hukou categorisation of various noble clans, ordinary people (mainly peasants), and various low-class clans (slaves, floaters, untouchables such as paupers or prostitutes). In the last two dynasties (Ming and Qing), the legally equal ordinary people were categorised into four inherited hukou types: military, peasants, merchants, and handicraft workers. They had the same legal status but frequently different and adjustable treatment regarding tax burden and the right to participate in the imperial examinations, as well as the right to move. Several categories of low-class clans were further excluded. … Unlike the current PRC hukou system, however, the imperial hukou system formally excluded not the majority of the population but mainly the socially undesirable minority or fringe groups,” Wang wrote.

The CCP’s adoption and perpetuation of the birth-based Hukou system is rooted in the advice of traditional Chinese scholar Guo Tinglin, who said, “When the masses dwell in the villages, order prevails; when the masses flock to the cities, disorder prevails”. The Hukou regime in the People’s Republic of China is essentially a de facto caste or apartheid-like system, creating “two Chinas”.

The Hukou system is prevalent in China even now and has witnessed several reforms. However, despite the reforms, the core divide persists. The urban-rural gaps in income, education and opportunities also remain stark. The discrimination in labour markets and prejudiced social attitudes is now widely known.

Several studies indicate that the Mao-era Hukou locked peasants in place to feed cities and fund China’s industrialisation. The Great Leap Forward and Collectivisation further devastated rural China.

In fact, during the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), the CCP institutionalised hereditary discrimination via the “class label” system. Families were categorised on the basis of their pre-revolutionary wealth or political standing. Several studies detail how those who were During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), the Chinese Communist Party institutionalised hereditary discrimination through the “class label” system. Families were permanently categorised based on their pre-revolutionary wealth or political standing. Those designated as “class enemies” passed social and political stigmas onto their children, having their life chances heavily restricted.

Be it through the stigmatised “Five Black Categories” and the CCP-favoured “Five Red Categories” during the Cultural Revolution or the perpetual Hukou system, China has an opprobrious history of discrimination against its own people, be it for political view, or based on birth.

It would amount to intellectual dishonesty if the term caste is not used in the context of China’s birth-based discriminatory system. Caste is not an Indic term; the word finds its origin in the Spanish and Portuguese word “casta”, which means “race, lineage, breed, or kind”. Casta itself originated from the Latin castus, meaning “pure”. Evidently, the European origins of the term and its birth/lineage-based purity indicate that the Caste system, in some form or other, existed in Europe as well. However, in modern studies, “caste” has almost exclusively been used in the context of the Hindu varna/jati system.

Indians sarcastically call out ‘Chinese caste system’, CCP deploys mouthpiece Global Times for narrative control

In the last few days, Indian netizens have been dominating timelines across all major social media platforms with videos, memes, and sarcastic commentary on China’s historical and prevalent social hierarchies and related discrimination.

As Indians called out China’s birth-based urban-rural chasm, the CCP mouthpiece Global Times, notorious for peddling anti-India propaganda, published a defensive piece on “Indian netizens allege China has a ‘caste system’,”.

The Global Times cited Chinese ‘experts’ to dismiss the Indian pushback as “hilarious,” “ignorant of Chinese historical culture,” and classic “projection” or “coping.”

Apparently, the CCP is now rattled not only by state actors but also by ordinary Indians, who have punctured China’s carefully curated global image of a harmonious and meritocratic Communist Utopia. While some of the ‘Chinese caste system’ posts by Indian netizens are a genuine attempt at highlighting China’s very own birth-based hierarchical systems, the Global Times failed to read the Indian sarcasm.

For years, Chinese state media, bots, and influencers peddled half-truths, blatant lies and propaganda about India, Indians, and Indian society. From passing off videos of unhygienic street foods from Bangladesh and Pakistan as Indian on X, Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok, to highlighting the caste system with their own exaggerated narratives, CCP bots fuelled hatred against Indians online.

However, Indian social media users flipped the script. While the CCP is deploying its media mouthpiece and social media bots to ‘counter’ the Chinese caste system claims made by Indians, the Indian side of X has essentially played the CCP’s game of picking historical issues and peddling exaggerated narratives around it. Indian netizens, powered by 2.5 GB per day of internet, are not merely apprising the world of China’s discriminatory societal structure but are giving a blowback with a blend of facts, satire, and sarcasm, with a dash of mockery.

While ‘caste’ has become a keyword in the ongoing Indian social media campaign and Chinese reaction, this is not confined to just caste or discrimination. Indian social media users have managed to breach the ‘firewall’ and bring out visual elements, be it poverty clips, migrant stories, and similar ground stories, that never make their way beyond the official filters. It is hilarious that the CCP is rattled by decentralised, creative and motivated Indian netizens who are simply pushing back against Chinese propaganda in the CCP’s own style.

Hindus are minorities in India: Sajjad Nomani’s statement reveals how Islamists aim to create divisions in Hindu society to keep the community weak and unconsolidated against Jihadi threats

Rukma Rathore
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Hindus are minorities in India: Sajjad Nomani’s statement reveals how Islamists aim to create divisions in Hindu society to keep the community weak and unconsolidated against Jihadi threats

“Divide and Rule,” the tactic, which was officially put into action by the British, has been a prominent feature of their colonial legacy in India. The imperialists exited the country after inflicting a brutal division in 1947 along the same lines, but their nefarious motto continues to be applied even today, often in a more aggressive manner and with a different approach. Certain elements have been using this strategy to exploit the faultlines within the Hindu community, even going so far as to designate many groups as outside this religious fold.

Senior All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) member Maulana Khalilur Rahman Sajjad Nomani recently stated that Hindus are no longer the majority in India during a speech. He argued that the traditional perception of their population is deceptive when diverse groups are viewed separately.

Nomani insisted that tribals, scheduled caste communities, people from Tamil Nadu, Lingayats, some segments of the Jat community and other such categories should not be counted as Hindus because their identities are distinct from the larger community. He announced, “I place my hand on Hajr-e-Aswad and the cover of the Kaaba and say that Hindus are a minority in India. Under no circumstances can Hindus be considered a majority,” to his attentive audience in the viral footage.

He also made an admission, revealing that Hindus were split into two factions to serve the Islamist agenda and expressed disappointment over the scheme’s failure as they all voted for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). “We divided Hindus into secular and fascist units, but both ended up hurting our cause.”

The statement made by Taliban fanboy Nomani is an open secret. The radical ecosystem and “secular” politicians alike have repeatedly employed such manoeuvres to create rifts within Hindu society and fulfil their ulterior motives. Former Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah had claimed that Lingayat is a different religion. Similarly, Congress MLA from Madhya Pradesh, Umang Singhar, asserted that “tribals are not Hindus.”

The Rashtriya Janata Dal and Samajwadi Party are known for their “Muslim Yadav (M-Y)” combination to form vote blocs in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh for electoral benefits. The latter’s latest PDA (Pichhda or Backward Classes, Dalit and Alpsankhyak or Minorities) strategy represents another extension of this playbook.

The systematic targeting of the Hindu community, which has been segregated into castes, classes or other segments, remains a defining feature of this effort, while Muslims are consistently perceived as a single entity, despite the presence of multiple sects that have been involved in violent conflicts with each other for decades.

The phenomenon has become so standard that it elicits no response when the largest community in India, instead of being regarded as a cohesive whole, is unceasingly exposed to attempts to foster feelings of separation and isolation to undermine its Hindu foundation. This is regularly observed from discussions analysing voting behaviours to giving “caste colours” to crimes, but never to terror assaults, as that would be “Islamophobic.”

A terrifying scenario is underway

A conspiracy is in motion, transcending vote bank politics, aimed at breaking apart the Hindu community, eroding its strength and weakening its influence, which would ultimately sever the civilisational roots of India, substituting them with a foreign culture, as seen in various parts of the world, from the Arab nations to India’s neighbours.

This illustrates why an offensive against Iran and Gaza triggers massive protests and violence takes place in Mumbai’s Azad Maidan over Rohingya Muslims, but New Delhi’s move to introduce the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) to protect the persecuted minorities of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan results in unrest and anti-Hindu riots in the national capital.

This is also the reason behind the alarming influx of Bangladeshi and Rohingya intruders into the country, which is facilitated by political parties such as All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) in pursuit of their short-term political objectives at the expense of the nation’s greater good.

