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Rajkot: Afzal trapped a Hindu woman, pressured her to convert, charges filed against accused and accomplice Anisha after victim attempted suicide

A serious case of love jihad has come to light from Rajkot, Gujarat, where a married Hindu woman has come forward with a serious complaint against a Muslim man, claiming that he trapped her through social media, sexually exploited her, and repeatedly pressured her to convert to Islam. The case gained attention after the woman tried to end her life by consuming acid due to prolonged mental stress and blackmail. Her husband rushed her to a hospital in time and saved her life.

Following the incident, the woman decided to speak publicly and seek justice. Based on her complaint, Rajkot Police have registered an FIR and started an investigation.

Contact began through Instagram

According to the woman, she came in contact with Afzal Sida about a year ago through Instagram. She said that a woman named Anisha Kashmi, who knew Afzal, introduced them. The complainant stated that Afzal initially did not reveal his real identity as Muslim, and she came to know about it nearly two months later.

After discovering this, she tried to end the relationship. However, she says both Afzal and Anisha continued to contact her and pressured her to maintain ties with him.

The woman said that Anisha convinced her to visit an event in Morbi and later took her to a dargah. She claimed that during the visit, a black thread was tied around her wrist, and she was given water that she found suspicious. According to the complaint, Afzal later began pressuring her to convert to Islam and threatened her on several occasions. The woman also stated that Anisha repeatedly convinced her to leave her husband and run away with Afzal.

Hotel meeting and blackmail allegations

The complainant further stated that Anisha once took her to a hotel on Gondal Road, saying they would simply spend some time there. She claims Afzal also arrived at the hotel and that Anisha sent her into a room with him.

The woman told police that Afzal had physical relations with her against her wishes. She further claimed that he recorded objectionable photos and videos.

According to her statement, when she later decided to completely cut off contact with him, Afzal began threatening to release the photos and videos on social media. She said he used these materials to blackmail her and continued to pressure her to convert and come to his home.

Mental stress led to an extreme step

The woman said the continuous threats and fear of public humiliation caused severe mental distress. She eventually consumed acid in an attempt to take her own life. Family members and her husband intervened quickly and rushed her to a hospital.

After recovering, she chose to file a complaint and publicly share her experience.

Rajkot Police have registered a case against Afzal Sida and have begun further investigation. The complainant has also claimed that Afzal had similarly trapped four other Hindu girls in the past.

Police sources said that some criminal cases have reportedly been registered against Afzal earlier as well. Authorities are currently examining the complaint and proceeding with action under relevant legal provisions.

Madras High Court stops construction of mega church on public land near 100-year-old Hindu temple, petitioner flags fear of mass conversion: Read court order

The Madras High Court recently restrained the construction of a church in the vicinity of Mariamman Temple on Kalapatti Main Road in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu. A Division Bench of Justices G.R. Swaminathan and V. Lakshminarayanan passed the interim injunction in the writ petition filed by Balasubramaniyam, a resident of Kalapatti, against the orders passed by the District Collector and the Revenue Divisional Officer (RDO).

The High Court examined the records of the case and found that the land on which the proposed church was to be erected was classified as a public road in revenue records. In addition to that, the court noted that the proposed church was being constructed in an area where there was a handful of Christian population and the Hindu majority in the area had been vehemently opposing it. The court also held that the construction of a large church in proximity to an over 100-year-old Hindu temple hints at mala fide intentions.

“Coimbatore is a communally sensitive city. It witnessed bomb blasts and bloody religious riots. The proposed church would come up within a stone’s throw from the existing Mariyamman Temple. There are only a handful of Christian families. If a large church is proposed to be constructed in the vicinity of the Mariyamman Temple, mala fide intentions cannot be ruled out,” stated the judgment dated May 25, 2026, authored by Justice G.R. Swaminathan.

Screenshot from the Madras High Court judgment.

“Since India is a secular nation and a pluralistic society, religious amity has to be preserved, especially when an overwhelming majority of Hindus oppose the construction of a church in close proximity to the temple,” Justice Swaminathan noted, adding that the constitutional right to practise, profess and propagate any religion is subject to public order.

However, he clarified that the court is not directing the state to surrender to opposition from a section of society. He added that if a right is established and the opposition is found unreasonable, then the state must enforce and uphold the right. “We should not be understood as holding that if there is opposition, the State must submit to it. Far from it. If the right is established or if the opposition is found to be unreasonable, then the State should go to any extent to uphold the right,” Justice Swaminathan clarified.

Screenshot from the Madras High Court judgment.

Justice Swaminathan also considered the petitioner’s submission that the proposed church building could be used as a centre for conversion activity. “The counsel for the petitioner hints at the possibility of the new building being a centre of conversion activity. We are a secular nation. We are a pluralist society. Religious amity has to be preserved. If a religious right is established, then it is the duty of the State to aid in its enforcement,” Justice Swaminathan said.

Petitioner said fundamentalist groups in the state emboldened under the Joseph Vijay government

The petitioner submitted before the High Court that since the government headed by Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay took charge in the state, certain fundamentalist organisations have become emboldened. He pointed out certain instances to show how the socio-religious environment in the state has changed after the new government was formed.

He said that Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, JCD Prabhakar, who proclaims that he had distributed thousands of free copies of the Bible, quoted biblical verses in his inaugural address to the Legislative Assembly. The petitioner also added that when Shri Udhayanidhi Stalin, the leader of the opposition, called for annihilation of Sanatana Dharma in his address in the Assembly, it was not condemned or even objected to by the ruling party.

A Single-Judge Bench had stayed the construction of the church pending a suit

The village where the church is proposed to be constructed has a minuscule Christian population. The village has around 1000 families, out of which 950 are Hindus, 15 are Muslims, and a few of the remaining are Christians. In January 2010, the District Collector passed an order permitting the construction of the church near the temple. The Hindus of the village opposed the construction of the church and challenged the order of the District Collector before the District Munsif Court, Coimbatore, vide a civil suit in 2011. The suit is still pending.

Around 13 years later, some private individuals tried to resume the construction of the church and obtained orders to that effect. However, after a law and order situation arose, the District Collector asked them to stop the construction. Subsequently, in 2024, the Church of South India (CSI) filed a writ petition before the Madras High Court challenging the order of the District Collector. A Bench of Justice M. Dhandapani, in April 2026, refused to decide the case on the merits as the civil suit was pending. The court directed the petitioners to make a fresh application after the disposal of the civil suit.

The Madras High Court earlier upheld religious rights

Last year in December, the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court upheld the rights of Hindus to light Karthigai Deepam at the Mandu Kovil (Dindigul) and the Deepathoon pillar at Thiruparankundram hill in Madurai. A Single-Judge Bench of  Justice G R Swaminathan slammed the district administrations of Dindigul and Madurai for failing to make arrangements for the lighting of lamps by Hindu devotees.

Ram Mandir donation controversy: The Trust at the centre of the storm, how it was formed and who really runs it

The Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir in Ayodhya is not merely a temple. For millions of Hindus across the world, it is the culmination of a centuries-long civilisational struggle, legal battle, and social movement that finally culminated in the consecration of Ram Lalla in January 2024.

Since the Pran Pratishtha ceremony, the temple has received an overwhelming response from devotees. Lakhs visit Ayodhya every month and donate generously in cash, gold, silver, jewellery and other offerings.

It is therefore understandable that allegations of embezzlement involving Ram Mandir donations have triggered widespread concern. Claims of missing funds, suspicious property acquisitions by employees, alleged disappearance of donated valuables and possible manipulation of records have transformed what began as local reports into a national controversy.

However, amid political mudslinging and sensational headlines, one crucial fact is often ignored: the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust is an autonomous body and not an institution whose finances are controlled by the Uttar Pradesh government. This distinction is central to understanding both the controversy and the ongoing investigation.

How the Ram Mandir donation controversy erupted

The controversy began after local media reports highlighted alleged irregularities in the accounting of donations received at the Ram Mandir.

The issue entered the political arena on 7th June when Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav cited media reports claiming crores of rupees in offerings could not be accounted for.

Calling it an issue linked to the faith of crores of devotees, Akhilesh Yadav questioned the silence surrounding the matter and demanded judicial intervention. For someone who didn’t attend the consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, it was politically convenient to lap up a controversy that could be weaponised to target the Yogi Adityanath government.

Over the following days, allegations snowballed.

Initially, reports suggested that donations worth between Rs 5 crore and Rs 7.5 crore were allegedly unaccounted for. Subsequently, some reports claimed the scale of the alleged discrepancy could be far larger, with estimates crossing Rs 200 crore.

While the exact figures remain disputed and unverified, the allegations triggered demands for a comprehensive investigation.

What exactly are the allegations?

The controversy revolves around multiple allegations involving different aspects of donation management.

According to reports, some cash-counting staff allegedly recorded lower amounts in vouchers than the actual cash collected from donation boxes.

Questions have also been raised regarding the handling and accounting of gold, silver and jewellery donated by devotees.

Further suspicion emerged after allegations that CCTV footage from cash-counting areas covering several months had allegedly been deleted.

There are also allegations that complaints regarding irregularities were either ignored or not acted upon adequately.

Collectively, these claims created concerns that a section of the donation-handling chain may have been compromised.

The whistleblower claims and allegations of a cover-up

One of the individuals at the centre of the controversy is Mahipal Singh, identified in media reports as a former accounts-in-charge associated with temple operations.

Singh alleged that donation theft had been taking place for a considerable period and claimed that concerns were raised internally.

According to his version, he informed senior functionaries regarding the alleged irregularities but was removed from his position soon afterwards.

He also alleged that CCTV footage covering several months had been deleted.

These allegations have not yet been judicially established, but they significantly contributed to the public perception that a deeper probe was necessary.

Missing Ram Shilas and allegations dating back decades

The controversy took a dramatic turn when Dharmsena founder Santosh Dubey made sensational allegations regarding precious Ram Shilas.

According to Dubey, around 1,250 Ram Shilas made from gold, silver, diamonds, rubies and other precious materials, which were allegedly brought to Ayodhya after being worshipped across India and abroad, have disappeared.

He claimed that concerns regarding valuable donations and precious items associated with the Ram Mandir movement dated back several decades.

Dubey even alleged that theft of valuables associated with the Ram Mandir cause had been occurring since 1989.

These allegations remain claims and are now part of the larger controversy demanding investigation and verification.

How donations are collected at the Ram Mandir

Understanding the collection process is important to understand the allegations.

The Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust has installed multiple donation boxes or hundis at designated locations around the darshan route.

Every day, thousands of devotees deposit cash offerings in these boxes.

The Trust authorised the State Bank of India to undertake the counting process. The bank subsequently outsourced the actual counting work to a private agency.

As a result, the donation-handling chain involves temple personnel, outsourced cash counters, supervisors, banking teams and accounting mechanisms.

The allegations currently focus on what may have happened after donations were collected rather than suggesting that offerings disappeared directly from the donation boxes themselves.

The suspicious wealth trail that intensified concerns

Perhaps the most damaging aspect of the controversy concerns allegations regarding disproportionate assets.

Several employees involved in donation handling reportedly came under scrutiny after investigators allegedly discovered assets significantly beyond their known sources of income.

Reports suggest that some employees earning approximately Rs 18,000 to Rs 20,000 monthly acquired expensive properties, vehicles and businesses.

Two employees reportedly purchased land worth Rs 1.5 crore and Rs 40 lakh respectively.

Naturally, questions emerged regarding how such acquisitions were financed. These developments strengthened suspicions that certain individuals may have benefited from irregularities in donation management.

Arrest of Lavkush Mishra puts spotlight on donation handling

The investigation gathered momentum after the arrest of cash-counting employee Lavkush Mishra. According to reports, investigators recovered around Rs 10 lakh from his residence.

Media reports further stated that some of the cash was allegedly hidden beneath cow dung. Authorities reportedly began scrutinising Mishra after internal audits and CCTV reviews raised concerns regarding his conduct.

