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What makes ‘Mahavatar Narasimha’ unforgettable: A 7-point journey through its magic

It was on Monday morning, by happenchance, that I learnt about a low-budget, animated film called Mahavatar Narsimha‘s release, with barely any noise or marketing. Upon checking, the reviews online were overwhelmingly positive, to my surprise. I continued to be sceptical. My fears about the film were many, but mainly that it was going to be tacky and shallow. How were they going to drag a film on Prahlada for two hours, where all it would take is two lines of storytelling, devout son of a demon king is tortured by his father for his bhakti, until Lord Vishnu saves him and destroys the demon. But what is the worst that could happen, I also asked myself. The worst possible outcome was that it would be another Adipurush, but were we not immune to such disappointments? As eager filmgoers, we would eventually dust it off and move on, like always. So I decided to take the bait.

I reached theatres in the evening and found people thronging the auditorium where this particular film was playing. Crowds for an animated film, that too on a Monday evening? It was another surprise, but I wasn’t going to get my hopes high yet.

Soon it was show time. The audience settled in and the film began to play. As the asura mother Diti sashayed onto the screen, seducing her husband Kashyapa, in the very first scene, my fears were starting to solidify. What had I signed up for and dragged my kid along too? But in the next minutes, as soon as the rest of the scene and dialogues unfolded, and the screenplay caught up, my fears were allayed. And just like that, without realizing it, in the middle of the theatre I had been lifted off by an unexpected bhakti storm, one that I had not seen coming.

It is now more than 48 hours since I watched the film, and the effect is yet to wear off. I am constantly consuming content about it on the internet, periodically checking its box office performance and playing the song list on loop. What it is about the film, that it refuses to disappear from my mind space?

I am not sure I have all the answers. But I will attempt to decode the phenomenon called Mahavatar Narasimha and try to summarize its success and effects on film goers, in seven points below.

  1. Unmissable Bhakti-bhava: The film makers had their mind, intellect and hearts in the right place when attempting this yajña (in the director’s own words) They did not see it as a mere cash grab opportunity, by riding on the Sanatana resurgence the country is witnessing. Instead, they see it as a tapas meant to take the lore of our Gods to various corners of the country and the world. In one of the interviews, the director mentions that while kids or global audience not familiar with these tales might initially see the avatar as yet another superhero, and not necessarily with bhakti, their curiosity about these characters will lead them into further research and eventually into devotion. With this kind of bhava, it is clear that this was not just a mere film making attempt on their part, but more of a long-enduring yajña. Action done with the right attitude if nothing else is a sure shot way to success.
  2. Impeccable research: The film has been years in the making and the quality of the research shows. The filmmakers apparently read up on puranas, familiarized themselves with various folklores and even visited the various Narasimha kshetras across the country to get a comprehensive understanding of the subject they were handling. In fact, it blew my mind when I learnt that in the scene where Lord Narasimha washes blood off his hands in a pond, the flora and fauna we see on screen was made to reflect the actuals plants and creatures that one would get to see in the same kshetra even today. Needless to mention, the immense respect they had for the content they were dealing with, shows on screen as well.
  3. Hard work and solid filmmaking: While the animation did feel inconsistent and not quite close to international standards at times, it was clearly not due to lack of effort (maybe perhaps due to lack of budget or experience) because every other department excelled. Be it storytelling, screenplay, voice acting, visual effects, music or direction, the film has it all going very strongly for it. The space battles or Bhudevi’s introduction all had exemplary visual appeal (even if some of them seem inspired from non-Indian shows and films) It is clear that the makers did not rely on just the devotion factor to take them across. They have taken their craft very, very seriously and sincerely. Even the Varahavatar, that had less screen time than the main avatar, got its share of spotlight and fantastic action.
  4. Character portrayals: Except Hiranyakashipu and Hiranyaksha, there was no all-out villain in the film despite the asura clan dominating the scenes. Be it the boys in the gurukula or Guru Shukracharya or even the asuras assigned to kill Prahlada, the characters were all portrayed with nuance and depth. No one was textbook evil. Each person in the asura clan or even Diti and Kashyapa had reasons for doing what they did. The attention to such detailing in characterization was impressive.
  5. Tears and goosebumps moments galore: Throughout the film, both as a film goer and as a devotee, one gets to experience many such moments. Asuras joining in the bhajan with Prahlada, Lord Narasimha’s eyes suddenly softening and moistening at the sight of his devotee with his rage vanishing, Lord Vishnu cradling little Prahlada on his lap and calling Himself his dasa, the Hiranya brothers’ training scenes or them bringing upon destruction of cities (a clear allusion to the suffering and pain our civilization too underwent in the last millennium at the hands of foreign invaders) or Varahamurthy seeking out and battling Hiranyaksha— so many, many memorable moments stand out.
  6. Climax: The spectacular climax, backed up by the superb action choreography, music, and the special attention to animation quality (unlike the inconsistency in rest of the film) simply propels the film out of the exosphere, into a different orbit altogether. I am not detailing it out too much, for the fear of spoiling the viewing experience.
  7. Finally, and most importantly, the Spiritual messaging: On careful observation, it is clear that this is not just another average religious film. The universal messages of unflinching devotion and compassion apart, in the scenes where characters discuss about the imperishable nature of atman or about the nature of ego, the film knows its spiritual subject matter well. Even the much-discussed violent parts are not out of place. In the Hindu pantheon, it is important to understand that not all our Gods are pacifists nor are they all peaceful at all times. While true devotees like Prahalada and Sudama got their share of infinite love from the Lord, characters like Kartavirya Arjuna and Hiranyakashipu too got their grizzly ends from the same Lord. Our dharma always insists that each soul’s journey generates its own karmic consequences and hence there is no once-size fits all in Hinduism. Hence there is no Narasimha Swami or Parashurama without the accompanying rightful violence either. The makers seem to know this and what the rest of the most profound philosophies of Sanatana Dharma are. They manage to competently convey them through film.