TMC chief and former West Bengal Chief Minister had even threatened that Muslims would encircle Hindus and “completely finish them off” if her party were not in power in the state. Interestingly, this was intended to frighten Hindus into supporting her during the assembly elections, which later led to her humiliating defeat. However, her comment serves as a stark reminder of the imminent threat that has already transformed into a chilling reality from Kashmir to Murshidabad.

The Hindu territory of Kashmir experienced a dramatic decline in its native population as the Muslim population expanded over time. The Kashmiri Pandits had to endure a Pakistan-sponsored brutal exodus in the 1990s and are forced to live as refugees in their own country. Their properties are confiscated by those who were once their neighbours and friends but sided with the jihadis, while the former are unable to return to their homes and have to act as uninvited guests in their own land.

A similar incident unfolded in the Muslim-majority Murshidabad last year, where Hindus had to leave their homes to protect themselves after facing attacks from extremists. The violence resulted in the brutal murders of 72-year-old Hargobindo Das and his 40-year-old son Chandan, leading to the conviction of 13 Muslims in the case. Hindu idols and temples were desecrated and vandalised, while Hindu residences were marked with black ink, bombed and set ablaze by the bloodthirsty mobs.

Multiple such instances have surfaced where Hindus had to sell their homes to evade this unwarranted aggression from Muslims, especially where the latter are predominant or in substantial numbers. Furthermore, Indian courts, including the Supreme Court and legal bodies, have consistently cautioned that unnatural or unchecked demographic changes, particularly through illegal immigration, pose a major threat to national security, constitutional integrity and social stability.

Judge GR Swaminathan of the Madras High Court even remarked that the Indian Constitution would no longer be relevant if the nation’s “demographic profile” is altered. Regions such as Jharkhand have already begun to suffer the repercussions of this development.

A violation of the religious rights of Hindus

These Muslim extremists not only assault Hindus but also react adversely to the latter practising their faith, which “offends” their delicate sentiments. A Durga temple in Asansol was shut down by the TMC government due to pressure from Muslims and remained closed for 15 years as Hindus were not allowed to worship there. It was only reopened after the saffron party came to power.

Hindus had faced restrictions on conducting religious processions and celebrating prominent festivals, including Durga Puja, when they coincided with Islamic occasions during the TMC regime in Bengal. Calcutta High Court had to intervene against such diktats. However, the trend is widespread in other areas as well. The unyielding objections and assaults on Hindu processions for having the audacity to traverse through “Muslim areas” or even otherwise point to an unsettling degree of intolerance within the second-largest community in the country.

Meanwhile, Hindus have to constantly fight for their fundamental right to observe their beliefs and worship their deities, from Lord Ram in Ayodhya to Lord Murugan at Tiruparankundram Hill. As if this were not enough, the rampant criminal activities, including love jihad and those perpetrated by intruders, which comprise the occupation of government-owned lands such as critical forest and agricultural zones, have resulted in a serious challenge in states like Assam.

Therefore, this remark by Nomani, who is also opposed to sending girls to schools, is not indicative of a radical mindset but rather a meticulously constructed plot reminiscent of the dangerous aspirations expressed in the “India 2047” document of the outlawed Popular Front of India (PFI), which envisioned the country as an Islamic state.

These entities are singularly focused on establishing Muslim dominance in India through any unscrupulous methods, including the division of Hindu society, while “secular” parties are desperate to cater to them for power acquisition while Hindus are in a precarious position facing an existential threat.

Conclusion

It has become imperative to put an end to internal disputes and counter any devious act to attack the Hindu community, which must awaken to reality and stop clashing over matters such as castes, class or language and instead concentrate on the larger picture. They need to showcase a solidified front, just as Muslims do for their community, despite their differences, if they hope to survive against such an organised adversary.

Their dropping growth rate in contrast to that of Muslims, the imposing inflow of Rohingya and Bangladeshi intruders and the Islamo-leftist lobby, has already left them with a very narrow margin against this menace. The odds are stacked against them. Hindus have to defend themselves against an unrelenting global ecosystem on several fronts, and they must recognise and respond to this reality.

It is a fact that Hindus have become politically, culturally and religiously conscious in recent years, but this process must be accelerated and not even a slight opportunity should be afforded to the Islamists to further their agenda, which could be detrimental not only to Hindus but to all of India.

Ilhan Omar’s ‘Genocide’ smear against India at an IAMC event: Inside the Islamist outfit and the Congresswoman’s long record of spreading falsehoods about India

Rukma Rathore
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Ilhan Omar’s ‘Genocide’ smear against India at an IAMC event: Inside the Islamist outfit and the Congresswoman’s long record of spreading falsehoods about India

Somalian American Congresswoman Ilhan Omar, notorious for her extreme animosity towards India, has once again made outrageous allegations devoid of any facts to attack the country, especially at a time when there is a rising wave of anti-immigration sentiment marked by violence, especially against individuals of Indian descent, in the United States. Her latest outburst of vitriol happened on 7th June at a program arranged by the Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), a radical group recognised for its support to terror outfits and anti-Hindu ideology.

Reports coming out of India place it at the 8th stage of genocide. It’s really important for us to continue to raise the alarm,” Omar claimed at the public event titled, “Community Resistance to Hate and Extremism.” She added that the reason for the situation is not just the Modi government, but rather, the “havoc” is evolving into a “systemic” and “societal” issue.

As was expected, no proof was provided to validate the claims, which were founded on the 10-stage paradigm of genocide developed by American attorney and propagandist Gregory H. Stanto,n who created Genocide Water. He described the 8th step as persecution, which entails widespread, state-sponsored repression of a minority group.

According to him, extrajudicial executions, property confiscation, forced relocation, ghettoisation and denial of necessities like food, water, and medical care are parts of systematic rights violations that fall under this category. While there is no evidence of such brutal targeting of any group in India, it is also important to outline that minority communities, especially Muslims, have seen a considerable increase in population compared to the majority community.

It is noteworthy that the number of people enduring such violent assaults dramatically declines, as is the case in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh, instead of rising as rapidly as they do in India. Furthermore, minorities have continuously held key positions both historically and in the present in the world’s biggest democracy.

Meanwhile, real reports that highlight the unprecedented oppression of Hindus in Islamic nations of the subcontinent seldom reach the discussion panels of these forums, which are influenced by a deep-seated bias and hostility towards India.

Hinduphobic IAMC and its ties to terrorist groups

IAMC is a lobbying group in the US that is supported by Jamat-e-Islami and presents itself as an advocacy group for human rights. According to reports, it has collaborated with and paid money to several American groups to have India placed on the USCIRF’s (United States Commission on International Religious Freedom) blacklist.

IAMC has been repeatedly confronted over its relationship with terrorist groups. This concern was brought to light by the Indian government in 2022, following former Vice President Hamid Ansari’s attendance at a virtual panel discussion set up by the body on Republic Day.

“Some people are becoming a part of an anti-India conspiracy of Pakistan-sponsored organisations, which are conspiring to create confusion over India’s culture and inclusivity,” expressed Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, who was the minority affairs minister at the time. He underscored that IAMC has links with the banned “Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).”

IAMC is involved in a vast jihadi network comprising terrorist and fanatical groups. It’s found, er, Shaik Ubaid, and member Abdul Malik Mujahid also presided over the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA), which is a Western branch of Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan. ICNA reportedly established links with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT).

IAMC’s former president and current Executive Director, Rasheed Ahme, dwainat the position of executive director of the Jamaat-affiliated Islamic Medical Association of North America (IMANA), which employed Zahid Mahmood, a former member of the Pakistani Navy, as its director of operations.

IMANA was accused of embezzling money from a fundraising drive it sponsored during COVID-19 under the pretence of supporting India. It has relations with retired Pakistani Navy and Army officers alongside alliances with terrorist groups,s including LeT and Hizbul Mujahideen.

Rasheed, in a flagrant act of Hinduphobia, had mocked that Hindu leaders in India were intoxicated by “cow urine” to recover from the coronavirus. A similar insulting statement was posted on social media by IAMC Advocacy Director Ajit Sahi, who wrote, “Sacred cows make the tastiest hamburger.”

It regularly partners with the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), which has been discovered to have ties with Al Qaeda, Hamas and similar outfits to advance their agenda. The duo collectively protested in 2021 against the “omission of the country from the US Department of State’s list of countries of particular concern.”

Moreover, IAMC pushed US President Joe Biden to withdraw PM Modi’s invitation to the State Dinner in 2023. The letter was signed by 17 organisations, including IAMC. It was also found circulating fabricated material and fake news to support the Islamist movement in India. It also advocated against the Uniform Civil Code in Uttarakhand.