The arrest transformed the controversy from a purely political issue into an active criminal investigation.

Champat Rai rejects allegations of missing donations

The Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust has strongly denied allegations that crores of rupees have disappeared.

Trust General Secretary Champat Rai has maintained that no financial irregularities have been detected in internal audits.

The Trust has consistently asserted that its accounting and audit mechanisms remain functional and transparent.

Importantly, the Trust did not oppose scrutiny.

Instead, it approached Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and sought an independent investigation into the allegations.

According to official statements, the Trust argued that a formal inquiry was necessary both to establish facts and to counter what it described as misinformation intended to damage the image of the Ram Mandir.

Why linking the controversy directly to the Uttar Pradesh government is misleading

As the controversy gained traction, opposition leaders attempted to portray it as a failure of the Uttar Pradesh government.

However, the legal and institutional structure of the Ram Mandir Trust tells a different story.

The Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust was not created by the Uttar Pradesh government. It was established through a Central Government notification issued in February 2020 pursuant to the Supreme Court’s Ayodhya verdict. Ownership of the acquired land was vested directly in the Trust through that legal framework.

The Trust functions independently and manages its own affairs. The President, General Secretary and Treasurer are elected within the Trust structure and exercise control over administration, finances and donations.

The Uttar Pradesh government’s role is largely limited to law-and-order arrangements, security, crowd management and administrative coordination. State nominees on the Trust board do not possess voting rights and do not control financial decisions.

Similarly, the Ayodhya District Magistrate serves in an ex-officio capacity primarily to facilitate coordination on administrative matters rather than to manage donations or supervise temple accounts.

Consequently, if wrongdoing is ultimately established, accountability would primarily lie with those directly involved in donation collection, counting, accounting and oversight rather than with a state government that does not operate the Trust’s financial machinery.

Yogi government orders SIT probe after Trust seeks inquiry

Recognising the seriousness of the allegations, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath constituted a three-member Special Investigation Team.

The SIT includes senior officers from the administration, police and finance departments.

Notably, the decision followed a request from the Trust itself, which sought an independent probe to establish the truth behind the allegations.

The SIT has been directed to investigate claims of financial irregularities, examine available evidence and identify any individuals responsible for wrongdoing.

Its findings are expected to determine whether the controversy involves systemic embezzlement, isolated misconduct by a few employees, procedural lapses or exaggerated claims amplified through political narratives.

PILs, political pressure and demands for greater transparency

The controversy has also reached the judiciary. A Public Interest Litigation before the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court has sought a court-monitored CBI investigation into alleged irregularities involving temple donations.

Simultaneously, BJP leaders and Ram Mandir movement veterans have demanded strict action against anyone found guilty of misappropriating devotees’ offerings.

There have also been calls for greater public disclosure regarding donations, expenditures, assets and financial records to ensure complete transparency.

The larger issue: Protecting the faith of millions of devotees

For crores of Hindus, uthe issue extends beyond accounting records and criminal investigations. Every donation made at the Ram Mandir represents an act of devotion.

The temple itself is the product of generations of faith, sacrifice and struggle. Any attempt by individuals to misuse offerings made in the name of Lord Ram would amount not merely to financial misconduct but a betrayal of devotees’ trust.

At the same time, allegations alone cannot substitute evidence.

The investigation must distinguish between proven wrongdoing, administrative shortcomings, accounting discrepancies and politically motivated accusations.

Political narrative takes precedence over facts

The Ram Mandir donation controversy has raised serious questions that deserve answers. Allegations involving missing funds, unexplained wealth, missing valuables and deleted footage cannot simply be ignored.

The SIT investigation, arrests and ongoing scrutiny indicate that authorities are taking the matter seriously.

However, it is equally important to separate facts from political narratives.

The Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust is an autonomous body that manages its own finances, donations and administration. The Uttar Pradesh government’s role is largely confined to security and administrative coordination and does not extend to controlling temple accounts or handling donations.

If criminal misconduct occurred, the guilty must be identified and punished. If allegations have been exaggerated, that too should become clear through evidence.

Ultimately, the issue is not about politics but about preserving the sanctity of offerings made by millions of devotees at one of Hindu civilisation’s most important sacred sites.

250,000 girls in UK abused by rape gangs comprising 95% Pakistani Muslim men over decades, enabled by police and a system that was scared of being ‘Islamophobic’: Independent inquiry report

Hundreds of thousands of minor non-Muslim girls were lured, picked up, raped, brutalised, sold, and even killed by Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs or rape gangs for a full forty years or more in the United Kingdom. The British authorities and media covered up the horrifying truth of rape jihad in pursuit of not coming across as ‘racist and Islamophobic’. An independent Rape Gang Inquiry Report has now revealed that the Muslim rape gangs comprised 87% to 95% Pakistani Muslim men, who raped, exploited and groomed over 250,000 non-Muslim, mostly White girls.

The 219-page Rape Gang Inquiry Report is an independent, survivor-led inquiry chaired by MP Rupert Lowe, with lead Sammy Woodhouse, who is a survivor and campaigner, and a panel including MPs Esther McVey, Nick Timothy, and Carla Lockhart.

The report, prepared based on survivor testimonies, whistleblower accounts, media reports, and previous public inquiries, details how Britain experienced a decades-long, nationwide pattern of organised child sexual exploitation, mainly by Pakistani Muslim men of various age groups, with white working-class girls being the primary targets.

The Rape Gang Inquiry Report offers a conservative estimate of at least 250,000 young White British girls subjected to perpetual rape, gang rape, pregnancy, coerced abortions, childbirths, trafficking, torture, forced conversion to Islam, and a trauma impossible to subside in this lifetime.

Around 149 local authority districts, encompassing 50% of the UK areas, were affected by Pakistani Muslim rape gangs. In 2019 alone, 19,000 children were identified as exploitation victims.

“Organised networks of perpetrators built coordinated operations that transported victims between locations, supplied them with drugs and alcohol, recorded abuse for distribution and blackmail, and passed girls between multiple adult men. These crimes have been committed for decades, since the 1950s, by Pakistanis in particular, and have affected every region of our nation,” the report reads.

“The scale of the crimes committed is staggering. It has been previously established that, at the very least, 250,000 young white girls have been subjected to repeated rape, gang rape, trafficking, torture, pregnancy, forced Islamic conversion, and lifelong trauma. The true number is probably higher,” the report adds.

The Inquiry found that around 87% of those convicted in these group-based child sexual exploitation (‘CSE’) cases bore distinctively Muslim names, indicating a clear pattern of Muslim men in the UK weaponising rape against vulnerable girls.

“The perpetrators bear primary responsibility, yet the institutional failures that enabled them for decades must also be confronted. In court records and official inquiries, around 87% of those convicted in these group-based child sexual exploitation (‘CSE’) cases bore distinctively Muslim names. The vast majority of men involved in these gangs were not convicted. Dr Taj Hargey, an imam with the Oxford Islamic Congregation, believes the true proportion of gang members who are Muslims to be around 95%.3 This figure far exceeds the Muslim share of the overall United Kingdom population,” the Inquiry states.

As per the Inquiry, most of the rape gang members were of Muslim backgrounds – predominantly of Pakistani heritage, although smaller groups from Somali, Iranian, Syrian, Turkish, and other Muslim origins were also involved.

‘Islamic motivations of rape jihad, theological aspects of Islam’

In a major departure from the prevalent approach of downplaying the religious drivers of the child sexual exploitation by Pakistani and other Muslim rape gangs, the Rupert Lowe-chaired Rape Gang Inquiry explicitly details the Islamic motivations of rape jihad.

“Perpetrators from Pakistani Muslim and other Muslim backgrounds operated under an honour and shame-based clan code that treated non-Muslim girls, especially white working-class girls, as property available for sexual use. This pattern was reinforced by eight theological and legal aspects of Islam,” the report states.

The rape jihadis targeted White British girls from working-class or unstable backgrounds. They picked these victims due to their vulnerability resulting from poverty, neglect, or prior abuse. While the ages of victims typically ranged between 11 and 13 years, the Inquiry makes a heartbreaking revelation that some victims were as young as 4 to 6 years old.

The Inquiry details how rape jihadi gangs operated organised networks using taxis for collection and transport, passing ‘Kafir’ girls between Muslim men, supplying drugs or alcohol, filming abuse for blackmail, and in some cases, trafficking the victims to Pakistan or West Asia for forced Islamic Shariah-based marriages or Nikah.

The grooming process involved befriending girls as young as 11 by young Muslim men. These men treated the target white non-Muslim girls like adults, plied with alcohol, drugs, cigarettes, etc, then collected them from school gates, care homes, or streets in taxis. The rape jihadis would take these girls to houses, flats, restaurants, or even hotels, where they would be subjected to repeated gang rape, torture, and filming.

Several victims told the Inquiry that the Pakistani Muslim rape jihadis used to call them “white trash”, “English pig-dogs”, “white slags”, or “Kuffar” who merited ‘punishment’.

Further dissecting the Islamic drivers of rape jihad, the Rape Gang Inquiry Report says that Islamic doctrines of superiority over non-Muslims or kuffar, al-walā’ wa-l-barā’ (loyalty to Muslims and enmity to non-Muslims), Islamic-historical precedents of treating non-Muslim war captive females ‘Maal-e-Ghanimat’, and the belief that White girls, and by extension all non-Muslim girls, are ‘property’ or ‘easy meat’.

One of the survivors, Dr Ella Hill, told the Inquiry, “I was told that white girls are trash. They are all whores. They are lower than shit under your shoe. They don’t obey Allah, so they deserve to be punished.”

Several others described ‘rituals’ imposed by Pakistani Muslim rape jihadis to assert Islamic dominance. These included forcing victims to lick feet, branding ‘M’ for ownership on the bodies of Kafir girls, setting up ‘red rooms’, subjecting victims to extreme torture and even getting the White girls raped by animals. Some were also forced to witness murder.

The report shatters a misconception that Pakistani rape jihad against British girls began only in the 1990s. The Inquiry highlighted that the rot has persisted since the 1950s.

Started as early as the 1950s, spiked in the late 1970s

“British Newspaper Archive reveals that the first recorded case of specifically Pakistani rape gangs dates back to 1955, when four Bradford-based Pakistanis were charged with raping a 15-year-old girl from Middlesbrough. This was soon after former colonial subjects, from the subcontinent as much as the Caribbean, became eligible to enter the United Kingdom in non-trivial numbers under the British Nationality Act 1948. What began as singular and small-scale instances became systematic and industrial over time,” the report states.

It further highlights that the scale of rape jihad in the UK magnified dramatically after the victory of Tony Blair in 1977 and the start of “orchestrated mass immigration.”

“With greater numbers came greater opportunities for abuse. Perpetrators built organised networks that transported victims between towns and cities and passed girls between multiple adult men,” the report states.

The Rape Gang Inquiry Report states with equivocation that the institutional denial, political calculation, and fear of the accusation of racism enabled the perpetuation of a national scandal of repeated rape, trafficking, torture, pregnancy, forced Islamic conversion, and lifelong trauma.

“The authorities at every level, including the police, social services, health services, schools, licensing bodies, and politicians, knew the patterns, possessed the intelligence, and still failed to protect the country’s children,” it says.

The most damning sections of the Inquiry report detail systemic, decades-long failures by police, local councils, Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), National Health Service (NHS), schools, social services, media, and successive governments of both Labour and Conservative parties.

How police and ‘system’ ignored complaints of sexual abuse, returned victims to rapists

The report describes how police often dismissed reports of sexual abuse, returned girls to abusers, resorted to blatant victim-blaming and criminalised victims as ‘prostitutes’ or having ‘lifestyle choices’. The police in some cases would demand impossibly solo testimony, concealed or destroyed records, tipped off predators, as it happened in Rotherham, and failed to probe pregnancies/STIs. They even released Muslim rape jihadis on bail.