Having said that, the film itself is not without its flaws. But the positives are so overwhelmingly in its favor, that the little drawbacks get blown away in comparison. My belief is that like it happened with the Kantara climax, there is a certain inexplicable energy that the film operates in, especially in its climax, which manages to induce a certain response in a large number of viewers as well. Hence the swelling of bhakti in theatres that we see in various clips and grudging applause from a large section of industry and critics, on its success.

All this simply tells us one thing. That there are changes happening in our country, in our collective consciousness as Sanatani-s. This film’s success is proof that the change is growing and is here to stay. Our Gods are rising and roaring, both literally and metaphorically.

Jayatu Sanatan!

Dear Donald Trump, if Pakistan made you believe they have oil and friendship to sell to US, you are in for another very expensive disappointment

United States President Donald Trump has announced a 25 percent tariff and an additional penalty on India for buying Russian crude oil and military equipment. On 31st July, he also penalized six Indian companies and claimed they were involved in Iranian petrochemical trade which contravened his Executive Order 13846.

“The Iranian regime continues to fuel conflict in the Middle East to fund its destabilising activities. Today, the United States is taking action to stem the flow of revenue that the regime uses to support terrorism abroad, as well as to oppress its own people,” White House declared.

Any property owned by these firms or controlled by Unites States individuals is blocked as a result of the sanctions. Furthermore, a business or entity that owns 50% or more of another barred person or company is blocked by the sanction.

On the other hand, the United States and Pakistan have reached an agreement wherein Washington will assist Islamabad in developing its oil reserves and decrease tariffs for the latter. “We are in the process of choosing the Oil Company that will lead this Partnership. Who knows, maybe they’ll be selling oil to India some day,” he gleefully added on Truth Social.

It is clear that the Trump administration,

which refers to India as its ally on certain days and then behaves in a completely contrary manner on others, is frustrated with the Modi government. But what could be the reason? Notably, India has repeatedly refused to follow their lead on international conflicts, particularly the Russia-Ukraine conflict and adopts an independent foreign policy that caters to its own interests.

Now, the US which was once the sole superpower in the world and dictated terms to every nation according to its fancies and desires, cannot tolerate this insubordination. They are unable to comprehend the concept of sharing power and authority on a global stage with others in a multipolar world, of which India is a crucial participant.

Therefore, the “Big Bully,” under the leadership of a megalomaniac, is feeling uneasy and is trying to intimidate New Delhi into compliance. However, the latter’s defiance must come across as a tight slap in the face.

Trump’s new found love for Islamabad

Predictably, not every country has the spine to stand up to the US and India’s neighbour, the terror-ridden center otherwise referred to as Pakistan, has a prolonged history of aligning with American interests in the region for foreign funds.

During the trial of Aimal Kansi (Pakistani terrorist) a US attorney aptly remarked, “Pakistanis can even sell their mothers for a few dollars,” in 2011 and the nation has consistently met the expectations of their American overlords. A fact that has been acknowledged and labeled as “dirty work for the US and the West” by Pakistan.

Image via Dawn

Nonetheless, this does not imply that they have not deceived their masters under the guise of providing assistance in the “War on Terror,” while simultaneously harboring their enemies, including Osama bin Laden, in Pakistan after receiving billions of dollars from Washington.

The reason for this is that the relationship between the Islamic Republic and terrorism resembles that of a mother and child, perpetually connected by an unsevered umbilical cord. Ironically, the same was noted by none other than Trump who now appears to have developed a unique fondness for the country in his heart.

“We have been paying Pakistan billions and billions of dollars at the same time they are housing the very terrorists that we are fighting. It is time for Pakistan to demonstrate its commitment to civilisation, order, and to peace,” he highlighted in August 2017. 

He threatened to cut off billions of dollars in aid to Pakistan in 2018 and added that the US has provided the nation with over $33 billion over the past 15 years, calling it a “safe haven to the terrorists” US forces “hunt in Afghanistan.” The outraged president charged, “They have given us nothing but lies and deceit, thinking of our leaders as fools.”

Trump, who is not known for his consistent stance on issues and stable policies, has unexpectedly discovered a new ally in Pakistan. Their deteriorating relations were intriguingly revitalized after “Operation Sindoor” amid which New Delhi dismissed Trump’s bogus assertions of mediation while Islamabad welcomed them.

Popular Indian journalist Shiv Aroor observed the same and wrote that India might have executed something (a significant plan or stratgy) that is privy only to President Donald Trump, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Air Chief AP Singh, Director General Air Operations (DGAO) AK Bharti and a fighter pilot. “Nothing else explains Trump’s mood changing this absurdly after the operation, ” he outlined.

Pakistan’s incriminating confessions

While Trump, like all his predecessors, is attempting to establish a convenient relationship with the terrorist state, its top leaders and officials have repeatedly admitted that jihad and terrorism are not only fostered but also celebrated and encouraged within their territory.

From the glorification of notorious terrorists such as Jalaluddin Haqqani, Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri to the revelation of how Kashmiri youth were trained in terrorist camps there and the housing of major terrorist organizations, Pakistanis have openly admitted to their heinous crimes before the world. President Parvez Musharraf’s interviews with Pakistan’s media are proof of it.

Moreover, the national assembly of the country is known to designate terrorists as shaheeds (martyrs) and congratulate the nation for terror attacks in India. “For Pakistanis across the globe, it was an embarrassing moment when the Americans came and killed Osama bin Laden at Abottabad, martyred him,” Prime Minister Imran Khan Niazi lamented in 2011 while addressing the house.

Former Minister of Information and Broadcasting of Pakistan Fawad Chaudhry declared, “Humne Hindustan ko ghus ke mara hai wahaan pe. Pulwama main jo humari kamyabi hai, woh Imran Khan ki leadership mein is Qaum ki kamyabi hai (We entered India and killed. Our success in Pulwama, under the leadership of Imran Khan, is a victory of our community),” in their national assembly in 2020.