In 2024, IAMC executed a “survey” to label the Hindu community as “racist,” “intolerant”, and “Islamophobic” in an attempt to further demonise the minority community residing in the United States.

The Federation of Indian Associations of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut and New England wanted to include “Ram Janmabhoomi Temple float” inthe India Day Parade that year to celebrate the 78th Independence Day of the nation. However, anti-Hindu groups, such as IAMC, resorted to writing to local leaders opposing the float using fraudulent information and reports.

Last year, IAMC teamed up with other anti-India forces to put together events titled “The Weaponisation of Hinduism in NNorthCarolina and India and the Relationships to Global Religious Nationalisms” at multiple locations to disparage Hindutva in the United States.

Ilhan Omar’s agenda circulates anti-India propaganda, parrots Pakistan’s propaganda and has ties to Islamist outfits

Of course, this is not the first instance for Omar, who has also made headlines for reportedly marrying her own brother, a charge reiterated by President Donald Trump, who even told her to leave the country, to criticise India and the current government under the guise of “minorities” and “human rights.”

The representative from Minnesota extended her support for the unfounded accusations made by the former Trudeau government in 2023 and wrote, “The allegations that Canadian citizen Hardeep Singh Niijar was assassinated by the Indian government are deeply concerning. The US must fully support the Canadian investigation. We are also requesting a briefing on whether there are similar operations in the United States,” she wrote on social media.

Omar not only boycotted Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s joint address to Congress during his visit to the United States a few months earlier that year but also introduced a resolution calling out alleged human rights breaches and restrictions on religious freedom in India in a blatant move to malign the country’s reputation.

Omar took an “official” and “personal” visit to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) in 2022, triggering a sharp reaction from New Delhi. She even met with former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan Niazi in Islamabad and lauded him for his stand on “Islamophobia.” She held discussions over “human rights violations in Jammu and Kashmir” with Shahbaz Sharif, who was serving as the prime minister at the time and then President of PoK, Sultan Mehmood Chaudhry.

Omar has a well-recorded track record of promoting the Islamic Republic’s stance regarding Kashmir. She remained at the forefront of bringing up the bilateral subject in the US House of Representatives, pressing the White House to get involved in the matter during the former Biden administration.

Omar unsurprisingly spreads false information in relation to purported attacks on minorities, human rights concerns and freedom of speech in India, as well as peddles the Muslim victimhood narrative. She has disseminated her agenda for years, particularly against PM Modi and even urged the Democratic Party’s administration to aid in her shenanigans.

Aarti Tikoo Singh, an Indian journalist who had testified before the US Congress on the 1990s Kashmiri Hindu massacre in the valley, was verbally attacked by Omar during a US House Foreign Affairs Committee Hearing on South Asia Human Rights in 2019.

In a conspicuous move to meddle in the internal affairs of India, Omar, along with other members of her cabal, signed a letter in December demanding bail and “free trial” for “student activist and scholar” Umar Khalid, prime accused in the anti-Hindu Delhi riots case.

She landed in a massive controversy in 2019 when she downplayed the Al-Qaeda terrorists who carried out the 9/11 attack as “some people doing something” during her speech at an event organised by the group linked to CAIR. Her remarks soon went viral, drawing immense backlash as Trump accused her of supporting the jihadi outfit.

Omar has links with fanatic Islamic factions like Islamic Relief and Helping Hand for Relief and Development (HHRD), which is the sister unit of the ICNA. Additionally, the former has ties to jihadi outfits, including LeT. Omar has also been accused of working for Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Therefore, it is not unexpected that two prominent Hinduphobes with severely suspicious connections to jihadi elements, who have been excessively engaged in promoting hatred against India, once again united to further their agenda.

Mahamandaleshwar Suman Anand Giri Maharaj receives ‘Sar Tan Se Juda’ threats: Read what happened and how a slogan that originated in Pakistan became normalised in India 

Shriti Sagar
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Mahamandaleshwar Suman Anand Giri Maharaj receives ‘Sar Tan Se Juda’ threats: Read what happened and how a slogan that originated in Pakistan became normalised in India 

The head of the Mauni Tirth Peeth in Ujjain and Mahamandleshwar of the Niranjani Akhara, Dr Sumananand Giri Maharaj, has once again received a death threat from Islamists, triggering concern among his followers and prompting fresh demands for enhanced security. The latest threat came on Monday, 15th June, through a handwritten letter delivered to the Ganga Ghat Shri Moni Tirth Peeth Ashram on Mangalnath Road in Ujjain.

According to the ashram administration, the suspicious letter reached the premises on Monday and was opened the following day. What followed was alarming. The letter contained direct threats to the life of the Mahamandleshwar and referred to the brutal murder of Udaipur tailor Kanhaiya Lal and a recent murder in Delhi. The sender warned him that “now it is your turn” and claimed that no one would be able to save him.

The threatening letter reportedly accused Sumananand Giri Maharaj of repeatedly insulting Prophet Muhammad and used inflammatory language while invoking the slogan often associated with Islamist extremism. One part of the letter read, “Ab pani sir ke upar ja raha hai. Baar-baar mana karne par bhi tu apni aadat se baaz nahi aa raha hai. Musalsal hamare pyare Nabi ki shaan mein gustakhi kar raha hai. Kanhaiya Lal ke qatl ka video dekh… ab teri baari hai. Jahannum mein jayega tu. Tera Modi aur Mohan koi bacha nahi payega. Inshallah, bach sako to bacho.”

Image via NDTV

Following the threat, the ashram immediately informed the police. Authorities have seized the letter and launched an investigation to identify the sender and establish the motive behind the threat. Security agencies have also become involved due to the seriousness of the contents and the repeated nature of such threats against the religious leader.

Speaking to the media, Sumananand Giri Maharaj said that this was not an isolated incident. He revealed that he has been receiving threatening messages and letters for several years. According to him, similar threats were received in 2023 and again in 2025. He has now urged the administration to provide permanent security cover, arguing that the repeated threats should not be dismissed as mere intimidation.

A Hindu Religious Leader under constant attack by Islamists

The latest letter is only the newest episode in what has become a long pattern of threats directed at Sumananand Giri Maharaj.

The Mahamandleshwar has often been in the spotlight for his religious activities, including ghar wapsi programmes and facilitating the conversion of individuals to Sanatan Dharma. He has also conducted Hindu marriages for people who chose to leave Islam and embrace Hinduism. These activities have frequently attracted criticism and hostility from radical elements.

According to the Mahamandleshwar, he has faced threats for three to four years continuously. He has claimed that there were even attempts to attack him physically in the past. In one instance, individuals stopped his vehicle and threatened to open fire. In another case, suspicious persons reportedly entered his ashram, creating security concerns.

Despite repeated complaints to local police stations, district authorities and state officials, he says permanent security arrangements have not yet been provided.

“Sanatan ke liye kaam karenge to aisi dhamkiyan milti hain,” he remarked while speaking about the threats. He maintained that helping individuals voluntarily embrace Sanatan Dharma was part of his duty as a religious leader and that he would continue his work despite intimidation.

‘Sar Tan Se Juda’ threat sent from Prayagraj in 2024

For the past three to four years, he has been under constant attack, bearing the brunt of radical fury simply for carrying out his religious duties. He has openly stated that his dedication to Sanatan Dharma, specifically his involvement in “ghar wapsi” (reconversion) and his efforts to bring Muslim women into the Sanatan fold and marry them according to Vedic rituals, has placed a massive target on his back. One of the most serious threats received by Sumananand Giri Maharaj emerged in December 2024 when he received a letter explicitly invoking the slogan “Sar Tan Se Juda.”

The letter, written in Urdu and sent by a person identified as Sagir Ahmed from Nawabnagar in Kareli, Prayagraj, warned the Mahamandleshwar that he was repeatedly insulting Prophet Muhammad and that “the only punishment for this is Sar-Tan-Se-Juda.”

The threat went beyond a simple warning. The sender also wrote, “We are fully capable of protecting our religion and faith. One day, Azaan will be given in the Shriram Temple.”

The Mahamandleshwar responded defiantly. “I have been working for Sanatan and will continue to do so,” he said.

Even before the December 2024 threat, he had reportedly received an anonymous Urdu letter in 2023 during an Akhara Parishad meeting. The pattern of threats suggests a sustained campaign of intimidation targeting him because of his religious activities and public statements.