The Inquiry also found that young girls were placed in known trafficking hubs, social services and councils prioritised ‘community relations’ and dodging ‘racism’ allegations over child protection. In many cases, the local authorities falsified records, particularly the age of minor victims, resisted whistleblowers, and focused on contraception or abortion instead of investing their time and resources in blowing the lid off the ongoing large-scale rape jihad.

It emerged that the UK’s National Health Service (NHS) used to discharge injured victims back to their Pakistani, Somali, Bangladeshi, or Turkish abusers the same night, demonstrating complicity in perpetuating their abuse.

The governments and CPS essentially suppressed ethnicity and religion data. The report mentions that the Labour Party either blocked or delayed national inquiries just to avoid upsetting the Muslim votebank. It further states that rape jihadis were handed lenient sentences with no deportations, with the Starmer-era CPS letting off thousands of rape jihadis with just ‘warnings’.

Meanwhile, the British media adopted a policy of self-censorship and refrained from highlighting the patterns of rape jihad and its religious drives, to avoid ‘Islamophobia’.

The report cited previous inquiries into rape gangs in Rotherham, Telford, and other areas. The Jay Report (2014) found that at least 1,400 girls were abused between 1997 and 2013, with some updated estimates exceeding this. Perpetrators were overwhelmingly Pakistani Muslim men.

In Telford, over 1,000 children (predominantly girls) over decades, again with the same perpetrator profile. The Inquiry cites the Baroness Casey National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (June 2025) report, and Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) and multiple local inquiries (2022–2025) report, to assert that historical suppression of the crimes and destruction of evidence make it impossible to fully gauge the scale of rape jihad crimes in the UK.

Regarding how whistleblowers who attempted to expose Pakistani Muslim rape gangs were targeted, the Inquiry report says, “Whistleblowers who tried to expose the rape gangs were systematically silenced, discredited and punished. On occasion, their careers and reputations were also tarnished. Social care professionals, campaigners, and public activists who raised evidence of still ongoing grooming, trafficking, and financial abuse of children in care, and institutional cover-ups faced suspension, defamation proceedings, dawn raids, asset freezes, fabricated charges, gagging bail conditions, and career-ending isolation.”

Rape jihad thrived, London’s Pakistani-origin Mayor Sadiq Khan denied: The Jihad and the cover-up

The Rape Gang Inquiry Report describes London, which has the largest Muslim population, as the epicentre of institutional denial in the grooming gang scandal. It mentions how London Mayor Sadiq Khan, who is a known Islamist and ironically of Pakistani origin, used to consistently claim that no grooming gangs operated in the city. He even described evidence from whistleblowers as ‘malicious and politically motivated’. Khan’s outright denial of the existence of rape jihad came even as reports of the Metropolitan Police holding reports of young girls being plied with alcohol and drugs, then raped by Pakistani Muslim men in hotels, etc.

While Sadiq Khan changed tunes from outright denial to downplaying and segregating Islamic drivers from documented CSE cases despite having access to case files, the evidence punctured his lies.

In October 2025, the Metropolitan Police announced a review of 9,000 child sexual exploitation cases. The National Crime Agency launched Operation Beaconport to examine thousands more files nationwide after initial assessments found human errors, missed lines of inquiry, and cases wrongly dropped. London forms a significant part of this backlog.

“A former Metropolitan Police detective has described industrial-scale child prostitution and grooming in the capital, with authorities aware but opting for inaction due to a mixture of “incompetence, laziness, and corruption,” the report said.

Victim testimonies reveal the harrowing truth of the extent of perversion and hate Muslim rape gangs harboured for ‘kuffar’ girls

While the Inquiry promised the release of full testimonies later, the report includes several named and anonymised survivor accounts.

One of the victims, Chloe, who suffered abuse from her paedophilic stepfather, was later abused by Muslim rape jihadis from age 10 to 11 via taxis, hotels, and drugs. She was impregnated by a Pakistani Muslim migrant. An attempt was made to forcibly convert her to Islam. She knew at least 20 more victims. Chloe revealed that she was dismissed as a “prostitute” by the police, and even social services prioritised contraception over ensuring that her violators were brought to justice.

While Chloe was grappling with the abuse by her stepfather, she came in contact with Pakistani Muslim men, most of whom were taxi drivers who would take the girls into their cars and drive them around the town. Chloe said that these men would give extra attention, ‘care’, and treat her and her friends, like ‘adults’. Gradually, Chloe found herself in the swamp of continuous abuse, torture, and rape by different men, in almost all cases, Muslim men of Pakistani origin.

On one occasion, a Pakistani rape jihadi forced the empty whiskey bottle into Chloe’s vagina, where it shattered. Chloe admitted herself to A&E, but no questions were asked about how she had sustained such an injury. She was examined, the glass was removed, and she was discharged.

“There were times when Chloe would be missing for up to three days, during which time she was passed between taxis, drugged, abused, and raped. In every case, the perpetrators were Muslims, and primarily Pakistani,” the report says.  

When Chloe was around 19-years-old, a Pakistani Muslim illegal migrant coerced her into converting to Islam and forced her into marriage, both to legitimise the pregnancy in the eyes of her abuser and to assist him in securing a visa. Chloe was forced to wear a hijab, prohibited from looking out of the windows of her rented house, and was brutally assaulted by her husband over the slightest of perceived ‘misbehaviour’.

When asked by the Inquiry panellist about how many men must have raped her over the years until she finally managed escape the spiral, Chloe said, “Hundreds. Hundreds, and Hundreds, and Hundreds.”

Another victim, Fiona, revealed that she was groomed at the age of 13 in care home by Pakistani men between ages 24 and 45. She was abused by 50-100 men, all Pakistani Muslims, trafficked towards Kashmir, subjected to extreme brutalities. Rubbing salt to her wounds, the police returned Fiona to her abusers, while the care staff remained negligent. Fiona said that the care staff may have not been complicit in the rape jihadi crimes but was aware and reluctant to blow the whistle fearing adverse repercussions, including being labelled ‘racist’.

While Chloe faced sexual abuse from her stepfather, Fiona had serious mental health difficulties, self-harm behaviours, and suicidal ideation. Such vulnerable young girls were the desired targets of Pakistani Muslim rape gangs in the UK.

The grooming began with affection and alcohol, quickly progressing to rape, drug dependency, threats, and trafficking.

The police also did not proceed with action beyond issuing ‘notices’ to rape jihadis. In fact, on one occasion when Fiona’s mother called the police to report her daughter missing and mentioned a history of abuse by Asian men, the call handler told her: “You can’t describe them as Asian men because that’s racist. You should just be glad your child is being taught a different culture.”

The Inquiry report says that the police asked the Muslim rapists that if they could persuade Fiona to sign herself out of care, the police would stop bothering them. The rape jihadis tried to persuade her to pull out of care, to take her to Kashmir. They had even succeeded. However, Fiona was stopped from leaving the country. Not because the authorities were to initiate action against her Pakistani Muslim rapists, but because she did not have a valid passport.

Between 2008 and 2012, Fiona was repeatedly raped by multiple men connected to organised grooming networks.

The Pakistani Muslim rape jihadis used to keep Fiona at a “party house” where 10 to 20 men would come to ‘enjoy’ and rape non-Muslim white girls. Muslim rape jihadis used to celebrate the Islamic festival of Eid by raping white girls.

“On one occasion, she was encouraged to bring her friends because the owner had relatives visiting from Birmingham to celebrate Eid and “expected girls to be there.” Within the house, the girls were routinely referred to as “white slags,” while the men wanted Pakistani girls kept “pure” for marriage,” the report mentions.

In addition to enduring rape and torture, Fiona was forced into drugs trafficking.

At 15, Fiona was pregnant and gave birth to a boy, who was removed and adopted due to exploitation risks. But Fiona was left in the same hellhole. The abuse ended only after she turned 18. What was left with her was PTSD, substance dependency, and long-term health damage.

The report also documents testimony of a survivor named Michelle. She was groomed by Pakistani Muslim men at the age of 13. At 14, she was gang-raped and beaten by three men who had locked her in a house.

She was abused by over 600-700 men. Michelle got pregnant four times as a child, underwent miscarriages and abortions, with one child kept. While the police dropped cases, social services described rapes, impregnations, and torture as ‘consensual’.

Besides rape, the Pakistani Muslim rape jihadis also resorted to bestiality and victims, who were always non-Muslim girls, were treated like animals.

“I remember a man opening the back of a van, and I saw 15 to 20 girls locked in dog cages,” a survivor said.

One even reported that she was “raped by a dog”.

“I think that the scariest thing was not having any concept of it. There were men around me, not horrified, not disgusted, not helping, but filming and laughing, making bets on whether the dog could actually rape me or not. Yes, I was raped by a dog. The man just held my face, stared me down straight in the eyes, and he wanted to see me break, and he did,” the victim said.

Michelle was raped in bin sheds, threatened with a knife, and forced into sex with multiple men waiting in cars. She was drugged, beaten, burned with cigarettes, locked in rooms, and passed between men.

Speaking to the Inquiry panel, Michelle said that these rape gangs have remained untouchable because authorities feared being labelled racist. She described an extensive network of abusers operating across the entire country, calling it “industrial” in scale.

“It functions as a large central network with smaller connected groups in specific localities. Michelle claims she was raped by between six and seven hundred different men over the course of three years. She now lives with severe PTSD and lifelong trauma, describing both her childhood and her future as destroyed,” the report reads.

One of the victims, Taylor, revealed that Pakistani Muslim rapists used to say “Bismillah-e-rehman-ur-rahim” (In the name of Allah, the most gracious, and merciful) the Islamic verse said before beginning an ‘auspicious’ or religiously-significant act, before raping her.

OpIndia has long been stressing that be it in UK, Europe or in India, Muslim men weaponise sex, rape specifically, as a means of Islamic conquest over kafirs, and religious act. However, somehow calling out these Islamic crimes makes one Islamophobe and bigot, but the Muslim rapists get a pass by the virtue of being Muslims.

Pakistani Muslims, not ‘Asian’ or ‘South Asian’

The Rape Gang Inquiry report also called out the media bias and deliberate use of broader vague terms like “Asian” and “South Asian” when reporting on grooming gangs. The report said that this framing was inaccurate because UK hosts a substantial number of non-Muslim Asian populations, such as Hindus and Sikhs from India, Buddhists from Japan, and Christians from the Philippines and Vietnam.

“The term “Asian” has frequently been applied in media, official statements, and public discourse to describe the perpetrators in grooming gang cases across Britain. This broad labelling can be misleading, however, because Britain hosts a substantial number of non-Muslim Asian populations, such as Hindus and Sikhs from India, Buddhists from Japan, and Christians from the Philippines and Vietnam. These populations have, with only very rare exceptions, had no involvement in these offences. In fact, members of these communities have more often appeared as victims than as perpetrators in the grooming gang cases that have come to light,” the report said.

Dr Ella Hill, a survivor of the Rotherham grooming gangs and now a qualified doctor, who suffered years of repeated sexual violence, severe beatings, and attempted murder by her abusers, said that it was both racially and religiously aggravated. Hill was explicitly told during the rapes that the attacks were happening because she was white and because she was Christian. Her Pakistani Muslim rapists used to call her “a white slag,” “a white whore,” “a white cunt,” and simultaneously condemned her as a non-Muslim who deserved punishment for failing to follow Islamic rules.

On at least five occasions she approached the police, presenting medical evidence of her injuries, yet each time she was told there was nothing they could do and her evidence was not accepted.

Another victim named Sarah was subjected to rapes, torture, threats, pregnancy, and abuse of all forms by Pakistani Muslim rape gangs, and was eventually compelled to learn the Quran in Arabic and allowed to speak only Urdu and Punjabi. She was also made to cook and clean for the gang members who abused her.

The report detailed how Islam views non-Muslims across the world. It cited various studies by human rights groups to highlight how young girls belonging to Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Christian, and other non-Muslim faiths in Pakistan are subjected to abduction, rapes, forced conversions and marriages.