He then boasted, “Uske hissedar aap aur hum sab hai (all of us are party to it).” Pakistan’s Air Chief Marshall commented, “If Pakistan’s land, skies, or waters are threatened, there will be no compromise. We tried to convey this with our tactical brilliance in Pulwama (terror attack) and now we’ve shown our strategic skills too,” in a press coneference during “Operation Sindoor.”

More importantly, there exists a substantial amount of incriminating evidence indicating Islamabad’s involvement in various terrorist attacks, including the 2008 Mumbai attacks, 2019 Pulwama terror attack and the recent Pahalgam terror assault where Hindu tourists were shot-dead after identifying their religion, among several other.

However, the country merely pays lip service and accuses India of failing to provide “sufficient evidence” to protect its proxies from accountability. The Islamic Republic’s hand in glove association with terrorism was the reason it was placed on the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) list before eventual removal in 2022.

US and Pakistan: A toxic love story

The relationship between Pakistan and the United States is primarily founded on convenience as a bankrupt nation which depends on others for financial doll outs is effectively acting as a mercenary or, more accurately, a servant in return for dollars.

Hilariously, this could be the only occasion where Washington is interested in a country’s oil without delivering US-style democracy as it understands that the latter is already a vassal state. Additionally, the odds of the US locating more wanted terrorists in Pakistan are far greater than the likelihood of finding oil reserves there.

Trump was unable to “Make America Great Again,” yet he is certainly assisting Pakistan in making a fool of the nation for the umpteenth time by succumbing to the latter’s ploy.

On the flip side, this offers a perfect opportunity for Pakistan which has previously siphoned off billions from the US while shielding terrorists, whom, as Trump accurately stated, American forces were trying to find in Afghanistan.

The two nations resemble toxic partners who, in an ideal scenario, should stay away from each other, however, their toxicity acts as a binding force that draws them together and pollutes everything around them.

However, it is not just about their self-serving connections as it also involves India which has apparently angered Trump by refusing to submit to his demands. He aims to irate New Delhi with his proximity to Pakistan and could even utilize Islamabad as a bargaining chip. Certainly, there could be numerous others layers to this that others might not be aware of.

The hypocrisy is also strikingly evident as Trump wants to penalize India for its connections with Russia, yet he remains unconcerned about Pakistan and China’s profound ties.

It is important to note that Trump has previously commended President Vladimir Putin and has shown a strong interest in improving relations with Moscow. Contrarily, he has maintained a highly anti-Beijing stance and recently engaged in a significant tariff dispute with them.

Conclusion

The ultimate conclusion drawn from these developments is that there are no reliable friends or allies in global diplomacy, specifically not the United States. As Henry Kissinger, former US Secretary of State rightly stated, “It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend is fatal.”

Furthermore, the United States and Pakistan share more similarities than differences. Both nations exploit others and each other for their own selfish interests. Perhaps this is the reason they consistently find themselves in the same camp despite various circumstances. Meanhwile, Trump’s constant mention of India in conversations about Pakistan indicates his desperation.

However, India stands as a strong, independent and thriving nation that has charted its own course in global diplomacy and refuses to follow anyone else. The same has annoyed Washington leading to Trump’s astonishing praises, invitations and softness towards Pakistan. As expected, Pakistan being the shrewd and nefarious nation that it is, has been masterfully playing to its US audience.

Rahul Gandhi endorses Trump’s “Indian economy is dead economy” jibe, days after daring PM Modi to call Trump a liar: The desperate pivot of a defeated dynast

Congress MP Rahul Gandhi triggered a fresh political firestorm on Thursday by endorsing US President Donald Trump’s harsh criticism of India’s economy. Days after provoking Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Lok Sabha to publicly refute Trump’s claim of brokering an India-Pakistan ceasefire during Operation Sindoor, Gandhi said he was “glad” the US President had “stated a fact” by calling the Indian economy “dead.”

“Yes, he is right. Everybody knows this except the Prime Minister and the Finance Minister. The Indian economy is dead. I’m glad President Trump has stated a fact… BJP has finished the economy to help Adani,” Gandhi told reporters.

However, Gandhi’s endorsement of Trump’s statement has drawn sharp criticism, especially as President Trump has been openly venting frustration on social media following India’s refusal to yield to US pressure on trade, tariffs, and oil imports from Russia. Far from “doing exactly what Trump says,” as Rahul Gandhi claimed, PM Modi’s administration has maintained a firm and independent stand, prompting Trump to lash out and impose a 25% tariff on all Indian imports, what many experts are calling a “tariff tantrum.”

Rahul Gandhi’s theatrics in Lok Sabha exposed by his endorsement of Trump’s ‘dead economy’ remark for India

However, earlier this week, when Rahul Gandhi stood up in the Lok Sabha to speak on Operation Sindoor, one expected at least some semblance of national unity following a successful and widely applauded military response to the Pahalgam terror attack. Instead, what unfolded was a brazen, meandering tirade, an attack not just on PM Modi, but on the very doctrine of Indian sovereignty, deterrence, and diplomatic stability.

One of the most revealing moments in Rahul Gandhi’s speech was when he dared PM Modi to call former U.S. President Donald Trump a “liar” on the floor of Parliament. This was not just political rhetoric; it was a trap. Gandhi was baiting Modi to react emotionally, to rupture the fragile but functional Indo-US equilibrium that the Modi government has sustained with patience and foresight.

While Prime Minister Modi displayed astute political maturity by refusing to fall into Rahul Gandhi’s provocation in Parliament, US President Donald Trump’s subsequent outbursts on social media, first imposing steep tariffs on India and then mocking its economy, have done more than just expose the hollowness of his claims about brokering a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. They have also revealed the uncomfortable truth about where the loyalties of India’s Leader of Opposition truly lie. Gandhi’s public endorsement of Trump’s derogatory remarks, even as the US President attempts to strong-arm India using trade as a pressure tactic, has raised serious questions about whose interests he really represents.