The origins of ‘Sar Tan Se Juda’

The slogan “Sar Tan Se Juda” has become one of the most disturbing expressions associated with radical Islamist mobilisations in recent years. The phrase comes from the slogan: “Gustakh-e-Rasool ki ek hi saza, Sar Tan Se Juda, Sar Tan Se Juda,” which translates to, “There is only one punishment for insulting the Prophet, separation of the head from the body (beheading).”

Although the slogan has become familiar during protests and threats in India, its origins lie in Pakistan. The phrase gained prominence after the 2011 assassination of Punjab Governor Salman Taseer in Pakistan. Taseer was murdered by his own bodyguard, Mumtaz Qadri, because he opposed Pakistan’s controversial blasphemy laws and supported reforms.

Instead of universally condemning the murder, several radical Islamist groups celebrated Qadri as a hero. Among them was the extremist organisation Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), led by Khadim Hussain Rizvi. During large public gatherings organised in support of Qadri, crowds repeatedly chanted, “Gustakh-e-Rasool ki ek hi saza, Sar Tan Se Juda.” Rizvi used the phrase to radicalise and recruit youth during mass rallies.

The TLP subsequently digitised and globalised the radical slogan by embedding it into YouTube videos, often overlaid with dramatic sound effects of clashing swords to expand its online reach.

Over time, the slogan became a rallying cry for radical Islamist groups demanding violence against those accused of blasphemy. Pakistan has witnessed numerous cases where allegations of blasphemy have resulted in mob attacks, killings and persecution of minorities, particularly Hindus and Christians.

Soon, the slogan crossed international borders and began appearing during various communal flashpoints in India. It was heavily chanted by radical elements demanding the beheading of figures like Kamlesh Tiwari and Nupur Sharma. It has increasingly appeared during protests and online campaigns in India. The slogan has contributed to an atmosphere where threats of violence are normalised against individuals accused of offending religious sentiments.

How the ‘Sar Tan Se Juda’ narrative entered Indian public discourse

Tragically, this imported radical outcry did not stay confined behind Pakistan’s borders. It bled into India, where radical Muslims and their enablers have successfully normalised it on Indian streets. The slogan gained unprecedented visibility in India during the controversy surrounding former BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma in 2022.

The controversy began after comments made by Sharma during a television debate concerning the Gyanvapi dispute. Soon afterwards, Alt News co-founder Mohammed Zubair shared edited clips from the debate on social media and accused Sharma of making inflammatory remarks.

On 27th May, 2022, Zubair posted tweets targeting Sharma and described her as a “rabid communal hatemonger.” He also demanded police action against her and accused her of inciting communal tensions.

Screengrabb via X

Supporters of Sharma later argued that the clips shared online lacked the full context of the debate and omitted comments made by other panellists that had triggered the exchange.

Within hours of the controversy gaining traction online, Sharma began receiving death threats, rape threats and also beheading threats. Social media was flooded with messages invoking “Gustakh-e-Rasool” and “Sar Tan Se Juda.”

Sharma herself publicly accused Zubair of creating a hostile environment through selective amplification of her remarks. She wrote to the Delhi Police, stating that she and her family were receiving continuous death and beheading threats.

What began as a social media controversy soon spilt into the streets. Protests erupted across multiple cities, with demonstrators openly chanting “Sar Tan Se Juda.” The slogan became a recurring feature of demonstrations organised in response to the controversy.

Threats to Nupur and Zubair’s response

The episode marked a turning point, bringing a slogan once largely associated with Pakistan’s blasphemy politics into India’s public discourse.

The Kamlesh Tiwari murder in broad daylight

Long before the Nupur Sharma controversy, India had already witnessed violence linked to allegations of blasphemy.

One of the most prominent cases was the murder of former Hindu Mahasabha leader and Hindu Samaj Party founder Kamlesh Tiwari in October 2019. Tiwari was attacked at his office in Lucknow by assailants who had arrived posing as visitors. According to investigators, the attackers concealed weapons inside a box of sweets before launching their assault. He was shot, and his throat was slit in broad daylight.

According to the reports, the post-mortem report has revealed that Kamlesh Tiwari was stabbed 15 times. The Islamists had stabbed him in the upper part of the body from jaws to the chest. The wounds were inflicted within 10 cm of each another. The post-mortem report suggests that there were two deep cut marks on the neck points to attempt to slit his throat.

The attackers had also shot him once to make sure that he dies in the attack. The bullet was fired in his face. The doctors conducting a post-mortem on Kamlesh Tiwari’s body found a point 32 bullet on the backside of the skull.

The murder shocked the country because Tiwari had been facing threats since 2015, when he made controversial remarks about Prophet Muhammad.

Those remarks triggered widespread protests and riots. In Kaliachak in West Bengal’s Malda district, massive violence erupted. Shops were looted, buses were burnt, and a police station was attacked by rioters. Tiwari spent more than a year in jail after the National Security Act was invoked against him. Although he was later released following court intervention, threats against him continued.

The Kanhaiya Lal Murder case

If Kamlesh Tiwari’s murder was a warning, the horrific slaughter of Kanhaiya Lal was the ultimate realisation of the “Sar Tan Se Juda” terror on Indian soil. The explicit mention of Kanhaiya Lal in the recent threat letter to Mahamandleshwar Dr Suman Anand Giri is what makes the situation so utterly terrifying.

In June 2022, the digital dog-whistling initiated by Mohammed Zubair against Nupur Sharma claimed the life of an innocent Hindu tailor in Udaipur. Kanhaiya Lal’s only “crime” was that an 8-year-old child, his son, was playing a video game on his mobile phone and accidentally shared a social media post in support of Nupur Sharma. Within two days, two radicalised Islamists, Mohammed Riyaz Akhtar and Mohammed Gos, stormed his tailor shop. When they confronted him, Kanhaiya innocently explained that he barely knew how to operate the smartphone and that his young son had made the post by mistake. The men seemingly accepted the excuse, deleted the post themselves, and warned him.

Soon afterwards, local individuals identified him and circulated his details. Complaints were filed against him, and he reportedly began receiving threats. Fearing for his life, Kanhaiya Lal approached the police and sought protection. However, despite his repeated concerns, adequate security was not provided.

On 28th June, 2022, Mohammed Riyaz Attari and Ghaus Muhammad entered his shop posing as customers, and in a deeply disturbing act of barbarism that they filmed for the world to see, they brutally hacked Kanhaiya Lal to death, fulfilling the “Sar Tan Se Juda” promise. The murder sent shockwaves across India and became one of the most cited examples of violence carried out in the name of perceived blasphemy.

The case became a symbol of the dangers posed by extremist narratives that encourage violence against individuals accused of insulting religious figures.

The fresh threat against Mahamandleshwar Dr Sumananand Giri has once again brought attention to the growing number of threats invoking the “Sar Tan Se Juda” slogan.

From the assassination of Salman Taseer in Pakistan to the murders of Kamlesh Tiwari and Kanhaiya Lal in India, the slogan has become associated with a dangerous form of vigilantism where individuals accused of blasphemy are threatened with violence.

For Sumananand Giri Maharaj, the latest letter is not merely another anonymous threat. It comes after years of intimidation, repeated warnings and attack attempts. The references to previous murders, including the Kanhaiya Lal case, have only heightened concerns.

Raakh is not the first: From Dahaad to Tandav, Prime Video’s habit of adding ideological spin to Indian stories

Shraddha Pandey
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Raakh is not the first: From Dahaad to Tandav, Prime Video’s habit of adding ideological spin to Indian stories

Over the recent years, Amazon Prime Video and several other OTT platforms have routinely exploited creative liberty to inject anti-Hindu and divisive ideological spins into Indian stories. Giving Bollywood’s conventional approach of depicting ‘upper-caste’, Tilak-wearing, and pious Hindu men as villains, OTT shows reframe real events through distorted lenses of Dalit victimhood, Muslim virtue and derision of upper caste Hindus. A new Amazon Prime Video original, Raakh, is facing backlash for inserting fake caste oppression narratives into the 1978 Geeta and Sanjay Chopra kidnapping and murder case, widely remembered as the Ranga-Billa case.

Caste and religions of key characters changed from upper-caste Hindus to Dalits and Muslims, the real Sikh Ranga-Billa turned into Hindu Rajjo and Babu

Officially released on 12th June 2026, Raakh is an 8-episode crime thriller headlined by actor Ali Fazal, who celebrated anti-CAA violence in 2020, Sonali Bendre, Aamir Bashir, and Rakesh Bedi. The web series has been marketed as inspired by the real 1978 Ranga-Billa kidnapping and murder case.