“A common sequence in these cases sees a girl abducted, coerced into signing a conversion certificate, and swiftly married to a Muslim man. Police in Pakistan frequently side with the abductors over the girl’s family. When parents pursue legal action, courts tend to uphold the legitimacy of the conversion. Birth certificates may be falsified to indicate that the girl is not a minor. Contact with her family is typically blocked. Following conversion to Islam, non-Muslim parents lose all authority over their child, as Islamic law prohibits non-Muslims from exercising guardianship over Muslims, including their own offspring,” the report reads.

“The evidence from grooming gang convictions across Britain repeatedly shows a Muslim background among many of the perpetrators. When this is viewed alongside similar patterns of sex crimes observed both in countries of origin for immigrants and in Muslim-majority societies, it offers compelling grounds to consider that elements of Islam are contributing to the grooming gang scourge in our country,” it adds.

The report also cited Quranic verses that emphasise Muslim religious supremacy and legitimise sub-human treatment of Kafirs.

The report proceeds to calling out Labour and Conservative parties for their failure to ensure full and thorough investigation into the grooming gangs.

“The Labour Party bears primary responsibility for the longest and most deliberate cover-up. As the former Conservative councillor Liam Billington emphasised to our Inquiry, Labour-dominated local councils and MPs repeatedly prioritised electoral dependence on Pakistani Muslim communities above the safety of children,” it said.

OpIndia earlier reported how politician in the UK, especially the Labour Party downplayed grooming Jihad cases. Sarah Champion, a Labour Party MP had to apologise for an article published in The Sun in 2017 wherein she wrote that “Britain has a problem with British Pakistani men raping and exploiting white girls”. Champion had to not only apologise but also resign from her post as a shadow minister.

In 2012, Keith Vaz, a Labour Party leader and Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, downplayed the grooming jihad crimes calling them not racially motivated and emphasised that the entire community should not be ‘stigmatised’.

A Nottingham Crown Court judge who convicted two Pakistani men who groomed and raped several minor white girls, downplayed the identity of the perpetrators by asserting that the race of the victims and the abusers were ‘coincidental’.

In many cases, instead of arresting the rapists, the police ended up arresting the victims and their families. This was commonly due to a ‘misreading’ of the situation, a failure to probe the grooming part and in most cases a deliberate cover-up, with young victims being treated as offenders for small violations while still in contact with their abusers. This demonstrates an intentional diversion in the approach to child safety, spurred by an obsessive avoidance of racial-religious profiling. Fear of being perceived as racially ‘insensitive’ appears to have taken precedence over safeguarding young girls, culminating in a serious miscarriage of justice.

The evidence-based revelations by the UK Rape Gang Inquiry Report has rocked Britain, and demands are intensifying for tracing and punishing each and every rape jihadi. Demands are also being made to reform immigration policy to prevent influx of Muslim migrants who feign victimhood to make in roads to Britain only to eventually rape and torture Kafir girls.

It must not be forgotten that while the old victims of rape jihad are yet to get justice, the Muslim rape gang menace has not ended in the UK.

In August last year, Great Yarmouth MP Rupert Lowe said that the Rape Gang Inquiry report found that Pakistani Muslim rape gangs have been operating in as many as 85 areas across the United Kingdom.

As per the Rape Gang Inquiry, Pakistani Muslim rape gangs have been actively operating in Aberdeen City, Angus, Antrim and Newtownabbey, Argyll and Bute, Barnsley, Bexley, Birmingham, Blackburn with Darwen, Blackpool, Bradford Brent Bristol, City of Bromley, Buckinghamshire, Burnley, Calderdale, Camden, Canterbury, Chelmsford, Cherwell, Cheshire East, Cheshire West, Chester City of Edinburgh, Coventry, Croydon, Cumberland, Dacorum, Derby, Doncaster, Dorset, East Hertfordshire, East Staffordshire, Glasgow City, Greenwich, Hammersmith, Fulham, Havering, Hillingdon, Hounslow, Kingston upon Hull, City of Kirklees, Lambeth, Leeds, Leicester, Lewisham, Luton, Manchester, Medway, Merton, Middlesbrough, Monmouthshire, Newcastle upon Tyne, Newham, North Tyneside, North Yorkshire, Northumberland, Norwich, Nottingham, Oldham, Oxford, Pembrokeshire, Peterborough, Plymouth, Preston, Redbridge, Rochdale Rossendale, Rotherham, Sheffield, Somerset, Stockport, Stoke-on-Trent, Swansea, Telford, Wrekin Tower Hamlets, Vale of White Horse, Wakefield, Wandsworth, Warrington, Watford, West Berkshire, Westmorland, Furness, Wirral, Worcester and Wyre Forest.

Earlier in 2025, the National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse report, prepared by Baroness Louise Casey, revealed that more than 500,000 children a year were likely to experience child sexual abuse, with police recording some 100,000 offences in 2024. Of these, an estimated 17,100 were flagged as child sexual exploitation. The only figure for gang grooming came from a new police database, totalling just 700. Lady Casey said it was “highly unlikely” that this accurately reflected the true scale of grooming gangs.

UK grooming/rape gangs: Decades of abuse, silence,  police complicity, victim-blaming and politics of convenience

It must be recalled that in August 2025, Great Yarmouth MP Rupert Lowe said that the Rape Gang Inquiry report found that Pakistani Muslim rape gangs have been operating in as many as 85 areas across the United Kingdom. The report highlighted that although the survivors have their own unique stories of abuse and torment, they were subjected to. “Patterns of targeted exploitation by predominantly Pakistani males, combined with gross negligence from public bodies, are identifiable.”

Starting in the 1980s in the town of Telford, vulnerable girls as young as 11 were picked up, raped, beaten, sold, and even killed by grooming gangs or rape gangs for a full forty years. The young girls, mostly white, were tossed from one rapist to another, most of whom were of British Pakistani origins. Three girls were murdered, and two others died in tragedies linked to the scandal. As many as 1,000 girls suffered in a town of 170,000 people. In Telford, these Pakistani grooming gangs were literally running a rape house while they made the victims believe they were in love by buying them alcohol, cigarettes, doing their mobile top-ups, buying gifts etc.

A similar racket was unfolding in Rotherham, wherein around 1,500 girls were raped, abused, sold, and bought by men of Pakistani descent in a town of 260,000 people. Many victims were gang-raped, and the abuse went on unabated from 1997 to 2013. In Rochdale, the horror began in 2002. At least 47 young girls were subjected to abuse. Such has been the (Non) response of administrative and legal authorities that the grooming gangs continue to walk freely on the streets of “Great Britain”.

Sexual abuse scandals were widely uncovered in a series of locations in the UK, including Huddersfield, Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford, Bristol, Peterborough, and Newcastle. Despite multiple reports and inquiries, investigative operations like Stovewood and Tourway, the true scale of sexual exploitation by the grooming gangs could not be determined.

These ‘grooming’ crimes continue to haunt the United Kingdom as the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) reported in 2023 that there has been an 82% increase in online grooming offences against youngsters over the past five years.

The issue of Pakistani-origin men-led grooming gangs raping vulnerable white and other non-Muslim girls first became widely known in towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford. According to the 2014 Jay Report on Rotherham, almost 1,400 children were sexually exploited over 16 years, predominantly by men of Pakistani descent. The pervasive inaction by the authorities emerged from the fears of triggering racism against Pakistani immigrants. This suicidal adoption of a silence and denial approach against the grooming/rape gangs enabled Muslim rape gangs to perpetuate abuse against ‘Kafir’ girls.

However, the Rape Gang Inquiry’s chair, Rupert Lowe, wants to discontinue this suicidal reluctance to speak the truth, as he said, “Our inquiry report proves that without doubt there is an undeniable link between religion and the rape gangs. Islam. As a country, we need to find the courage to finally say so.”

‘Every Hindu home has a potential murderer or rapist’: Apoorvanand vilifies Hindu society, paints Muslims as permanent victims and peddles false claims on Hinduism

In a recent conversation on Ashutosh-owned YouTube channel Satya Hindi, Mukesh Kumar and propagandist self-styled academic Apoorvanand went on an anti-Hindu crusade. The conversation happened under the banner “Baat Bolegi”, where Apoorvanand made a series of sweeping, disturbing and communally charged remarks against Hindus, Hinduism, the RSS, Hindu organisations, Hindu festivals, mainstream media, the judiciary, police and even ordinary Hindu households.

The discussion revolved around blaming Hindus for violence and communalism in India. Apoorvanand repeatedly presented Hindu society as inherently violent, radicalised, casteist, anti-Muslim and sexually perverse. At one point, he went to the extent of saying that in every Hindu home there now exists a “potential murderer” or a “potential rapist”.

Speaking about what he called the “mass radicalisation” of Hindus, Apoorvanand said in Hindi, “The mass radicalisation of Hindus in India is taking place… in which, in every home, there is now a Hindu of this kind who is a potential murderer.”

He did not stop there. He further said, “If this Hindu is not a potential murderer, then he is a potential rapist. And if he is not directly committing rape, he is committing rape in his imagination or virtually.”

He linked this sweeping vilification of Hindu households to Sulli Deals and Bulli Bai, the fake online marketplace that led to massive controversy a few years back. He then claimed that the rape of Muslims and the killing of Muslims are now considered acceptable in Hindu homes.

Such language, if used for any other religious community, would have been immediately condemned as hate speech, collective demonisation and dehumanisation. However, when directed at Hindus, it was presented as “academic analysis”.

Hindus portrayed as attackers and Muslims as victims

In the beginning of the programme, it was claimed that every day hundreds of incidents are taking place where Muslims are beaten, abused and humiliated. They claimed that even children, women and elderly people are being targeted.

Apoorvanand claimed that Muslims are no longer safe anywhere, including streets, neighbourhoods, schools, colleges, markets, trains and buses. He further claimed that those who spread poison and commit violence in the name of Hindus reach anywhere, act fearlessly and even commit murders.

During the conversation, it was claimed that violence is justified in the name of love jihad, conversion, infiltration, cow protection, food habits, lifestyle and religious festivals. They also claimed that such elements receive protection from the government, administration and police.

He went further and said that from chief ministers to the prime minister, leaders are allegedly provoking violence through hate speeches, running bulldozers and threatening people. The media, he claimed, has openly promoted this violence through prime-time debates.

It was clear from the beginning of the conversation that the aim was to place Hindus in the dock and present Muslims as helpless victims of an organised radical Hindu ecosystem.

Hindus collectively put on trial

During the conversation, Apoorvanand claimed that the basic instincts of Hindus are inherently violent, obscene and vulgar. The crux of the topic was to claim that the protection of Hinduism has been handed over to criminals and that religious leaders themselves appear to be involved in violence. Apoorvanand claimed that these basic instincts were suppressed for years, but because of the way political and religious leaders are provoking Hindus, they have become more visible.

Hindu pluralism mocked using the ‘33 crore gods’ trope

Apoorvanand claimed that just because Hindus worship 33 crore Devi-Devtas, that does not mean they are tolerant, as Hinduism is neither monolithic nor based on one book. According to him, Hindus are rigid, casteist and inherently believers in a divided society.

This is a shallow and misleading attack on Hindu pluralism. The phrase “33 crore Devi-Devtas” is itself widely misunderstood. In the Vedic and Upanishadic context, the reference is to 33 devas or 33 categories of deities, not a cartoonish claim that Hindus worship 330 million separate gods one after another. The traditional enumeration includes eight Vasus, eleven Rudras, twelve Adityas, Indra and Prajapati.

Hindu pluralism is not based on counting deities. It is based on the idea that the divine can be approached through many forms, many names, many paths and many traditions. To reduce that civilisational idea to “33 crore deities” and then use it to claim that Hindus are not tolerant is not serious scholarship. It is polemics dressed up as analysis.

Furthermore, Apoorvanand made a sweeping claim that Hindus do not have the idea of seva or service. This claim is not just wrong, it is laughably ignorant of Hindu texts, traditions and lived practice.