India pegged to be the fastest growing country in the world in 2025: Morgan Stanley

In contrast to Gandhi’s grim portrayal, global financial assessments paint a far more resilient picture of India’s economy. According to the latest report by Morgan Stanley’s Global Investment Committee, India is expected to remain the fastest-growing economy in its global coverage. The report forecasts India’s real GDP growth at 5.9% in 2025 and 6.4% in 2026, far ahead of the US (1.0%) and China (4.0%).

“India remains the fastest growing economy in our coverage,” the committee noted, highlighting the country’s robust domestic demand, structural reforms, and investment momentum. In fact, while the global economy is projected to slow down, from 3.5% in 2024 to just 2.5% in 2025, India is expected to outperform significantly.

The report also emphasizes that while Indian equities may appear expensive by historical standards, they continue to attract strong institutional and retail investment flows. Morgan Stanley maintains an overweight stance on India, along with Singapore and the UAE.

Meanwhile, even within the Congress party, not everyone is onboard with Rahul Gandhi’s statements. Hours after Trump announced 25 pc tariff strikes against India, senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh slammed the American bullying tactics, calling it a “blackmail” aimed at extracting concessions in trade negotiations.

Rahul Gandhi’s repeated attempts to undermine India’s economic performance not only ignore global assessments but also align too closely with the narrative of a foreign leader actively penalizing India for asserting its strategic autonomy.

A fading political scion aligns with a foreign bully

Rahul Gandhi’s public endorsement of Donald Trump’s derogatory remark about India’s economy marks a striking pivot in the political posturing of a dynast long out of touch with electoral reality. Having faced a relentless string of defeats since 2014, nationally, in states, and even in local elections, the Congress MP appears to be grasping at straws, desperate to stay politically relevant, even if that means aligning with forces that are determined to undermine India’s sovereignty.

That this desperation has led him to side with Donald Trump, a leader globally known for transactional diplomacy, browbeating allies, and insulting entire nations is striking. Trump’s tactic of slapping tariffs and throwing tantrums has been used to pressure multiple countries, from Canada and Germany to China and Mexico. For Gandhi to cheer Trump’s insults and amplify them domestically, even as the Modi government defies such pressure with strategic restraint, raises questions not just about judgment but also about allegiance. This is not opposition politics; it borders on diplomatic sabotage.

More than just political theatre, Gandhi’s embrace of Trump’s rhetoric reveals a deeper malaise in the Congress ecosystem, a readiness to compromise national interest in the pursuit of short-term political point-scoring. While PM Modi has refused to take Trump’s bait and continues to uphold India’s sovereignty with quiet firmness, Gandhi’s conduct stands in sharp contrast: provoking instability in Parliament, undermining military and diplomatic achievements like Operation Sindoor, and now giving legitimacy to a foreign leader’s bullying tactics and insulting remarks on economy. In doing so, Rahul Gandhi has not just misread the national mood, he has exposed the lengths to which a desperate dynast will go to stay afloat.

Donald Trump goes after India’s energy imports, sanctions 6 Indian companies for trading with Iran after announcing ‘penalty’ for buying Russian oil and weapons

On Wednesday, 30th July, the United States Department of State announced sanctions on 20 entities for engaging in trade with Iran’s petroleum and petrochemical sector. Among those sanctioned are six Indian companies accused of importing large volumes of Iranian-origin petrochemicals. The US claims these transactions violate its domestic law, Executive Order 13846, which prohibits dealings with Iran’s oil sector as part of its maximum pressure campaign on Tehran.

The American government stated that the revenue generated from such trades allegedly helps Iran fund terrorism, fuel conflict in the Middle East, and oppress its people. According to a State Department spokesperson, the purpose of these sanctions is “not to punish, but to bring about a positive behaviour change” from the Iranian regime. But as the sanctions list grows, the deeper question is not just about oil or Iran. It’s about sovereignty, energy security, and increasing double standards in international geopolitics.

The Indian companies sanctioned

Among the six Indian companies targeted, Alchemical Solutions Private Limited tops the list, accused of importing petrochemical products worth over $84 million from Iran in 2024. 

Global Industrial Chemicals Limited followed suit with over $51 million in imports, while Jupiter Dye Chem Private Limited reportedly purchased toluene and other Iranian-origin products worth $49 million. Ramniklal S Gosalia And Company, Persistent Petrochem, and Kanchan Polymers were also sanctioned, with varying degrees of trade involvement.

These firms have been designated under section 3(a)(iii) of Executive Order 13846, which penalises those who “knowingly engage” in significant transactions related to Iran’s petrochemical products. 

As a result, all property and financial interests of these companies under US jurisdiction are now frozen. In practical terms, these firms cannot do business involving US dollars, banking systems, or partnerships with American entities. Any transaction by US persons with these companies is now forbidden unless specifically authorised.

Implications of sanctions

“All transactions by US persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons are prohibited unless authorised by a general or specific license issued by OFAC or exempt. These prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person and the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person,” the Department said.

The US Department of State clarified that the goal of sanctions is “not to punish, but to bring about a positive behaviour change.”

For countries like India, these sanctions create a geopolitical dilemma. On one hand, the US is a strategic partner. On the other hand, India has longstanding energy and cultural ties with Iran. With domestic oil needs soaring and inflation-sensitive economies to manage, it is not easy to stop buying affordable oil simply because Washington says so.

US sanctions Indian firms for Iranian oil, but what about India’s needs?

India meets over 85% of its crude oil requirements through imports. It has not enough domestic reserves which can fulfil the energy requirements of 140 crore individuals. Therefore, the government is looking for cheap oil wherever it can be had, irrespective of geopolitics. Iran, a traditional friend of India, has been an important energy partner in the past. The Chabahar Port project, jointly developed by India and Iran, is a strategic trade connection that the US itself previously exempted from sanctions.