However, the show has rewritten the castes, religions, and the team dynamics of actual police officers and journalists to force-fit the ‘Bhim-Meem’ narrative.

The Prime Video series manufactured a narrative of systemic caste oppression, ‘Muslims are honest, Brahmin Hindus are bad’ bogey, none of which existed in the records of the actual case.

In the show, actor Ali Fazal played the character of Sub-Inspector Jayprakash Jatav, a Dalit officer, whose house features portraits of Jyotiba Phule and B.R. Ambedkar. Absolutely irrelevant to the Ranga-Billa case or the real SI from that time, SI Jayprakash Jatav, shown as facing caste prejudice in the police force, and his retired hawaldar father also faced caste discrimination. Jatav’s father is also shown chanting ‘Jai Bhim’ slogans.

Amusingly, the show features a Muslim officer, Javed Murtaza, as Jatav’s main assistant, who, in spirit, reminds one of the ‘iman ka pakka’ Rahim Chacha from Sholey.

Several social media users pointed out that the Amazon Prime Video original, Raakh, features a lazy or inefficient hawaldar who is coded as Mishra Brahmin.

Unsurprisingly, the ‘honest’ and ‘fearless’ journalist is depicted as a Muslim woman.

While in the real incident, a man named Babulal attempted to save the kidnapped siblings, in the show, Babulal’s character was shown as Salim.

And, the main villains have been given a Hindu identity and named Babu and Rajjo. One of them is shown as a Haryanvi and the other as a Maharashtrian. In reality, the killers were Sikh men Kuljeet Singh and Jasbir Singh.

The real story of the 1978 Sanjay and Geeta Chopra kidnapping and murder, which is widely known as the Ranga-Billa case

Before delving into how the viewers have reacted to the subtle caste and Bhim-Meem bonhomie depiction, it is important to apprise the readers with the real Ranga Billa case, the Amazon Prime Video web series ‘loosely inspired’ by.

On 26th August 1978 in Delhi, siblings Geeta Chopra and Sanjay Chopra, the children of Navy officer Madan Mohan Chopra, disappeared after accepting a lift in heavy rain while on their way to All India Radio office on Sansad Marg to participate in a radio program, Yuva Vani. 16-year-old Geeta and 13-year-old Sanjay left their homes at around 6:15 PM for the 8 PM show.

The duo was spotted at the Dhaula Kuan roundabout by one Kula Nand. Since it was drizzling, one M S Nanda gave a lift to the children to Gole Dak Khana from Dhaula Kuan. At around 6:30 PM, one Bhagwan Das noticed that sound is coming from the mustard yellow Fiat car next to him. Das stopped his scooter and approached the car. He noticed that Geeta Chopra was pulling the driver’s hair, and another Sanjay was trying to fight off the man sitting in the passenger seat. However, the car sped away.

Later, a person named Babulal tried to stop the car, but it sped away. Meanwhile, Bhagwan Das informed the local police about what he saw.

While the siblings struggled for their lives, the police control room committed a massive mistake. The police wrote down the wrong number of the car. Instead of HRK 8930, the operator noted it as MRK 8930.

Meanwhile, a person named Inderjeet Singh saw the Fiat car and the Chopra siblings struggle with their kidnappers, the driver and the man next to him. Singh followed the car, and Sanjay even showed his bleeding shoulder to him. Sanjay cried for help, and Singh followed. However, Inderjeet Singh lost the Fiat car as the kidnappers jumped a signal. Singh reached the police station and informed the correct car number.

Sadly, while Geeta and Sanjay were struggling for their life and crying for help, their parents, Madan Mohan Chopra and Roma Chopra, were unaware of the horror that had befallen their children.

Eager to hear their kids on the AIR program, Madan Mohan and his wife tuned in to the radio. However, they were shocked to hear the voice of another girl, who was given the slot.  Later, Madan Mohan Chopra reached the All India Radio office to pick up his children, only to find out they had never arrived. Chopra called up home and his relatives to see if they had gone there.

While the Chopra couple desperately searched for their children, Ranga-Billa played every trick to keep themselves away from the police’s hands.

Two days later, the dead bodies of Geeta and Sanjay Chopra were discovered by a cowherd, Dhani Ram, who informed the police. Later, the parents of the Chopra siblings were called to identify the corpses. It was confirmed that the deceased were Geeta and Sanjay.

The police suspected that the duo faked their names and identity at the Wellington Hospital, who might have been Sanjay and Geeta’s kidnappers. The police’s suspicion was right, as it was indeed Ranga and Billa who went to the hospital for treatment of their wounds caused during the struggle with the Chopra siblings.

A national outrage and a massive manhunt followed. During the investigation, the police found the Fiat car used in Sanjay and Geeta’s kidnapping, abandoned with another name plate on 31st August, 1978, at Majlis Park, Delhi.

In the Prime Video show Raakh, Dalit officer Jayprakash Jatav tracks Rajjo-Babu’s trail to Agra, leading to a high-pressure race to stop them before they can escape on a train. However, in reality, Ranga and Billa were not caught by a lone heroic Dalit officer.

The real criminals were caught when alert army personnel, including Lance Naik Gurtej Singh and AV Shetty, spotted the duo on the Kalka Mail train near Agra. Ranga and Billa had mistakenly entered the compartment reserved for military personnel. The army officers questioned the duo, and despite mounting suspicion, waited for the train to reach Delhi. Meanwhile, Gurtej Singh noticed the pictures of the most-wanted criminals in a Hindi newspaper. With the identities of Ranga and Billa confirmed, the army officers kept a close watch on the duo.

The alert army officers handed over Ranga and Billa to the Delhi Police on 8th September 1978, leading to the end of a week-long manhunt.

Jasbir Singh, aka Billa, and Kuljeet Singh, aka Ranga, were convicted and sentenced to death. They were hanged to death in Tihar Jail.

Ranga and Billa in police custody (Image via ABP News)

Geeta Chopra was allegedly sexually assaulted, as per the statements of the convicts. However, due to advanced decomposition of the dead body, the same could not be confirmed in the postmortem.

Raakh on Prime Video may be a captivating crime thriller, but the audience cannot help but call out the dishonest insertion of the ‘caste angle’

While the Amazon Prime Video show, Raakh, featured a Dalit SI Jayprakash Jatav as the protagonist, the investigation in reality was led by Inspector VP Gupta of the Delhi Police, with SI Ram Chander being his main aide on the team. The show replaced SI Ram Chander with SI Javed Murtaza.

The bystander who attempted to save Geeta and Sanjay Chopra was Babulal, a Hindu man, but the show replaced Babulal with a Muslim character named Salim.

The journalist who diligently covered the real Ranga-Billa case was a Hindu woman named Prabha Dutt. However, the Prime Video web series showed a Muslim journalist named Nisar.

Netizens have noticed the caste-religion-based ideological spin given to a real events-inspired story.

Calling out the misuse of creative freedom to peddle an agenda villainising certain Hindu caste groups, Rahul Tyagi wrote, “So, Prime Video made a series inspired by Ranga and Billa the infamous killers and kidnappers called Raakh. In this series the chief investigator, played by Ali Fazal, is shown as a Dalit whose father is a retired hawaldar who faced caste discrimination. Ali Fazal’s character keeps photos of Ambedkar and Phule in his house. His main assistant officer is a Muslim but the lazy hawaldar is a Brahmin and the honest journalist is a Muslim woman. But in the real life case the chief investigator was VP Gupta his assistant was Ram Chander and the Police Commissioner was JN Chaturvedi. I have nothing against showing caste oppression through cinema but my problem is with propaganda. Prime Video India is a serial offender in this regard..they often make such series and completely twist real life characters. I have no issue with Dalit or Muslim police officers but why show an unnecessary oppression angle when it’s not required especially in a series based on true events?”

Popular X user Skin Doctor wrote, “…This isn’t creative liberty. Creative liberty is meant to enhance a story, not distort historical facts to fit a specific ideological agenda. Another stark reminder of how easily history can be rewritten in plain sight under the convenient guise of creative freedom.”

Another X user called out the writers of Raakh, Anusha Nandakumar and Sandeep Saket, for giving a “caste twist” to a horrifying kidnapping and murder case.