The Bhagavad Gita repeatedly upholds lokasangraha, the welfare and holding together of the world, as a principle of action. It praises those who are devoted to the welfare of all beings. The idea of sarva-bhuta-hita, or welfare of all beings, is central to the dharmic imagination. Hindu traditions also emphasise daan, karuna, ahimsa, annadaan, gau seva, atithi satkar, temple kitchens, dharamshalas, water shelters, feeding pilgrims, caring for monks, serving the poor and public works done as dharmic duty.

If Hinduism had “no seva”, India would not have had centuries-old traditions of annakshetras, temple-based feeding, dharamshalas for travellers, gaushalas, mathas, akharas, pilgrimage support systems and voluntary community service linked to religious merit.

Even today, Hindu temples across India run free meals, medical camps, educational institutions, gaushalas and relief work during floods, earthquakes and other disasters. One may debate how these institutions are run, but to say that Hinduism has no concept of seva is historically and scripturally false.

Another hollow claim made by Apoorvanand was that Hinduism does not have “neighbourly dharma”. In it, he claimed that Hinduism does not contain a duty towards the neighbour.

Again, this is a narrow claim based on imposing Abrahamic vocabulary on Hindu thought. Hinduism may not always use the same phrase as “love thy neighbour”, but it contains several concepts that are wider than the neighbour. It speaks of atithi devo bhava, treating the guest as divine. As mentioned before, Hinduism speaks of sarva-bhuta-hita, welfare of all beings. It speaks of vasudhaiva kutumbakam, the world as one family. It speaks of ahimsa, daya, daan, maitri and karuna.

The Taittiriya Upanishad tells the student to treat the mother, father, teacher and guest as divine. The Gita speaks of working for the welfare of all beings. The Mahabharata and Puranic traditions repeatedly uphold feeding strangers, protecting guests, honouring sages, helping travellers, giving water, food and shelter, and supporting society.

If anything, Hindu ethics are not limited to the neighbour. They extend moral consideration to the guest, stranger, animal, nature, ancestors, gods and all beings. Apoorvanand’s claim that there is no neighbourly duty in Hinduism is therefore not a critique. It is misinformation.

Hindu society declared naturally violent because of varna

Apoorvanand then linked Hinduism to violence through the varna system. He claimed that Hindu society is a society that believes in varna. He added that many scholars who have studied Hindu society and Hindu scriptures say that if varna is removed, Hinduism itself ends.

He said that a society which believes in hierarchy and untouchability will naturally be violent. According to him, hidden violence is when one keeps another person away, while visible violence is when one kills another person.

He further said that if a Brahmin felt that someone had polluted him, that person could be killed, and added that this was already present “within us”.

The argument moved from social criticism to civilisational indictment. Hindu society was not merely criticised for caste injustices. It was painted as structurally violent and naturally inclined towards exclusion and killing.

Later in the conversation, Apoorvanand said the problem was not limited to Brahmins or upper castes. He claimed that backward castes, Dalits, Valmikis, Yadavs and Adivasis have also participated in anti-Muslim violence. According to him, anti-Muslim hatred exists in all Hindu castes.

This means the criticism first invoked Brahminism and then expanded the blame to every Hindu caste group. The final conclusion was not that a section of society is violent. The conclusion was that Hindu society as a whole is diseased.

RSS blamed for converting old prejudice into organised violence

Apoorvanand claimed that Hindus had old prejudices against Muslims, but earlier Hindus and Muslims still lived together because there was no active force constantly provoking those prejudices and converting them into violence.

He then named Hindu Mahasabha, RSS, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s writings, Golwalkar, Hedgewar and Syama Prasad Mukherjee as that active force. According to him, this organised ideology decided to provoke Hindu prejudice and turn it into active violence.

He claimed that violence in India used to be episodic, such as Hindu-Muslim riots around Tazia or Ram Navami. But according to him, the major change now is that people have begun to consider violence justified, shameless and acceptable.

He said that Savarkar, Hindu Mahasabha and RSS thinking, which earlier was not the dominant discourse, has now become dominant. He added that the violence is no longer episodic but is reflected daily in behaviour, language and violent acts.

He then called the criminalisation of society the biggest success of the RSS.

Bajrang Dal called terrorist-like, RSS ecosystem accused

Mukesh Kumar asked whether Bajrang Dal could be called a terrorist organisation. Apoorvanand responded that he agreed with that characterisation and said it is an organised group.

He then claimed that the RSS has created an environment in which many organisations can grow. He compared them to plants growing in a certain ecosystem. According to him, hatred now grows naturally in the environment created by the RSS.

He named Bajrang Dal, VHP, Vidya Bharati, Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Ram Sene, Rudra Sena, Hindu Vahini and other groups. He claimed that some of them may not have a formal direct link with the RSS, but they do the same work.

This is a standard left-liberal formulation. If there is a formal link, blame the RSS. If there is no formal link, call it an “ecosystem”. Either way, the RSS remains the accused.

1984 anti-Sikh riots blamed on Hindus, Congress role pushed to the background

One of the most problematic parts of the conversation came when Mukesh Kumar raised the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. Apoorvanand claimed that ordinary people participated in the violence. He said that in Delhi, if 4,000 Sikhs were killed, one must think how many thousands of people were involved in killing them. He then said, “They were all Hindus. They were all Hindus and no one else.”

He went on to say that those people may now be doctors, teachers, shopkeepers, grandfathers or elderly men, but their hands are stained with blood. He said Hindu society never admitted that Sikhs, whom Hindus called protectors of Hindu society, were surrounded and killed by them. This framing is deeply dishonest because it communalises what was a Congress-led political massacre.

The anti-Sikh violence of 1984 was not an abstract Hindu uprising against Sikhs. It followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi and took place under the political climate of the then Congress regime. Several Congress leaders were accused for decades by victims, witnesses and commissions. Former Congress leader Sajjan Kumar was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment. Jagdish Tytler’s role has also remained under legal and investigative scrutiny. The Nanavati Commission recorded credible evidence against Congress leaders in connection with the attacks.

Therefore, to reduce 1984 to “Hindus killed Sikhs” is a dangerous communal distortion. It takes the Congress out of the centre of the frame and places collective guilt on Hindus as a religious community.

The victims of 1984 were Sikhs. The perpetrators included Congress-linked mobs and political actors. The failure was also of the state machinery, police and ruling establishment of the time. Calling it a Hindu crime rather than a Congress-led political pogrom is not analysis. It is ideological manipulation.

Muslims painted as permanently unsafe around Hindus

Apoorvanand claimed that Muslims now live in constant uncertainty because they do not know what the Hindu sitting next to them will do.

He said a Muslim travelling in a train does not know whether the person next to him will open his tiffin, call someone at the next station or get him attacked. He said a Muslim does not know whether a Railway Protection Force personnel will shoot him while he is sleeping.

He also said that a Muslim may express a political opinion during a train journey and may be killed for it. According to him, Muslims now leave their homes with suspicion and return with suspicion because the Hindu next to them may be good, but may also not be good.

This was another sweeping portrayal of Hindus as a permanent threat and Muslims as a permanently endangered community.

Bahraich killing presented as self-defence

Apoorvanand also referred to the Bahraich violence and claimed that during a procession, a person entered a Muslim house, broke the railing and removed a religious flag. He then said that “obviously” in self-defence, someone from the Muslim family or somewhere else fired and he was killed.

The reference was to the killing of Ram Gopal Mishra during the Bahraich violence. However, Apoorvanand’s framing made the killing appear like an understandable act of self-defence.

This is not just morally questionable; it also contradicts the legal outcome. A Bahraich court later awarded the death penalty to the prime accused Sarfaraz alias Rinku and life imprisonment to nine others in the Ram Gopal Mishra murder case. The court treated the crime as grave and brutal, not as some casual act of self-defence.

By presenting the killing in a way that normalises the firing as “self-defence”, Apoorvanand again fitted the incident into his larger template: Hindu aggressor, Muslim victim. Even when the dead person was a Hindu youth, the ideological framing found a way to blame the Hindu side.

Hindu festivals portrayed as violent mobilisation

Apoorvanand also attacked Hindu festivals. He said that during Ram Navami, 13- and 14-year-old children move in thousands with swords in front of Muslim homes and consider it their right. He also said that Hindu jagrans no longer sing the glory of gods and goddesses but play abusive songs about what will be done to Muslims and Muslim women. He called it the “extreme fall” of society.

Christians also presented as victims of Hindus

The conversation also painted Christians as victims of Hindu society and media. Apoorvanand said that Christians are being attacked every day in India. He claimed pastors are beaten, graves are dug up, birthday parties are attacked and gatherings are vandalised.

He said that Christian institutions are falsely accused of conversion even though generations of Indians have studied in missionary schools and used Christian hospitals without becoming Christians.

This argument ignores the fact that concerns over coercive, fraudulent or inducement-based conversions have been repeatedly raised across several Indian states. Several FIRs and investigations have alleged organised conversion networks, foreign funding and targeted religious conversion among vulnerable communities. Whether each allegation stands legally is for courts to decide, but dismissing the entire concern as Hindu paranoia is intellectually dishonest.

The recent example of The Timothy Initiative and how it has been converting Hindus to Christianity for years must be seen as a warning against such institutions and individuals like Apoorvanand, who try to paint them as innocent.

Judiciary, police, bureaucracy and army accused of majoritarian hatred

Towards the end, Apoorvanand claimed that majoritarian hatred has entered the judiciary, bureaucracy, police and army. He said that violence has now become institutional.

He cited examples of police and courts allegedly justifying hate speech by saying that Hindus were merely trying to encourage their community. He criticised judges, the Ram Janmabhoomi verdict and several judicial statements as majoritarian.

He said that if Muslims face mobs or Hindu organisations, they can still go to the police, DM or SP. But if those institutions themselves turn against Muslims, then Muslims have nowhere to go.

He claimed that Indian police have historically had anti-Muslim and anti-Christian prejudice, but now it has become active because it is protected and beneficial.

This means the programme did not stop at accusing Hindus. It accused the entire Indian state structure of becoming anti-Muslim and anti-Christian.

Apoorvanand has a history of anti-Hindu sentiments

Apoorvanand has a history of anti-Hindu rhetoric. He is also an accused of inciting anti-Hindu Delhi Riots. In May 2019, left-wing propaganda portal The Wire published an op-ed by Apoorvanand where the author called the Hindu slogan “Jai Shri Ram” an “expression of hooliganism”. Apporvanand, in his article, extended support to the bizarre incident when West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had referred to ‘Jai Shri Ram’ chants as abuses hurled at her.

He further insulted the Prime Minister of India by calling him an ‘instigator’. The hate is so strong that Apporanand fails to remember that while insulting the PM, he also disregards India’s most eminent position of authority.

Moreover, the professor, in his hatred, went a step ahead and referred to Veteran BJP leader LK Advani as a ‘bahurupiya’ (imposter). He believed that ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans were used as a political narrative by the BJP to create Muslim hatred amongst the Hindus.

In April 2023, he came out in support of Muslims and claimed that the idea of “Ghazwa-e-Hind” was evoked by Hindutvavadis to justify their violence and no Muslim talks about it. In a post on X quoting Yogendra Yadav, where he talked about the ideas of Khalistan, Gazwa-e-Hind and Hindu Rashtra, Apoorvanand said, “Found it disappointing that while discussing Khalistan and Hindu Rashtra, it is thought necessary to bring GEH. Has any Indian organisation, or any individual given a call for it like the earlier two? GEH is evoked by Hindutvavadis to justify their violence. No Muslim talks about it.”

Criticism or collective demonisation?

What was presented as academic criticism was, in reality, aimed at demonising Hindus and Hindu society as a whole. The framing of every question and the way Apoorvanand answered must be scrutinised and legally challenged, especially the claim that every Hindu house has a “murderer or rapist”.