So, when the US sanctions Indian companies for buying Iranian oil, it’s not just penalising a few traders, it’s attempting to control India’s sovereign right to choose its energy sources. This is not just about rules; it’s about coercion.

India has stated categorically many a time: we will purchase oil from whoever sells it at the best price. Ever since the Russia-Ukraine war broke out in 2022, India began importing more oil from Russia at lower prices. The Western world, particularly the US and EU, criticised this action, accusing India of fueling the Russian war machine. But India has had to insist all along that it purchases oil to power the Indian economy, not for wars.

Western sanctions and their hypocrisy: The Nayara case

This brings us to the latest example of Western double standards, the EU’s sanctions on Nayara Energy. On 18th July, 2025, the European Union imposed its 18th round of sanctions on Russia. Among the new measures was a restriction on Nayara Energy’s Vadinar refinery in Gujarat. The EU alleged the firm, which has Russian company Rosneft as a 49% stakeholder, was refining and shipping Russian-origin crude oil.

Alongside this, the EU also sanctioned India’s shipping registry, meaning Indian-flagged vessels could now be targeted if they were found carrying Russian oil. This has been termed unfair. 

The EU has not completely banned Russian oil; it has simply placed a price cap 15% below market prices, which still means that Russia can make profits. In addition, the EU itself still imports Russian energy, such as liquefied natural gas (LNG), in massive amounts. Spain and Belgium are among the largest importers, while Germany now buys Russian LNG through its ports after stopping direct pipeline imports.

India under pressure while Europe buys more

Here lies the contradiction: Europe imports Russian gas and oil, but sanctions India for refining or transporting it. India, which paid only around $50 billion for Russian oil in 2022, faces moral lectures and trade restrictions, while the EU itself paid over $120 billion to Russia that same year for fossil fuels.

Even the United States, while leading the sanctions campaign, continues to import select Russian commodities, especially uranium for its nuclear power sector. While Western leaders deliver speeches about international rules-based orders, they quietly make exceptions for themselves and apply the harshest restrictions on countries like India that are just looking out for their citizens.

India pushes back: Sovereignty comes first

India has not taken these lessons lightly. “Securing the energy needs of our people is understandably an overriding priority for us. In this endeavour, we are guided by what is there on offer in the markets, as also by the prevailing global circumstances,” MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said.

Recently, the Ministry of External Affairs released a stern warning against double standards and said India is keeping a close eye on the U.S. plan to tax nations that continue to purchase Russian oil with a 500% tariff.  

Union Petroleum Minister Hardeep Puri also stated that India would deal with sanctions when they are passed, pointing out that India has diversified its supply sources, buying oil from about 40 countries now, as opposed to 27 in the past.

Strategic autonomy in the Energy sector

India’s growing reliance on discounted Russian oil is not about ideology; it’s about survival. Since the Ukraine war began, Russia has become one of India’s top oil suppliers, offering massive discounts. Indian refineries have adjusted their operations to process this grade of crude and supply both domestic and international markets.

But the bigger issue is not just energy. It’s about strategic autonomy. India’s defence systems are still heavily reliant on Russian equipment, up to 70% by some estimates. And while countries like Turkey, a NATO member, were sanctioned lightly for purchasing the S-400 missile system from Russia, India has been subjected to greater scrutiny despite having far more pressing regional security concerns.

Sanctions: A tool for global control?

One major question: are sanctions really about punishing wrongdoing, or are they instruments of global control? An American bill in Congress is now pushing for a 500% tariff on countries that continue to buy Russian oil. India isn’t named, but it’s clearly in the crosshairs. NATO officials, too, have hinted that countries like India and China must either pressure Russia or face economic consequences.

India has pushed back hard. When visiting Washington recently, Jaishankar informed U.S. officials that the energy security of India cannot be sacrificed. The country’s concerns have been expressed forcefully to those initiating the sanctions, he said.

Not an oil Issue, but a fairness issue

At the end of the day, this isn’t just about Iranian oil or Russian energy. It’s about fairness. If Spain and Germany can import Russian LNG, why can’t India? If the US can continue buying uranium from Russia, why can’t India secure cheaper crude?

India does not support war. It has donated humanitarian aid to Ukraine, and it has addressed both President Zelensky and President Putin, calling for peace. But that doesn’t imply it won’t continue doing what is best for its citizens.

This is not an issue of oil. It’s a matter of principle, equity, and sovereignty. If the West wishes to dominate the world, it first needs to set an example. It must stop preaching rules that it does not follow. Only then will the world believe in a truly fair and balanced international order.

Is Trump delusional or his staff feeding him lies? After weeks of claiming he used ‘trade’ as leverage to make India halt Operation Sindoor, Trump has no trade deal yet

In what could be called the USA’s yet another move to damage its close ties with India, President Donald Trump announced that India would pay a 25% tariff and a ‘penalty’ for buying Russian oil. Trump also expressed his frustration over India being a top buyer of Russian military equipment and energy.

Taking to Truth Social, Donald Trump posted, “Remember, while India is our friend, we have, over the years, done relatively little business with them because their Tariffs are far too high, among the highest in the World, and they have the most strenuous and obnoxious non-monetary Trade Barriers of any Country. Also, they have always bought a vast majority of their military equipment from Russia, and are Russia’s largest buyer of ENERGY, along with China, at a time when everyone wants Russia to STOP THE KILLING IN UKRAINE – ALL THINGS NOT GOOD! INDIA WILL THEREFORE BE PAYING A TARIFF OF 25%, PLUS A PENALTY FOR THE ABOVE, STARTING ON AUGUST 1st. THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION TO THIS MATTER. MAGA!”

Trump’s move against India comes at a time when the two countries are negotiating a major trade deal. A deal that Trump has repeatedly claimed to have been the reason why India halted Operation Sindoor in May in the aftermath of Pakistan-backed jihadist terror attack in Pahalgam in April this year.