“The writers Anusha Nandakumar and Sandeep Saket chose to portray Ali Fazal’s as a Dalit police guy , his assistant as a Muslim, the honest journalist as a Muslim woman, and the lazy hawaldar as a Brahmin. A deliberately done thing under the guise of ‘creative freedom’ & to cosy up to certain verticals! Whereas in the real Ranga-Billa case, the chief investigator was VP Gupta, his assistant was Ram Chander, and the Police Commissioner was JN Chaturvedi. None of the caste or communal angles shown in the series were part of the actual investigation. This is how leftist propaganda works. An ultra important horrific crime given a caste twist & then the series claims to be inspired by true events distorting facts,” the X user wrote.

Meant to entertain, Prime Video is platforming Islamo-leftist activism against Hindus

Amazon Prime Video has been a repeat offender. The online streaming platform has consistently allowed writers, directors, and actors with documented biases toward anti-upper caste narratives to use its platform to soft-peddle their ideologically aligned propaganda. Raakh is not the only Amazon Prime Video show wherein unnecessary caste or religion-based victimhood arcs have been inserted. This is also not the first time that swapped identities to force-fit oppressor-oppressed binaries, and gaslight Hindus, particularly, so-called upper caste Hindus like Brahmins, Thakurs, and Baniyas.

Be it Prime Video, Netflix, or other major OTT platforms, most of them are rolling out content riddled with anti-Hindu bias, forced Muslim victimhood, and Bhim-Meem narratives, with varied intensity.

Over the years, OpIndia has highlighted how Amazon India has been giving space for ultra-left radicals and Islamist elements, who are known for their anti-Hindu agenda.

Back in 2020, Prosit Roy, who directed Raakh, had partly directed Prime Video’s Paatal Lok. This show, produced by Bollywood actor Anushka Sharma, was blatantly Hinduphobic and showed Sikhs in a poor light. The web series included instances of how Sikhs oppress Dalits and backward castes. There are also objectionable scenes regarding the Sikh Community involving rapes.

In this show, actor Jaideep Ahlawat plays Inspector Hathiram Chaudhary, posted in the Outer Jamuna Paar police station. While there were several instances, in the final episode, Inspector Chaudhary, while running, ends up in a play about devotee Prahlad, being held at a fair. Goons are chasing him, and while fleeing from them, he climbs onto the stage. Coincidentally, at that very moment, Lord Vishnu’s incarnation, Narasimha, appears before the demon Hiranyakashipu, tearing through the pillar. Inspector Chaudhary pushes the fleeing character of Narasimha away, landing him directly on Hiranyakashipu.

 The show revolved around a Muslim, a Dalit, a Hindu, and a transgender—a cocktail of four criminals. Offering a dramatised version of “Burhan Wani- headmaster’s son”, the show’s makers highlighted the “humane sides” of the criminals, portraying them as helpless only because they are being “framed” in cases involving ISI and Pakistan.

The Muslim criminal Kabir hides his religious identity. Kabir’s father tells Hathiram that his eldest son was killed because he belonged to a particular religion. In that scene, Hindu extremists carrying saffron flags are seen carrying out the massacre. Kabir’s father says that for this reason, he didn’t even allow his second son to become a Muslim, but you people turned him into a terrorist.

The show’s villain, “Tyagi”, is depicted as an ardent devotee of Mahadev.

In 2021, Prime Video released a show named Mumbai Diaries 26/11. The show was centred on the hardships of the frontline workers – doctors, nurses, ward boys, security guards, police personnel, journalists, among others, during the Pakistani-orchestrated Islamic terror attack.

The show, however, went overboard on secularism. Back then, many viewers had praised the performances but pointed out how Mumbai Diaries glorified the Muslim character, Dr Ahaan Mirza, as tolerant, while a Hindu male nurse, Samarth, was depicted as a hateful bigot.

Pushing the ‘bad Hindu, good Muslim’ narrative, Mumbai Diaries showed how Mirza is so emotional and nice that he even enters the morgue and offers prayers for the deliverance of the nurses’ souls. On the other hand, there is the Maharashtrian male nurse, Samarth, who is suspicious of Mirza’s actions. Samarth is unkind, intolerant, and overtly communal. He even roughs up the poor Muslim doctor on a couple of occasions.

In fact, the character of Mansi, a journalist, appears as a mouthpiece of the show’s director, and offers a soliloquy in the final episode to whitewash the Islamic Jihadist drivers of the 26/11 attacks. She says, “Jihad toh insaan ke antarman ki ladayi hoti hai na jo woh apni khamiyon se ladta hai. Humari aankhon ke samne jo hua woh jihad nahi ho sakta” (Jihad is man’s internal struggle with the negative elements of his own soul, what we saw today can never be jihad).

In 2021, Prime Video released another Hinduphobic show, Tandav. The show was directed by Ali Abbas Zafar.

Released on 14th January 2021, Amazon’s original web series Tandav attracted criticism for its anti-Hindu content and scenes mocking Hindu gods. A series of FIRs were registered in different states, including Uttar Pradesh, against Amazon India, the director, producer and actors of the series.

Starring Saif Ali Khan and notorious Islamo-leftist Mohammad Zeeshan Ayyub in the lead roles, the show’s first episode depicted Ayyub apparently playing the character of Lord Shiva and holding Trishul in his hand at a college theatre festival. The host facetiously talked about the character’s social media following and how he should post a tweet or upload pictures to increase his followers. This is followed by the infamous ‘Azaadi’ slogans by the audience.

This show was also riddled with a caste-bias narrative. In one of the episodes, the character played by actor Dino Morea berates the character played by actor Sandhya Mridul for dating a man from a lower caste. In the video, Mridul, who is married to Dino Morea, asks her husband to sign their divorce papers so that she could tie the knot with the character played by actor Anup Soni. Soni is portrayed as a man belonging to a lower caste, while Mridul and Morea are both apparently from the higher caste. Morea’s character is shown fuming over his estranged wife wanting to marry a ‘lower-caste’ man.

In another instance, the web series insinuates that is easy for police to kill Muslims and casts aspersions on the integrity of the law enforcement officials by alluding that many Muslim youths are branded as terrorists to justify their killings.

Prime Video’s super-hit series Mirzapur distorted the whole relationship dynamics between father-in-law and daughter-in-law, sister-in-law and brother-in-law. In fact, it was reported in October 2020 that a Muslim man named Tauseef, who was harassing and forcing a Hindu girl, Nikita, in Mewat, to convert to Islam, decided to kill her after watching the web series ‘Mirzapur’.

In 2023, Amazon Prime Video released Sonakshi Sinha, Gulshan Devaiah, Vijay Verma and Waris Ahmed Zaidi starrer web series Dahaad. In this crime thriller, two stories run in parallel in the series. The first story is about an upper-caste Hindu girl, Rajni, who eloped with a Muslim boy named Altaf, and the second story is about a serial killer based on Cyanide Mohan. In what amounts to a mockery of the countless victims of love and rape jihad, the show subtly denied the existence of the documented pattern of Muslim men weaponising love and sex as a means to target Hindu girls for conversion to Islam and insulting the Hindu faith.

An OpIndia review highlighted back then, how Rajputs were shown as gundas, Hindu organisations (hinting towards Bajrang Dal and likes) are shown in a bad light, love jihad was whitewashed, fake caste discrimination subplots were inserted, and the main villain was carefully picked as upper caste Hindu man.

Earlier, Prime Video released a show named Sherni. The web series starring Vidya Balan was based on real events. However, just as in Raakh, in Sherni, a Hindu IFS officer, K Abharna, was shown as a Christian character, Vincent, played by Vidya Balan. While real-life hunter Asghar Ali Khan was replaced by kalawa-wearing Ranjan Rajhans.

It must also be recalled how, in 2020, the then creative head of Amazon Prime, Aparna Purohit, was called out by netizens for her left-wing bias. Her social media pages were riddled with anti-Hindu propaganda, hatred against PM Modi and the BJP.

There is a clear pattern of anti-Hindu bias, and a subtle but consistent attempt at pushing Islamo-leftist ideology through shows either entirely fictional or inspired by real events. Changing caste and religious identities of real-life-based characters as per the convenience of the narrative, weaving stories that portray Hindus, especially upper-caste Hindus as outright villains, following regressive and discriminatory practices against Dalits and Muslims, mocking Hindu deities for ‘dramatic effect’, to peddling Muslim victimhood, OTT platforms like Amazon Prime Video are exhibiting bias against Hindus.