Dancing girl of Mohenjo-Daro: Read why the tiny bronze figure has been one of the most iconic artefacts of India’s ancient heritage

A fresh row erupted after National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) textbook featured a modified version of the iconic “Dancing Girl” of Mohenjo-daro, which is among the most prominently recognised artefacts of the Indus Valley Civilisation. The picture appeared in the first chapter titled “History of Arts” of Madhurima, a recently released arts education textbook for Class 9. The bare torso of the figurine had been covered.

It was shaded from the shoulders downwards and seemed to be ‘clothed’. The anatomical characteristics observed in photographs of the original object are no longer evident. The sculpture is widely acknowledged in its authentic form and frequently appears in history and archaeology books globally. As a result, the incident attracted both attention and criticism.

NCERT will replace the modified "Dancing Girl" image in the class 9 textbook with the original version.
The edited form (right) of the original statuette (left). (Source: Deccan Herald)

After widespread condemnation and criticism, NCERT responded swiftly and decided to restore the primary portrait of the bronze artwork. The revision is going to be executed on the digital edition on the website alongside copies that have not yet been printed. “From next year, it will be reflected in the hard copy too,” an official was quoted by The Indian Express.

On 15th June (Monday), the autonomous organisation has been asked to produce an explanation by the Ministry of Education. “If the photo is already there in a Class 6 Social Science textbook, it doesn’t make any sense why the image was retouched for the Class 9 textbook,” another source expressed. NCERT textbooks have included the “Dancing Girl” for at least 25 years.

The defining symbol of Harappan civilisation

The 4500-year-old bronze statuette of a nude young woman, which is about 4.1 inches or 10.5 centimetres tall was recovered at the Hargreaves Area (HR) of Mohenjo-daro, a significant prehistoric city from the Indus Valley civilisation or Harappan civilisation (3300 BCE to 1300 BCE). It was noted for its large-scale architecture, well-planned cities, and one of the world’s first urban sanitation systems.

The figure dates around 2500 BCE. She is wearing bangles, a bracelet and a necklace with 3 pendants. Her hair is styled and coiled s on her shoulder, and her one arm is propped up at her waist as the other dangles by her side, in a strikingly confident pose. It was named the “Dancing Girl” by the British archaeologist Ernest Mackay, who made the discovery in 1926 in the Sindh province of Pakistan.

He believed that the female resembled dancing Nautch girls, who were female dancers who frequently performed in salons and at royal courts, particularly in colonial India. Her slim body displays disproportionate proportions, including long limbs, a high brow, huge eyes, a broad nose along with full cheeks and lips.

She is donning 4 bangles on her right arm and 24 to 25 on her left while she leans slightly on her right leg with her head tilted slightly backwards. Her right arm is bent, and her palm is clenched into a fist at the rear of her hip, and she looks to be holding a vessel in her left arm. Her weight is distributed unevenly.

“There is her little Baluchi-style face with pouting lips and insolent look in the eye. She’s about 15-years-old I should think, not more, but she stands there with bangles all the way up her arm and nothing else on. A girl perfectly, for the moment, perfectly confident of herself and the world. There’s nothing like her, I think, in the world,” stated British archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler.

The refined subtleties of the artwork

The sculpture offered a window into the technological advancements and global perspective of the civilisation. The majority of the objects in the Indus Valley, whether they represent men, women, or animals, were made of terracotta. Bronze sculptures similar to the “Dancing Girl” are extremely exceptional.

Furthermore, the terracotta figurines of women unearthed in the Indus Valley usually possess a belt or a short skirt concealing their lower body. However, the “Dancing Girl” stands out due to her complete frontal nudity. The metal composition proves that the civilisation created metal alloys and other superior metallurgical techniques.

The legendary piece is composed of bronze, an alloy created by the metalsmiths by combining copper and tin. Many Indus Valley copper and copper alloy articles also include arsenic, suggesting that the metallurgists might have realised that putting arsenic to copper produced a stronger and more durable material. The proportion of tin added varies from 8% to 26%.

The archaeological findings pointed out that copper and bronze were employed to create tools, weapons, jewellery, household goods and sacred objects, including intricately crafted bronze sculptures such as the “Dancing Girl” which was made via a lost-wax casting technique. The 6,000-year-old procedure is very complex in which a wax model is made and coated with clay, allowing tiny gaps for air to pass through.

Melted wax is removed from these moulds by heating them in a furnace, leaving just the outer layer of clay that serves as the vessel for pouring molten bronze. The metal solidifies after cooling, the clay layer chips off, and the artist can introduce final details.

“The statue is suggestive of two major breakthroughs. One, that the Indus artists knew metal blending and casting and perhaps other technical aspects of metallurgy, and two, that a well-developed society Indus people had innovated dance and other performing arts as modes of entertainment,” reads National Museum of India.

A carrier of civilisational heritage

The “Dancing Girl” is one of the most prominent representations of the Harappan civilisation attributed the exquisite craftsmanship. The figurine has long been seen by archaeologists as proof of the high metallurgical understanding of the Indus Valley people. It is a testament to their expertise in metal blending, casting and other sophisticated methods. The jewellery also highlights the outstanding progress in artistry and design as well as the attention to detail. Another interesting aspect is the existence of jewellery making as an industry, so many centuries ago in Harappa.

The girl statue was found inside a house in Mohenjo-daro, as per reports, indicating that she was not a sculpture carved for worship, but a personal or household item. It provides evidence of artistic expression, possible social status symbols shown in the abundant jewellery she wore, and the portrayal of human figures with realism and individuality instead of overt sexualisation and idealisation, another indication of how uniquely advanced that society was.

Thousands of jewellery pieces, manufacturing waste, tools, and unfinished items have been excavated from Indus Valley sites, showing that the jewellery was not just household craft but a professional industry supporting urban life. The style of bangles stacked from shoulder to wrist is still practised today in some areas of North-west India, further suggesting how some styles have continued through millennia in the same geography.

Interestingly, Pakistan desired both the “Dancing Girl” and “Priest King,” another extraordinary artefact belonging to this civilisation. However, India was only prepared to give up one of the two.

“The Pakistani officials chose the priest king to avoid any backlash at home that a figure of a naked teenager could have invoked from religious quarters. Here the ‘nudity’ of a teenager girl impacted the decision of the Pakistani officials, who considered its sexuality as a threat to their moral beliefs,” wrote Panjab University historian Ashish Kumar.

The relic is proudly housed in the National Museum in New Delhi as a national cultural monument, exhibiting the excellent craftsmanship, vibrant fashion and creative genius of the ancient Indus Valley Civilisation.

Lucknow emerges as India’s Solar energy leader by securing top position in rooftop solar installation: Read how Uttar Pradesh is contributing to the country’s energy transformation

Uttar Pradesh’s capital, Lucknow, has emerged as the solar capital of the country with its outstanding performance in rooftop solar installation. The district has acquired the top position with the maximum number of solar installations in the country. The achievement is remarkable as Lucknow has surpassed districts like Surat and Nagpur, which until now had been unchallenged leaders in the field of solar energy.

Let us take a look at how Lucknow’s solar success story is reflected in numbers. According to the latest data (at the time of publishing of the article), 1,52,605 applications were for solar installations, out of which 1,08,205 have already been installed across 1,10,967 households. Lucknow is followed by Nagpur, which received 1,42,683 applications for solar installations while completing 92,708 installations across 1,01,741 households. Surat stood third with 1,26,765 applications received for solar installations, out of which 87,967 installations were completed across 1,43, 587 households.

Image via https://consumer.pmsuryaghar.gov.in

Not just Lucknow, the entire state is leading India’s energy transformation and providing a major push for the country’s clean energy goals and renewable energy initiatives. At the recently organised PM Surya Ghar Award Ceremony in New Delhi, Uttar Pradesh stood out, securing the top position across various categories related to solar energy implementation.

Uttar Pradesh received several awards under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ambitious PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana. The awards were presented to mark the progress and achievements of states under the rooftop solar programme in categories, including Maximum consumer applications, Maximum rooftop solar installations, Maximum DISCOM inspections, Vendor registrations, and Overall excellence in implementing PM Surya Ghar initiatives.

As per the list of awards released by the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE), the state secured the top spot in the country during Solar Energy Month (May 2026) in the high-level consumer base category. The Yogi government-ruled state also outshone other states in crucial categories such as ‘Maximum Consumer Applications’. ‘Highest Number of Solar Installations’ and ‘Maximum Vendor Registration’.

In addition to that, Uttar Pradesh ranked second in the category of DISCOM inspections. The state has secured its place among the leading states in the country’s solar energy journey, with over 5.64 lakh rooftop solar installations. The achievement has been a result of the coordinated efforts of the central and state governments, as well as public participation. Furthermore, the Yogi government is also developing Bundelkhand into a solar energy hub to ensure the effective utilisation of vast tracts of vacant land across the region.

As per the data provided by the Uttar Pradesh New and Renewable Energy Development Agency (UPNEDA), the state accounts for more than 20 per cent of the national monthly total of 3.16 lakh installations. UPNEDA is the nodal agency that executes the state’s solar programs and supports the implementation of the Uttar Pradesh Solar Energy Policy 2022. The figures indicate that Uttar Pradesh is the fastest-growing solar market in the country and ranks third cumulatively behind Gujarat and Maharashtra.

The success is a result of the decentralised implementation and centralised monitoring model adopted by the Yogi government in Uttar Pradesh. Effective coordination at the district level, the active participation of DISCOMs, and extensive public awareness campaigns have played a key role in the state’s achievement.

PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana

The PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana is the world’s largest domestic rooftop solar initiative, launched by the Government of India in its 2024-25 budget. The ambitious central government project aims to transform India’s energy landscape by making Indian households energy self-reliant while also meeting the country’s sustainable development goals.

The initiative intends to provide solar power for about 1 crore households across the country by March 2027 with an investment of over ₹75,000 crore. Besides, the households will be provided with 300 units of free electricity every month. To encourage people to opt for rooftop solar installations, the initiative offers financial assistance clubbed with simplified implementation mechanisms. The scheme incentivises rooftop solar installations and makes renewable energy more affordable and accessible by offering a subsidy of up to 40 per cent to households.

The scheme has far-reaching outcomes relating to energy generation and consumption, not only for individual households but for the entire country. With increased use of solar energy, the scheme is expected to save the government an estimated ₹75,000 crore annually in electricity costs. This will help in achieving India’s global clean and green energy goals while contributing to a more sustainable and environmentally friendly energy scheme in India. With enhanced use of solar energy in Indian households, India’s carbon emissions are also expected to drop, thus reducing the country’s carbon footprint.

The PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana will also contribute to employment generation in the country. The scheme is expected to create approximately 17 lakh direct jobs across various sectors, including manufacturing, logistics, supply chain, sales, installation, operations and maintenance (O&M), and other services, thereby boosting employment and economic growth in the country.

How PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana aligns with India’s clean energy goals

The PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana aligns with India’s aim of expanding non-fossil electricity capacity to 500 GW by 2030 and reaching net-zero emissions by 2070. India plans to ensure that 50% of installed power capacity comes from clean sources and the carbon intensity of the economy is reduced by 45% from 2005 levels. The initiative directly supports India’s clean energy mission by facilitating the generation of clean energy through rooftop solar installations.

Why India temporarily blocked Telegram ahead of the NEET re-test: Inside the fraud networks, cybersecurity gaps, and the accountability crisis plaguing NEET

Just days before the NEET-UG 2026 re-examination scheduled for 21st June, the Central government took an unprecedented step that immediately sparked nationwide debate. Acting on a request from the National Testing Agency (NTA), the Centre temporarily blocked access to the messaging platform Telegram across India until 22nd June. The move was aimed at preventing cheating rackets from exploiting the platform to spread fake question papers and scam anxious NEET candidates.

The restriction marked the first time that a messaging application of Telegram’s scale had been blocked in India by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, even if only for a limited period. Within hours of the government’s order, several telecom operators had already disabled access to the service. Telegram’s app listing also disappeared from both Google’s Play Store and Apple’s App Store in India.