Ironically, Trump never forgets to call India and Prime Minister Narendra Modi his and the USA’s ‘friend’ every time he hyphenates India, the world’s fourth-largest economy and the failed state of Pakistan, which literally breathes on an IMF loan ventilator. Trump makes tall claims of using trade deals as leverage to stop the India-Pakistan conflict; however, the loudmouth US President has failed to strike a deal with India till now.

It must be recalled that after four days of India’s total dominance against Pakistan, with destruction of numerous Pakistan jihadist terror camps, elimination of several terrorists, and significant damage to 11 Pakistani airbases, Pakistan requested India for a ceasefire through military channels. While India has maintained that this was a bilateral decision taken after Pakistan’s DGMO requested his Indian counterpart to stop the conflict, with no third-party mediation, Trump has persistently, almost 30 times, had boasted ‘I stopped the India-Pakistan war with trade’.

President Trump publicly made these claims at the NATO meeting, a US-Saudi investment forum, press interactions and multiple times on Truth Social. Besides, Trump recycles his ‘I stopped the India-Pakistan war’ rhetoric every time a military conflict arises between two countries in any part of the world. And yet, the wannabe Nobel Peace Prize winner has not been able to turn his trade deal prospect into a reality; rather, his continuous anti-India rhetoric inadvertently confirms that the US President has been lying all this while about stopping the war, let alone leveraging the prospect of a trade deal with India. Clearly, either Donald Trump is outright delusional or his staff is feeding him lies.

As of 31st July 2025, no trade deal has been finalised between India and the US. Forget the trade deal, the US President is trying to ‘punish’ India for buying Russian oil, energy and weaponry, while Russia is engaged in a war with NATO and US-backed Ukraine by slapping tariffs and penalties.

The timing of the announcement shows that while the US wants this move to be seen as its stern action against India for its massive trade engagement with Russia, it is actually a testament to India’s refusal to surrender to Washington’s coercive tactics. Negotiations were ongoing, and a waiver could have been on the cards had India agreed to allow unrestricted access to U.S. agricultural products and dilute its protective framework for domestic industries. India, however, upholding its interests, did not.

It seems like Trump, being a businessman himself, thinks that the United States is a massive firm and he is the CEO of the company. However delusional the idea may be, Trump’s rhetoric against the BRICS, status of dollar, and supposed activities of several countries against ‘US interests’, suggests that he expects the whole world function as vassals or employees of the US. He may think everyone works for American interests, bolster the US economy and in return, he would placate the other countries by handing them small rewards just as an owner throws bones to his dog. However, Trump needs to wake up and smell the coffee. This is a multi-polar world where sovereign nations make decisions based on the interests of their country and people, not as per the whims of a bully.

Recently, the External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar informed the Parliament that Prime Minister Narendra Modi didn’t have a conversation with US President Donald Trump between April 22 (the Pahalgam attack) and June 17 (the ceasefire), and at no stage was there any link between trade and the Indo-Pak conflict. Even PM Modi had told the Lok Sabha that no foreign leader had asked India to halt Operation Sindoor. India paused the military action against Pakistan because Pakistani military begged India.

Not to forget, the Indian government has stated that Operation Sindoor is still ongoing, meanwhile, India has also carried out Operation Mahadev to eliminate the perpetrators of Pahalgam, two of whom were confirmed Pakistani Islamic terrorists. Thus, no trade, no talks and no unhinged rants by any foreign leader can deter India from its fight against terrorism, particularly, the Pakistan-sponsored cross-border Jihad.

Probably, India’s loud and clear statement that no foreign leader, not even the self-declared ‘ceasefire specialist’, mediated ceasefire between India and Pakistan, has irked Trump, reflecting in his sudden tariff and ‘penalty’ imposition against his ‘friend’ India. Trump’s rhetoric and actions against a key ally like India remind one of the famous quote often attributed to Henry Kissinger: “It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend is fatal.”

The fact that India has repeatedly denied the role of any foreign leader and any trade deal offer for halting Operation Sindoor, and Trump’s intransigence about having brokered Indo-Pak ceasefire, suggests that either Trump has grown delusional in his desperation for a Nobel Peace prize or is being fed lies by his staff. Whatever the case may be, the tariff tirade may be a momentary blow to India, but it actually harms the US more in the long term.

Trump’s communication style is characterised by hyperbole, self-aggrandisement as if the world owes him a debt, and a knack for claiming credit for events he had little to do with. While Trump boasts of being a decisive peacemaker in the Indo-Pak conflict and leveraging the prospect of a trade deal, if trade alone could stop wars, his trade offers would have ended the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Despite Trump’s earlier claims of ending the Russia-Ukraine conflict within hours, the two countries continue to fight, rendering Trump’s ‘trade stops wars’ assertion as real as his poll promise of releasing the Epstein Files.

President Trump’s delusion and hypocrisy stretch beyond measures when he makes the audacious attempt at ‘punishing’ India with tariffs and penalties for trade ties with Russia, while the US itself continues to do trade with the country.

While the US may have cut its Russian crude oil imports from Russia due to sanctions, it continues to trade with Russia in various sectors, with top US imports of Russian goods being fertilisers, non-ferrous metals like palladium and aluminium, totaling $876.5 million in imports in 2024 and inorganic chemicals contributing over $683 million to 2024 import totals. Reports say that in 2024 alone, the United States imported $3.27 billion worth of goods from Russia.

The US government’s own data indicates that U.S. exports in goods to Russia fell to $528.3 million in 2024, while imports were worth an amount phenomenally higher. In the year 2023,  the U.S. exports to Russia stood at around $598.8 million. Despite Russia enjoying a massive surplus and being involved in war with Ukraine, there was never really a hiatus in the Russia-US trade.