These OTT platforms are turning entertainment into brainwashing tools, subtly gaslighting Hindus, and pushing a divisive agenda.

Raakh is a continuation of Prime Video’s approach of prioritising ideological signalling over factual fidelity.

Prime Minister Research Chair Scheme: How Modi govt plans to bring global Indian talent home and strengthen its research ecosystem

Dhruv Mishra
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Prime Minister Research Chair Scheme: How Modi govt plans to bring global Indian talent home and strengthen its research ecosystem

India is home to some of the brightest minds in the world. But for decades, a large number of talented Indian scientists, researchers, and engineers have moved abroad to work at top universities, research labs, and technology companies in countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Canada. While these professionals have made their mark globally, India has often missed out on the direct benefits of their knowledge and expertise.

To address this challenge, the Ministry of Education has announced a bold new initiative called the Prime Minister Research Chair (PMRC) Scheme. In simple terms, this scheme is a government-backed programme that offers senior Indian-origin researchers working abroad a special opportunity –  come back to India, lead cutting-edge research projects at some of India’s best institutions, and help build the country’s scientific and technological future.

Why India needs a scheme

For many decades, India has faced a serious problem commonly known as Brain drain. It means that many of India’s most talented and educated people especially in science, technology, engineering and mathematics(STEM) who chose to settle and work in foreign countries rather than in India. While this is partly a personal choice, it has had a significant impact on India’s ability to build a strong research and innovation ecosystem at home. If you look at the world’s top universities, technology companies and research laboratories, you will find Indian origin scientists and engineers in some of the most important positions. Let us take the example of Indian Americans.

Indian Americans have become one of the most successful immigrant communities in the United States with a population of 5.2 million in 2023. They hold the highest median household income among all the ethnic groups in the US at $151,200, and 78% hold bachelor’s degrees compared to the national average of just 33%. By late 2024, Indian-origin executives led 25 of America’s 500 largest companies, which is more than double from the 11 in the early 2010s with the names like  Satya Nadella (Microsoft), Sundar Pichai (Google), and Shantanu Narayen (Adobe) becoming global symbols of Indian excellence. In FY 2024, Indian nationals received 71% of all H-1B visas for highly skilled workers, and India was the leading source of international students in the US, mostly in STEM fields. Over 450,000 Indian-owned businesses generate more than $350 billion in annual revenue and employ around 3.2 million workers across the United States.

At the same time, India has an enormous domestic talent pool. The country produces millions of science and engineering graduates every year. But there is a significant gap between the number of talented students and the quality and scale of research happening inside Indian institutions. Indian universities, while improving, still rank relatively low globally in research output, patents, and citations. This matters because advanced research is not just an academic exercise. It directly affects India’s economic growth, national security, and technological self-reliance. Countries that lead in research also tend to lead in industry, defence, and global influence. Technologies like artificial intelligence, semiconductors, quantum computing, and biotechnology will shape the world over the next few decades, and nations that do not develop these capabilities domestically will remain dependent on others.

The PMRC Scheme recognises this gap and tries to bridge it by bringing experienced, world-class researchers back into the Indian system where  people who can not only conduct high-quality research themselves but also inspire and train the next generation of Indian scientists.

What Is Prime Minister Research Chair Scheme?

The Prime Minister Research Chair Scheme is a structured fellowship programme that works through a three-layered institutional system. Understanding this structure helps explain how the scheme will actually function on the ground.

The Three Pillars

Lead Institutions

 These are India’s most prestigious research and academic institutions such as the IITs (Indian Institutes of Technology), IISc (Indian Institute of Science), AIIMS, and similar top-tier universities and research centres. Lead Institutions will serve as the primary hosts and administrative anchors for the PMRC fellows. They will be responsible for managing the fellowship, providing infrastructure, and ensuring that the research carried out meets the highest standards.

Host Institutions

 Host Institutions are the partner organisations where the actual research will take place. These could include other universities, public sector laboratories, defence research organisations, or even private sector research units. The idea is that the PMRC fellows will not be confined to a single campus but can collaborate across institutions, making the impact of their work wider.

 PMRC Fellows

These are the researchers themselves distinguished Indian-origin scientists and academics selected to participate in the scheme. Fellows will be chosen based on their expertise, international standing, research achievements, and their potential to contribute meaningfully to India’s priority areas. They are the heart of the programme.

Governance and Oversight

The scheme will be overseen by an Empowered Committee chaired by the Principal Scientific Advisor to the Government of India. This committee will be responsible for selecting fellows, setting research priorities, monitoring progress, and ensuring accountability. The involvement of the Principal Scientific Advisor signals that this is a high-level, strategically important initiative and not just a routine government programme.

Focus Areas: Strategic Technologies For The Future

The PMRC Scheme is not open-ended. It is focused on specific areas of research that are considered strategically important for India’s future. Here is a look at the major themes and why each one matters:

 Semiconductors

Semiconductors are the tiny chips that power everything from smartphones to aircraft to military systems. India currently relies heavily on imports for its semiconductor needs. Developing domestic semiconductor design and manufacturing capability is a national priority. PMRC researchers in this area can help build expertise in chip design, fabrication processes, and semiconductor materials.

Artificial Intelligence and Advanced Computing

AI is already transforming industries, healthcare, agriculture, and governance. India has a large IT sector but needs to deepen its AI research capabilities especially in areas like foundational AI models, AI safety, and AI applications tailored to India’s unique challenges such as multilingual communication and rural healthcare delivery.

Quantum Technologies

Quantum computing and quantum communication are the technologies of the future. They promise computing power and data security that are far beyond what is possible today. India’s National Quantum Mission is already underway, and PMRC researchers can accelerate its progress by bringing world-class expertise in quantum hardware, algorithms, and cryptography.

Cybersecurity

As India becomes increasingly digital  in governance, banking, healthcare, and defence, protecting its digital infrastructure from cyber threats has become a matter of national security. Research in cybersecurity is essential to build robust systems that can withstand sophisticated attacks.

Who Can Become A PMRC Fellow?

The scheme is open to a broad category of Indian-origin researchers working internationally. Specifically, the following individuals are eligible Indian nationals living and working abroad, OCI (Overseas Citizen of India) cardholders, Persons of Indian Origin (PIO) who may not hold Indian citizenship but have Indian roots. The scheme recognises three distinct categories of fellows, each catering to different stages of a researcher’s career:

Young Research Fellows

This category is for early-career researchers who have already shown exceptional promise. While the exact experience threshold will be defined by the Empowered Committee, this category targets researchers who are in the relatively early stages of their independent research careers – typically with a few years of post-doctoral or academic experience. The goal is to attract young talent before they become too deeply rooted in foreign institutions.

 Senior Fellows

Senior Fellows are mid-to-senior career researchers with substantial experience, a strong publication record, and demonstrated leadership in their fields. They are expected to lead research groups, guide younger researchers, and contribute significantly to institution-building.

Research Chairs

Research Chairs represent the highest tier of the scheme. These are world-renowned scientists and researchers, an individuals who are at the very top of their fields globally. Research Chairs are expected to set research agendas, forge international collaborations at the highest levels, and serve as ambassadors for Indian science on the global stage. This category is likely to attract the most eminent Indian-origin academics from the world’s leading universities.

Financial Incentives And Research Support

One of the most critical aspects of any talent attraction scheme is the financial package. The government understands that to attract world-class researchers, many of whom enjoy comfortable salaries, well-funded labs, and quality infrastructure in Western countries. The incentives offered must be genuinely competitive. The PMRC Scheme addresses this with a comprehensive support structure:

Fellowship Support

Fellows will receive a monthly stipend or fellowship amount that is calibrated to match their category (Young Fellow, Senior Fellow, or Research Chair). The amounts are designed to be internationally competitive, acknowledging that these researchers could otherwise command significantly higher salaries abroad.

Research Grants

Beyond personal compensation, each fellow will receive a dedicated research grant to set up and run their research programme. This covers laboratory equipment, computational resources, hiring of research assistants and postdoctoral researchers, and other project-related expenses. This is crucial because world-class research requires world-class infrastructure.

Relocation Assistance

Moving back to India after years abroad is not just a professional decision — it involves uprooting families, adjusting lifestyles, and navigating logistical challenges. The scheme provides relocation assistance to ease this transition, covering costs like moving household goods, initial travel, and settling-in expenses.