The NTA described the action as a response to the “organised use of the platform by cheating rackets to defraud candidates appearing for the NEET (UG) 2026 re-examination scheduled on 21st June 2026.”

The agency maintained that the measure was temporary, targeted and necessary to protect students from fraud at a time when confidence in the examination process was already under severe strain following allegations of paper leaks and irregularities in the original examination conducted on 3rd May.

Telegram founder Pavel Durov rants against the ban

Telegram founder Pavel Durov publicly criticised the Indian government’s move, arguing that the ban punished millions of innocent users rather than the fraudsters responsible for the scams.

In a statement, Durov said the blocking affected more than 15 crore ordinary Telegram users across India. “The leaks just moved to other apps,” Durov remarked, suggesting that shutting down Telegram would not eliminate the problem.

He also defended the platform’s recent efforts to tackle exam-related fraud. According to Durov, Telegram had already removed hundreds of channels that were sharing leaked examination material and running scams targeting Indian students.

“Over the past few weeks, we removed hundreds of channels sharing leaked exam materials and related scams in India. We’re also making the ‘edited’ label more visible to prevent backdating scams,” he said. Calling the temporary restriction a mistake, Durov added, “We’ve done a lot to fix the problem, even though the source is not Telegram.”

NTA defends the decision, says students must be protected

As criticism mounted, NTA Director General Abhishek Singh strongly defended the government’s decision.

Speaking to ANI, Singh said the platform had become a major tool for fraudsters who were exploiting students’ fears and anxieties by selling fake question papers and false promises of guaranteed success. “We had to take this drastic step because the platform was continuously being misused by scamsters and fraudsters who were sharing fake question papers as genuine papers and trying to fool students and parents into paying for them,” Singh said.

He acknowledged that some people might consider the move excessive but argued that protecting the interests of more than 22 lakh students justified tough action.

“It may appear to be a sledgehammer, but when it is in the interest of the students, when it is in the interest of the careers of our 22 lakh young minds, every step will be taken,” he said. Singh also revealed that investigators had found some channels operating from countries that were “not the best friends of India.” While he admitted that certain operators could continue functioning through VPNs or overseas networks, he argued that restricting access would still cut off their audience and reduce the effectiveness of the fraud.

The NTA further stated that nearly 200 such channels had already been identified and blocked. According to the agency, maintaining students’ trust in the fairness of the examination process was just as important as preventing cheating itself. “Not every student will qualify. We do not want students who fail to believe that they lost because someone else had access to a leaked paper. They should have confidence that the examination is based purely on merit,” Singh said.

Inside the Telegram racket: Fake papers, edited messages, and crores in fraud

According to the NTA, an organised network of fraudsters had been operating through Telegram channels for weeks before the re-examination.

These channels targeted worried students by claiming to have advanced access to the NEET question paper. Candidates were asked to pay anywhere between Rs 14,000 and Rs 25,000, while some channels reportedly demanded amounts running into several lakh rupees. In extreme cases, fraudsters were asking for as much as Rs 10 lakh for what they claimed was a genuine examination paper.

The NTA repeatedly emphasised that no paper leak existed and that these channels were simply exploiting students and parents.

“Channels demanding Rs 14,000 to Rs 25,000 – some even Rs 10 lakh – are claiming they’ll send you the re-exam paper. They won’t. There is no leaked paper for the re-exam,” the agency warned.

The scam did not stop at financial fraud. Students were often asked to share their admit cards, mobile numbers and personal details. Once obtained, these details were used to target more candidates and expand the scam network.

A particularly controversial feature involved Telegram’s message-editing function. According to the NTA, channel administrators could edit older messages while retaining the original timestamp. Fraudsters exploited this feature by uploading a question paper after the examination and then editing a previously posted message to make it appear as though the paper had been shared days earlier.

The resulting screenshots and videos were circulated online as “proof” of paper leaks, creating panic among students and further damaging trust in the examination process. “On Telegram, whoever runs a channel can edit any old message and change what’s inside it while the date on the message stays the same,” the NTA explained.

This tactic allowed scammers to manufacture fake evidence of leaks long after exams had already concluded.

The refund scam added another layer to the crisis 

The Telegram racket was not the only fraud troubling the NEET ecosystem.

In another shocking revelation, Ahmedabad Police arrested a 19-year-old man from Bihar named Naveen Yadav for diverting refund amounts meant for NEET candidates into his own bank account.

According to investigators, Yadav exploited weak passwords and security vulnerabilities within the NEET portal. He used brute-force methods to gain access to student accounts and then altered banking details linked to those profiles. Officials said he targeted more than 350 students and successfully compromised around 150 accounts. Refund amounts of Rs 1,700 per student were subsequently transferred to his own account.

The case exposed serious concerns about cybersecurity safeguards surrounding one of India’s most important examinations. Investigators later traced the money trail with assistance from the NTA, leading to Yadav’s arrest in Bihar.

Following the incident, the NTA reportedly strengthened security measures and improved authentication systems within the portal.

Technical vulnerabilities raise fresh questions.

Even as authorities battled fraudsters, another controversy emerged from an unexpected source.

Sixteen-year-old Dubai-based student and ethical hacker Rylen Anil stunned many when he revealed that he had discovered significant vulnerabilities in the digital systems supporting both NEET and JEE Advanced.

Anil said it took him only a few hours to identify serious flaws. “It took me about three to four hours to get into both platforms. Once I did that, I reported the vulnerabilities to CERT-In, then posted about it on X,” he explained.

His findings revealed multiple security concerns. In the case of JEE Advanced, a cloud-storage misconfiguration exposed more than 179,000 result records and over 187,000 admit-card files. The NEET system, meanwhile, reportedly suffered from weak credentials on an administrative portal. “Through bypassing these vulnerabilities, I could see not only the sensitive information of students, but also their parents’,” Anil said.

Importantly, Anil did not misuse the data. Instead, he reported the vulnerabilities to CERT-In and shared limited technical details publicly after redacting personal information.

His actions received appreciation rather than criticism.

The NTA and technical teams associated with the examination systems contacted him, thanked him for his responsible disclosure and worked quickly to fix the vulnerabilities. IIT Roorkee publicly acknowledged the issue and confirmed that emergency corrective measures had been implemented. “So far, the response has been appreciative. They are now trying to resolve the issues,” Anil said.

When lakhs of middle-class families put their future on one examination  

The NEET controversy is not merely about Telegram channels, cyber fraud or technical glitches. At its heart lies something much bigger: the hopes, sacrifices and anxieties of millions of Indian families.

Across middle-class India, a familiar sentence echoes every year: “Bas ek seat mil jaye”, just one seat.

For many parents, a medical seat is not simply an educational opportunity. It represents financial security, social mobility and the fulfilment of years of sacrifice. Families routinely spend lakhs of rupees on coaching institutes, test series, hostel fees, study material and mentoring programmes. Some parents save for years. Others take loans. Many cut back on personal expenses to fund their children’s preparation.

The competition is brutal. Around 22 lakh students appear for NEET every year, but only a fraction ultimately secure MBBS seats. Government medical seats are even fewer. This intense pressure has created a massive ecosystem where desperation often becomes a business opportunity.

Fraudsters exploit fear. Scamsters sell fake papers. Coaching centres market impossible dreams. And every controversy chips away at students’ confidence in the system. Perhaps the most tragic aspect is that honest students end up paying the price.

A student who spends years preparing should never have to wonder whether someone else received an unfair advantage. A parent investing precious savings should never have to fear that a scammer will exploit their anxiety. And young people chasing their dreams should never have to navigate a maze of paper leak rumours, cyber fraud and technical failures.

The NTA’s actions against Telegram, its crackdown on fake paper networks, and its efforts to improve cybersecurity reflect an attempt to restore confidence. But restoring trust requires more than temporary bans and arrests.

Students deserve examination systems that are secure, transparent and reliable from the beginning. Parents deserve assurance that merit, not manipulation, determines success. And a country that asks so much from its young people must ensure that the path to opportunity is protected from both criminals and institutional lapses.

For millions preparing for NEET, that is the real issue. The debate is no longer just about Telegram or paper leaks. It is about trust. And trust, once broken, takes much longer to rebuild than any examination schedule.

AI video of Muslim model becomes a global story, while years of abuse and Love Jihad cases involving Hindu women are whitewashed: The Islamo-Leftist playbook

Indian society is a paradox where some victims are victims, but some are more victims than others. For years, Hindu women have been targeted by organised Islamist rape gangs, individual love jihadis, and subjected to online sexual objectification. Yet, their misery has consistently been dismissed by the left liberal cabal as ‘conspiracy theory’, ‘hoax’, and even ‘Islamophobia’. However, any real communal or non-religiously driven case of harassment of Muslim women is portrayed as a large-scale targeting of Muslim women by Hindu men.

Al Jazeera, the Qatari state-sponsored Islamist propaganda outlet, published an article on 15th June 2026, in which the brown sepoy Jyoti Thakur framed the alleged incident of the circulation of an AI-generated obscene video of Kashmiri Indian Muslim model Samereen Ayoub as massive weaponisation of Artificial Intelligence for online sexual harassment of Muslim women by Hindu men.

“The trend to sexualise images and videos of Muslim women is unfolding alongside India’s growing engagement in global conversations on AI governance, including a high-level AI Impact Summit held earlier this year in New Delhi that focused on innovation and regulatory frameworks,” Al Jazeera article headlined, ‘Looked so real’: How AI is being weaponised against India’s Muslim women’, reads.

Al Jazeera cited Samreen Ayoub as “one of several Muslim women who have experienced what researchers described as a pattern that is becoming increasingly visible: the use of AI to generate sexualised imagery and propaganda.”

The Qatari Islamist propaganda outlet cited a dubious report by the Centre for the Study of Organised Hate to claim that Muslim women are being subjected to religiously driven online sexual harassment in India. The CSOH report claimed to have analysed 1,326 publicly available AI-generated images and videos collected from 297 public accounts on X, Facebook and Instagram from May 2023 to May 2025. It concluded that sexualised depictions of Muslim women generated the highest engagement.

However, neither CSOH nor Al Jazeera cared to delve into the online quagmire of sexual objectification of Hindu women and the rape fantasy world built by Muslims across various social media platforms. While the Islamo-leftist media cabal is alarmed over alleged creation and circulation of sexualised depictions of Muslim women, Hindu women have been facing love jihad in real life, and online, Muslim men have, for over a decade, been morphing their photos, with interfaith rape fantasies, portraying them as religious sex slaves of Muslim men.

Yet, Al Jazeera, CSOH and other such Islamo-leftist rags do not even attempt to trace and highlight this Islamist pattern of perversion. Rather, these morally corrupt Islamists and their Dhimmi lackeys dismiss love jihad as a hoax, joke about it, and refuse to even acknowledge the prevalence of sexual objectification of Hindu women by Muslim men on social media platforms.

In recent times, Discord has emerged as a new hellhole of Muslim rape fantasies against Hindu women.

A large network has been created on this platform, wherein non-Muslim, mainly Hindu girls, are systematically targeted, trapped, and brainwashed into sending nudes with degrading messages like “I LOVE MUSLIM”, “I AM HINDU SL*T”, and “Fu#K HINDUS” written on their bodies.

It is noticeable that while in some cases the victims are real, in many, in fact, most cases, it is Muslim men creating IDs with Hindu female names and recycling images and videos from porn sites, pictures of film and television actresses. They create images showing Hindu women wearing explicit religious markers like Sindoor, Mangalsutra, Bindi, Om tattoos or lockets, in intimate positions with Muslim men wearing Islamic skullcaps.

The online Muslim perverts pick images and videos of those actresses who have portrayed Hindu Goddesses in TV dramas based on the Mahabharat, Puranas or Ramayana, with their religious-sexual degradation-laden captions.