Amusing, isn’t it? President Trump wants to ‘punish’ other countries for having trade ties with Russia, while his own country continues to trade with Russia, even as President Putin does not heed Trump’s ‘end the war with Ukraine and let’s do trade’ offers. If the US itself prioritises its domestic requirements and interests and imports Russian goods, why must India not do the same? Russia has been India’s traditional, loyal and reliable defence and trade partner. It’s not that India does not have any defence ties with America; however, if Trump expects India to choose subservience over its strategic autonomy and sovereignty, then that’s not going to happen.

Even if we assume that in the coming months, the US and India will end up signing a trade deal, which would be possible only when India’s interests are not undermined, the value of Trump’s 25% tariff and ‘penalty’ would be reduced to a joke. For now, these tariffs, a lack of trade deal and his rhetoric calling India, the world’s third-largest economy, a “dead economy” suggest that India has shattered Trump’s delusion of not only having brokered peace between India and Pakistan, but also that trade alone can end wars.

Donald Trump claims India will be paying a tariff of 25%, but that is not how tariffs work: Read who will actually pay it and how Indian exports may be impacted

On July 30, 2025, US President Donald Trump announced that that starting August 1, Indian goods would be hit with a 25% tariff citing India’s high tariff and non-monetary trade barriers. He also announced additional penalty on Indian exports to US for India’s continued purchase of defence equipment and oil.

However, he framed it as a punishment on India, saying: “INDIA WILL THEREFORE BE PAYING A TARIFF OF 25%.” At face value, this sounds like a financial penalty that India will pay to the United States. But that’s not how tariffs work, and the statement oversimplifies the mechanics of tariffs and their economic implications. And understanding who actually pays the tariff, and how Indian exporters might still be impacted, requires a closer look at the mechanics of global trade.

In practice, a tariff is a tax imposed by a country on imported goods. When the US government slaps a 25% tariff on Indian imports, the money doesn’t come out of India’s treasury or the pockets of Indian exporters. Instead, the cost is paid by American importers, typically wholesalers, distributors, or manufacturers based in the US. These companies will be required to pay the 25% duty when Indian goods land at a US port. It is the import duty or the border tax collected by US Customs and Border Protection.

For example, if an Indian company exports $100,000 worth of textiles to a US retailer, the retailer would pay an additional $25,000 in tariffs to the US government upon import. The importer may handle this additional cost in various ways. They can absorb the cost and reduce their profit margins it that is possible, or they can pass the cost onto American consumers through higher prices. The importer can also seek to negotiate lower prices with Indian exporters to offset the tariff.

The choice depends on market dynamics, including demand for the product and the availability of alternatives.

Therefore, India does not pay the higher tariff, it is the importer and the end consumer that pays the Trump’s higher tariff. Therefore, while Trump is boasting about higher tariff collections, the money is coming from American consumers, not countries from where the goods were imported.

However, this doesn’t mean Indian businesses will remain unaffected. Higher price of the product due to higher tariff makes the product unattractive for the American importers and the end consumers. It the importer absorbs the full 25% markup, it cuts into its revenues, and if they raise prices for consumers, the sale may go down due to higher prices, as the customers will look for cheaper alternatives.

As a result, the American importer will look for alternative suppliers who don’t face the same tariff. This will lead to a decline in export volumes for Indian businesses. To maintain the export volume, Indian exporters might lower their prices to absorb some of the tariff burden.

This is where Indian exporters feel the squeeze, not because they are writing a check to the US government, but because their products become less competitive in the American market. Similarly, if the exporter agrees to reduce the export price to keep the price in US same as before after adding the tariff, this will cut into the revenue of the exporter.

This is how tariffs impact an exporting country indirectly. There’s no direct penalty or payment from India itself, as Trump’s claim suggest, but still the disruption to trade can be substantial.

The extent of the tariff’s impact on India depends heavily on whether the US buyers can source similar products from other countries without similar tariffs. Trump has threatened higher tariff on every country in the world, forcing them to enter into trade deals with US to avoid the higher duty. At present, US has signed such deals with some countries. Moreover, Trump has imposed different tariff rate for different countries, even on countries that have signed trade deals with the US.

For example, textile is a major product exported from India to US. Two other leading sources for textile are Bangladesh and Vietnam. Trump has announced 35% tariff on Bangladesh and 20% on Vietnam. Therefore, Bangladesh will not be a profitable alternative to Indian imports even with 25% tariff, but Vietnam will be.

Interesting to note that, 20% tariff on Vietnam was imposed after a trade deal with the country.

Even if there are sources will lower tariff, it may not be possible to shift from India to that country entirely due to various issues. For example, Apple makes its iPhones in China, India and Vietnam, which are sold worldwide including India. Tariff on China is at present 35%, higher than India’s announced 25%. Apple has already started to increase iPhones made in India for the US market due to the higher tariff on China, and even with 25%, it will be lower than China’s 35%. Although it is lower in Vietnam, the capacity there won’t be enough to shift production from India.

Moreover, finding alternative sources isn’t always straightforward, and it depends on whether American buyers can actually find those alternatives. If Indian goods are unique in quality, scale, or regulatory compliance, American companies may continue to source from India despite the added cost.

For example, India is a major supplier of generic pharmaceuticals, a sector where quality and regulatory compliance are critical. Switching to new suppliers involves costs, such as re-establishing supply chains or meeting US Food and Drug Administration standards. For specialised goods, India may retain its market position despite tariffs. However, for standardised products, the US may be able to turn to other nations, which will hit Indian exporters.

To conclude, while higher tariff will impact Indian exports to the US, Donald Trump’s claim that “India will be paying a tariff of 25%” misrepresents how tariffs work. Similarly, the penalty that he announced for buying Russian weapons and oil will also be paid by importers and end consumers, not the Indian govt.

The tariff plus penalty will be paid by American importers, who may handle it differently. Ultimately, it will impact India’s exports to the US for most products, but there will be no direct payment from India to US.