Residential and Medical Allowances

Fellows will receive housing assistance (either subsidised accommodation on campus or a housing allowance) and medical benefits for themselves and their families. These are important quality-of-life considerations that can make or break a researcher’s decision to relocate.

Taken together, this funding model recognises that bringing back top talent requires more than just a good salary.  It requires creating an environment where researchers and their families can live comfortably and work productively. The government seems to understand that the cost of not investing in this is far greater than the cost of the scheme itself.

What Will Fellows Be Expected To Do?

PMRC fellows are not simply being invited to conduct independent research in isolation. They are expected to be active contributors to India’s broader scientific and academic ecosystem. Their responsibilities will likely include:

Conducting High-Impact Research

Fellows are expected to produce world-class research which will publish in top international journals, present at leading conferences, and contribute to the global body of knowledge in their fields.

Mentoring Students

 One of the most valuable contributions of experienced researchers is guiding the next generation. PMRC fellows will be expected to supervise PhD students, postdoctoral researchers, and master’s students, thereby multiplying their impact.

Converting Research into Patents and Commercial Products

 One of the markers of a truly impactful research ecosystem is the number of patents filed and technologies commercialised. PMRC fellows will be encouraged to think beyond academic publication and actively work toward creating intellectual property and products that benefit India.

Will bureaucracy slow implementation?

India’s government processes have historically been characterised by complexity and delay. Research grants getting stuck in administrative approvals, delays in procurement, and complicated visa or immigration processes for OCI holders could all undermine the scheme’s effectiveness. The government must set up fast-track, researcher-friendly administrative processes specifically for this programme.

Can institutions retain researchers after the fellowship period?

The scheme is designed for a defined period (likely five years per fellow). What happens at the end? If institutions cannot offer competitive permanent positions, many fellows may return abroad once their stint is over. The scheme should have a clear plan for how the most successful fellows can be integrated into the permanent academic fabric of Indian institutions.

Conclusion

The Prime Minister Research Chair Scheme represents something more than just another government fellowship programme. It is, at its core, a statement of intent, a signal that India is serious about becoming a global leader in science and technology, and that it is willing to make the investments necessary to make that happen. By reaching out to the Indian diaspora and inviting the world’s best Indian-origin researchers to come home, the government is acknowledging an important truth: talent is not just a personal asset, it is a national resource. When Indian scientists contribute to breakthroughs at MIT or Stanford, the world benefits — but India benefits most when those breakthroughs happen in Bangalore, Chennai, or Pune.

The real measure of this scheme’s success, however, will not be determined by the number of fellowships awarded or the money spent. It will be determined by whether it can transform imported expertise into genuinely indigenous technological capabilities. The decisions made in the next decade on research, technology, and innovation will shape the country’s standing in the world for generations. The Prime Minister Research Chair Scheme, if implemented with genuine commitment and operational excellence, could be one of the most important steps India takes on that journey, not just bringing talent home, but building the foundations for a truly self-reliant and globally competitive knowledge economy.

Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Chhatron Ki Goonj’ about student grievances is the outcome of the Congress’s insecurity with cockroaches: Demystifying the farce

Rukma Rathore
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Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Chhatron Ki Goonj’ about student grievances is the outcome of the Congress’s insecurity with cockroaches: Demystifying the farce

On 17th June (Wednesday), Rahul Gandhi began a nationwide campaign, “Chhatron Ki Goonj (Echo of Students)” from India’s coaching heartland, Rajasthan’s Kota, in the name of highlighting the critical problems afflicting the country’s educational system.

He charged that the framework of the competitive examinations is a “rejection system” instead of a selection process that undermines the hopes and mental health of young people, referring to it as “extremely stressful and unfair.” He stated, “India’s education system is an extortion machine. We want a system that allows you to dream big,” remarking that the youth is experiencing far too much suffering and pain, during a rally after the launch of the ambitious program.

The leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha also interacted with the aspirants. “In 2026, we witnessed the lengthy format of the preliminary examination. It has been designed in such a way that it is often exceedingly difficult for students. Moreover, 1.5 million forms are submitted for only 1,000 openings. I want to question the government about their approach for those who fail to clear the exam. A backup plan should be in place for the remaining students,” a girl complained amid a conversation with him.

The campaign aims to establish a significant pan-India student movement to revitalise the faltering electoral prospects of the Indian National Congress. However, there exists another competitor also seeking to capture the attention of the anti-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) populace. Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), which was founded as an online phenomenon, had already taken to the streets to demand the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over NEET paper leaks.

Hence, the grand old party wants to ensure that the anti-government space on a fundamental issue such as education is not ceded to what it believes to be “non-political” entities. CJP has already been trashed by the former as “performative” and a “brainchild of the Aam Aadmi Party”, as it maintained a firm distance from the Jantar Mantar agitation. Interestingly, Abhijeet Dipke has a documented history of affiliation with the latter and was part of the social media core team.

A split in opposition and what Congress fears

A heated mud-slinging match also broke out as AAP leader Saurabh Bharadwaj mocked Congress and its ecosystem. He asked how a party with a legacy of 140 years, which ruled the nation for decades, could feel threatened by a grassroots effort led by the youth and Gen-Z that is only a few days old.

Bharadwaj accused Congress of attempting to seize the spotlight and acting as though it possesses exclusive authority to protest, unlike other opposition parties that have endorsed the CJP. He asserted that the former has sunk to a new low, and the more it engages in such actions, the further it is going to alienate the younger generation.

On the other hand, the entire Congress system is trying to undermine the supposed impact of the CJP. Former Lok Sabha MP and son of late Chief Minister of Delhi, Sheila Dikshit, Sandeep Dikshit declared the latter as “nonsense” and “fad like AAP”, declaring, “I don’t take this seriously. People clicking on something and thinking they are political,” while talking to propaganda platform Scroll.

Likewise, Youth Congress repeatedly labelled itself as the “true cockroaches” on social media and even started an online drive urging others to join them.

“Real cockroaches are not just online revolutionaries. You have to be on the ground and fight the system,” the youth wing of Congress taunted in another post featuring its demonstration against the centre. “Indian Youth Cockroaches greater than Boston Cockroach,” it similarly hit out at the Boston-based founder of CJP, who recently returned to India.

Shamita Yadav, also known as Ranting Gola, a prominent member of the Congress ecosystem, posted a video titled, “Who, according to you, is the real opposition? Online drama queens or actual student leaders?” She conveyed that while some people are occupied with signing online petitions and calling for resignations, others are out on the streets demonstrating, being lathi-charged and defending their rights in the sweltering heat. Yadav directly charged that the CJP wishes to be viewed as the main opposition while Congress is handling all the responsibilities.

Molitics, another outlet known for its agenda-driven reporting, insinuated that the CJP could be part of a conspiracy against Congress. These statements clearly indicate a glaring division within the opposition bloc. However, Congress cannot overlook how freshly created AAP devoured its voter base and ascended to power by displacing its governments in both Delhi and Punjab.

The former is “once bitten, twice shy” and is exercising extreme caution, considering its humiliating ouster from its strongholds and is desperate to avoid a recurrence of the same, especially given Dipke’s connections with AAP despite repeated dismissals of such allegations by the two.

Thus, the opposition’s unity, which is more of a theoretical construct than a practical reality, has again been exposed as Congress frantically works to protect its swiftly eroding political influence. The strong position taken by AAP on CJP also points to many possibilities related to their association, which might prove harmful to Congress and would certainly prefer to avoid.

The actual purpose of “Chhatron Ki Goonj”

It is an open truth that whether it is CJP, Congress or other parties, their aggression and agitation on behalf of students are merely a ruse intended to earn brownie points in hopes of achieving their political aims. This strategy has been repackaged and redeployed time and again following the astronomical rise of the saffron party to power.

While it is accurate that students are affected by massive challenges that require effective and long-term solutions, the objective of these parties is not constructive criticism but rather the exploitation of these troubles to advance their narrative. Therefore, the conflict between CJP and Congress is over weaponising the difficulties faced by the student community for their political interests.

CJP has just commenced its journey, while Congress is the oldest party that is losing its relevance, and the last thing it needs is to be replaced by a potential front of AAP. Thus, the tug of war is primarily about winning over the undecided or non-BJP voter base, which is being played out on the backs of matters related to students. The Gandhi scion wants to address this demographic through his “Chhatron Ki Goonj” initiative.

CJP and Congress, in essence, are two sides of the same coin, vying for a common goal as the actual concerns are leveraged as a pretext but are easily eclipsed in this frantic political rat race.

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