From Starplus Mahabharat’s Draupadi, portrayed by Pooja Sharma, Devon Ke Dev: Mahadev’s Parvati, portrayed by Sonarika Bhadoria, RadhaKrishn’s Radha, Mallika Singh, to spiritual orators Jaya Kishori and Devi Chitralekha, Muslim rape jihadis make obscene edits of these women with highly offensive sexually explicit captions peddling interfaith sexual fantasies.

This online perversion of Muslim men targeting extends to Reddit, Tumblr, Facebook, Instagram, and X (formerly Twitter) as well.

On X, the Muslim perverts created hashtags like ‘Hslut4Mstud’, ‘hslut’ and ‘mstud’. Under these tags, they publish content sexually objectifying Hindu women. There are thousands of active accounts run by Muslim men with the sole objective of propagating rape fantasies against Kafir women, portraying Muslim men as superior, Hindu men as ‘impotent’, and Hindu women as ‘lustful’ for Muslim men.

In fact, OpIndia was the first media outlet to report how Muslim men misuse images of random Hindu girls, female celebrities, and even BJP workers and leaders, for peddling their anti-Hindu rape fantasies.

Back in 2021, OpIndia had reported that Reddit, as a platform, has been an underbelly for vile and bigoted propaganda as well as anti-Hindu grooming jihad. Pornographic content has regularly been shared on Reddit with the intention of normalising and glorifying the Muslim predatory mindset against Hindu women as a ‘cool’ statement. The pornographic images often show Hindu women lusting for Muslim men.

There is a two-faceted goal here: to trap real Hindu women and instil the perverted ‘Hindu slut for Muslim men’ thought, and defame and mock the Hindu community.

Disturbingly, the Indian Islamo-leftists not only deliberately turn a blind eye to the online sexual objectification of Hindu women by Muslim men, but also share the delusion that somehow Muslim men are more attractive and sexually potent than Hindu men, which is why Hindu women fall for what is described as ‘love jihad’. For years, Islamist perverts have been using various social media platforms to publish sexually objectifying content targeting Hindu women, and have even managed to brainwash and victimise several women. However, neither any Indian ‘liberal-progressive’ nor any foreign Islamist entity like Al Jazeera or CSOH ever raised their voice for Hindu women.

Earlier this year, Islamo-leftist rag The Wire’s Arfa Khanum Sherwani and ex-JNU professor Nivedita Menon sat on a podcast to mock and deride the Hindu victims of Love Jihad. The duo gleefully agreed to their concoction that Muslim men somehow possess superior attractiveness or charisma that Hindu women find irresistible. Islamo-leftists framed the concept of Love Jihad as simply an “expression of helplessness” by Hindu men. 

Islamo-leftists often claim that the ‘Hindu right-wing’ claiming that Hindu women are being brainwashed by Muslim men amounts to raising questions over the intelligence and judgment of Hindu women, blatantly ruling out even the possibility, rather, the existence itself of the concept of ‘brainwashing’. However, when well-educated Muslim men cite Islamic texts to justify their pivot to terrorism, the same lot says the terrorists don’t follow ‘real Islam’, they were ‘brainwashed and radicalised by extremist elements’.

There have been thousands of cases of Love Jihad, both at individual levels and those involving full-fledged Muslim rape gangs like the ones exposed in Rajasthan’s Beawar, Ajmer, and in Uttar Pradesh. From Kerala to Uttar Pradesh, to United Kingdom, there have been cases of Muslims weaponizing rape as a means of conquest of Kafir women, and humiliating non-Muslims and their faith, and yet none of the ‘secular’ media outlets and ‘organised hate’ researchers ever study the Muslim ‘Maal-e-Ghanimat’ perversion against Hindu women that finds manifestations in the form of rape jihad and online sexual objectification.

Forget researching, acknowledging, and reporting, the ‘secular-liberal’ cabal downplays and even whitewashes Islamically-motivated anti-Hindu crimes. Not too long ago, Islamists were casting aspersions on the integrity of Hindu women who accused their six Muslim colleagues at a BPO unit of Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) in Nashik, of workplace harassment, constant insulting commentary on Hinduism, sexual abuse, coercion to convert to Islam, offer namaz and eat beef. She claimed that Hindu women who filed a complaint against their Muslim colleagues were lying and created a ‘drama’ out of hate, to ensure that the Muslim men become “unemployable”.

When a Hindu boy, Surya Chauhan, was slaughtered by Muslim neighbours on Bakrid this year, the local Muslims quickly concocted a falsehood that Surya was harassing his Muslim murderer’s sister to justify the killing of the Hindu boy.  Islamists, both hardcore and pretentious moderates, join hands to normalise the killing of Hindus by Islamists by manufacturing fake excuses.

The Al Jazeera article mentioned the 2021-2022 Bulli Bai and Sulli Deal controversy to establish that, somehow, Muslim women are being sexually objectified and harassed consistently by Hindu nationalist men on a massive scale. In this case, it was a bunch of teenagers taking publicly available pictures of some Muslim women and putting them on an app, which was hosted on GitHub, for ‘auction’. The blatant misuse of publicly available images was indeed condemnable; however, there were essentially no real auctions and no real victims of sexual harassment. And yet, the controversy dominated national and international headlines for weeks because the supposed ‘victims’ were Muslim women while the ‘perpetrators’ were Hindu boys.

Both before and during the AI-era, Muslim men have been portraying Hindu women in religious attire in sexually suggestive scenarios, however, since victims were Hindu women and perpetrators Muslim men, nobody thought of it as an issue big enough to highlighted as “weaponisation of social media and online editing tools against India’s Hindu women,” but a few alleged cases, and whole ‘Muslim women under attack bogey’ is ready. Reason? As I mentioned at the beginning of this article, some victims are victims, but some are more victims than others.

Was Bhagwant Mann’s video leak an internal sabotage to clear the path for Arvind Kejriwal in Punjab?

The clergy at Akal Takht, the highest temporal authority of the Sikh faith, declared Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann a “Khalsa Panth Virodhi (opposed to the Sikh Panth)” and a “Guru Dokhi (one who disrespects the Guru).” He had appeared before the religious body and was questioned about objectionable comments about Sikh devotees.

He was also questioned in relation to a widely shared video that featured his look-alike sprinkling alcohol on pictures of Sikh gurus. On 29th June (Monday), all Sikh MLAs across the political parties and cabinet ministers have been summoned before the Akal Takht over an anti-sacrilege law approved by the state.

Forensic examinations verified the video’s authenticity after Mann’s denial of the charge and assertion that it was AI-generated. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) later claimed that the footage was genuine, but analysis found no evidence that the individual in the video was Mann. The chief minister also contended that the man did not resemble him in terms of height or physique and added, “I revere Sri Akal Takht Sahib as ‘supreme’, but some at religious posts peddle false propaganda for their political masters.”

A potential political conspiracy

Meanwhile, the development has raised numerous suspicions, including the possibility of internal sabotage aimed at fulfilling the long-held ambition of AAP’s national convenor and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal to take charge of affairs in Punjab. In 2022, as the assembly elections approached in the state, famous poet Kumar Vishwas, a founding member of the party who later parted ways with it, charged that Kejriwal was willing to jeopardise India’s sovereignty and integrity in his eagerness to control the region.

He stated that the latter either wanted to be the chief minister of Punjab or the prime minister of an independent Khalistan. He also accused Kejriwal of aiding separatist elements and even meeting with them during the 2017 assembly elections in the border state. The video went viral on social media, and its circulation was first prohibited by the Election Commission, but the ban was eventually lifted.

The government had to provide “Y” category protection to Vishwas after assessing the threat based on intelligence inputs, after he made the allegations. Moreover, the Punjab Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi sent a letter reportedly written in Gurmukhi by the banned outfit “Sikhs for Justice (SFJ)” endorsing the AAP to Union Home Minister Amit Shah. He also attached a personal note highlighting that the situation was “serious” and endangered the nation’s security and integrity.

SFJ chief Gurpatwant Singh Pannun conveyed that a meeting was organised with Kejriwal in New York’s Gurdwara Richmond Hills in 2014, and he vowed to release 1993 Delhi blast convict Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar in exchange for financial aid. He alleged that Khalistani groups funded $16 million to AAP, after which Delhi Lieutenant Governor VK Saxena even recommended a National Investigation Agency (NIA) probe in the matter.

When Sisodia asked people to vote for Kejriwal in Punjab

Notably, accounts about Kejriwal’s switch to Punjab also surfaced during that year’s election campaign, particularly when Manish Sisodia, the chief minister of Delhi at the time, asked voters to “cast your vote presuming that you are voting to make Kejriwal chief minister. Your vote will be in his name.”

He also assured that the latter would oversee the execution of all commitments made by the party to the citizens of the region. Kejriwal had denied the “rumours”, arguing that as the chief minister of Delhi, he had been entrusted with a responsibility by the people there, while talking to The Times of India. Hence, he cannot assume the same role in Punjab. However, he supported Sisodia and stressed there was nothing wrong with his statement.

Furthermore, the AAP supremo consistently hailed the “Delhi model” and his government in the union territory for electoral success in the Punjab assembly elections of 2022. “This is a revolution. First, this revolution happened in Delhi, then in Punja,b and it will now happen all over the country,” he had expressed.

Kejriwal was also lauded after AAP won 958 of the 1,977 wards across 8 Municipal Corporations, 75 Municipal Councils and 19 Nagar Panchayats in the state last month. The party’s impressive performance in the 2024 civic body polls was similarly attributed to him. AAP has won 55 per cent of the wards in Punjab in the elections held in 977 wards. The credit goes to Arvind Kejriwal’s clean politics. We believe in winning people’s hearts and not conducting politics by pushing people,” mentioned Aman Arora, president of AAP Punjab unit.

The pursuit of Kejriwal’s mounting political aims

Kejiwal grabbed the spotlight in the Indian political scene during the 2011 anti-corruption movement, known as India Against Corruption, which was spearheaded by social activist Anna Hazare. He was portrayed as a strategist and organiser of the campaign and was often seen with Hazare during press conferences. However, Kejiwal’s political ambitions surpassed his loyalty to his “father and guru”, resulting in a split to create his own party, which was met with strong disapproval.

Hazare wished to uphold the sanctity of the mass movement, refused to contest any polls and maintained distance from partisan politics. Thus, he refused to join hands with his prime associate. On the contrary, Kejriwal desired to have political influence and created AAP, which managed to pull off a miracle by winning 28 seats in the 2013 Delhi legislative assembly election, which fortified his intent. AAP recorded 67 seats in 2015 and 62 seats in the 2020 polls in equally remarkable feats. AAP was elected to govern Punjab after winning more than 90 out of 117 seats in 2022.

However, Kejriwal had a rude awakening when the party could only secure 22 seats as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) swept to power in the national capital in 2025. AAP also struggled to make an impact in other parts of the nation despite dedicated efforts in states like Gujarat and Goa. Thus, the party that sought to take over India is now left with power in only one region. Kejriwal has been repeatedly accused of being the real actor behind the scenes, relegating Mann to the position of a “puppet chief minister.” Nevertheless, the reality is that the former has no executive authority.

What could be the reality?

The assembly elections in the state are just a few months away, and thus, the timing of the ongoing controversy surrounding Mann has attracted considerable attention. It is no secret that any politician viewed as disrespectful towards Sikhism or the feelings of its adherents will struggle to win over people. It would be challenging to endorse a chief minister who has been confronted with grave violations concerning religion and is condemned by the apex Sikh entity.

AAP might be very popular among voters, but this incident has undoubtedly tarnished Mann’s reputation, dented his political standing and hindered his route to the Punjab Civil Secretariat in Chandigarh. However, Kejriwal, who is not implicated in any such issues, could emerge as a suitable alternative in the state. Additionally, Mann, who is under fire after the leaked clip, is the sole obstacle standing between the chief minister’s chair and the AAP head.

In politics, initial appearances are rarely the whole story, and this could certainly be true for Punjab. Ultimately, time will reveal the reality. Until then, speculation abounds,s and no potential scenario regarding Kejriwal and the only state remaining under his party’s control can be dismissed.