What did India’s Brahmos hit in Pakistan during Op Sindoor that the US is so mad? Speculations rife after Trump’s unhinged rants 

US President Donald Trump has been on an unhinged rant through his social media and official announcements. Yesterday on July 30, he announced 25% tariff on India and an alleged penalty for continuing to import Russian oil. In a subsequent post, Trump went ahead to claim that Pakistan has oil reserves. He suggested that the USA is working on a deal to develop those oil resources, and maybe one day India will have to buy Pakistani oil.

Trump’s post on Truth Social

Unrealistic as it may sound, the US president has been displaying a bizarre proclivity to issue loudmouth, boastful self-praise wrapped with a rather evident desire to be called the greatest leader of the world, ‘The peacemaker’. However, facts do not align with what he’s trying to project.

First, let’s examine the claims of ‘massive oil reserves in Pakistan’.

Claims Vs reality of Pakistan’s ‘oil reserves’

Pakistan’s proven crude reserves are estimated at around 540 million barrels, primarily in onshore fields like the Potwar Plateau and Lower Sindh. That is rather modest, nowhere near ‘massive’. For a general comparison, Saudi Arabia has 260 billion barrels and Iraq has an estimated 140 billion barrels. 

Some seismic surveys on the offshore Indus Basin, suggest significant hydrocarbon potential, with some estimates claiming up to 9 billion barrels of oil equivalent in untapped resources, especially near the Murray Ridge.

However, those ‘estimates’ are technically not ‘reserves’. There is no commercial viability as of now. No recoverability estimates have been done, no plans exist as of yet for ‘development’. 

Report about the 2019 exploration off the coast of Karachi

In the past, some exploration was done. The Kekra-1 exploration yielded no results.

In June 2023, Shell sold off its stake in the Pakistan business to Saudi Aramco. In the same year, an auction call for 18 oil and gas blocks saw no bidders.

The Balochistan question

Pakistan is a failed state. Economically, demographically, geopolitically and almost in every other parameter. It has an $126 billion external debt and $17.5 billion energy import bill limit. Unless the US bankrolls the entire operation, that too on a whim and dream, provided that ever happens, Pakistan lacks the means to fund large-scale exploration, infrastructure, such as pipelines and refineries. 

The much-touted China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, with billions of dollars and years spent, has made no difference to Pakistan’s economy yet. Moreover, owing to the instability and security challenges in Pakistan’s North-West, West, and that big, 347,190 square kilometers of territorial bomb called ‘Balochistan’, which makes 44% of what Trump and Pakistan’s government are still assuming as Pakistan, will not allow any more foreign powers to take control and exploit its natural wealth, not without considerable violence. 

If Donald Trump, witnessing firsthand how the US fared in Afghanistan, thinks he will just swoop in and ‘develop’ oil wells in the offshore Indus basin and Baloch rebels will sit by and watch, he is either day dreaming, or taking his own citizens for a ride. 

Trump’s sudden Pakistan romance, and the Brahmos strikes by India 

India hit Pakistan’s military bases like playing ‘Call of Duty’ during the Operation Sindoor. The Nur Khan airbase, which is close to Pakistan’s Strategic Plans Division, it’s nuclear command arm, and less than 10 km from Pakistan’s military headquarters, was hit by the Brahmos missile. Later, reports emerged that the Nur Khan base was under US control, and there was not much clarity on what US had there. 

India’s precision strikes during Operation Sindoor were more than unprecedented; they not only rendered Pakistan’s ‘China-made’ air defence completely useless, and dug craters on their runways, they imposed heavy military damage and destroyed a significant chunk of Pakistan’s military assets, not limited to multiple fighter jets, the Saab 2000 AEW&C aircraft and the Erieye radar systems.

Donald Trump was unhinged before, but something seems to have snapped in him after Operation Sindoor. First came the baseless, almost compulsive claims of having negotiated a truce by using trade as a leverage. But literally nobody is buying that. Because, for starters, he has no trade deal to show, and India demonstrated its military capability to the whole world. Nobody with an ounce of brain is ever going to believe that India just meekly ‘obeyed’ Trump after destroying Pakistan’s bases, and blowing up their military assets at will.

NDTV’s Vishnu Som joked if the Brahmos that India used to dig a crater at the Rahim Yar Khan base ‘found oil’.

With Trump’s disturbed, bizarre rants that are rather unusual for a world leader, even when he is Donald Trump, Indian Twitter is now rife with speculations whether the rattled, berserk reactions are a result of India’s unexpected, spectacular strikes on Pakistan during the Operation Sindoor.

Conclusion

Trump has been making loud promises, boastful claims, ‘Trump-eting’ his imaginary glories and peddling grandiose visions of MAGA to a world that is very well aware of the new multipolarity, especially in the Global South. Trump’s threats have not deterred China, Russia, and they won’t deter India either. 

India is new to neither threats, nor sanctions. It has seen far worse and has emerged as a rapidly growing, the world’s fourth biggest economy, while maneuvering a complex world. 

Haters may call it a joke, but maybe the Brahmos missiles indeed made craters so deep that Pakistanis and their new daddy Donald Trump have found oil.

What are Trumps 25% tarriff, how will they impact India and which sectors will be hit: Explained here

On 30th July, President of the United States, Donald Trump, announced a 25% tariff on imports from India, which will come into effect on 1st August 2025. In a statement on the social media platform Truth Social, he added that the tariff would be coupled with an unspecified penalty tied to India’s defence and energy imports from Russia.

Source: Truth Social

Trump accused India of imposing “among the highest tariffs in the world” and maintained “the most strenuous and obnoxious non-monetary trade barriers” despite being declared “a friend” of the US. He also stated that India “has always bought a vast majority of their military equipment from Russia” and remains “Russia’s largest buyer of energy, along with China”.

Notably, the tariff announcement came just ahead of 25th August, when US trade representatives are set to visit New Delhi for the next round of negotiations on a bilateral trade agreement. According to reports, White House adviser Kevin Hassett said that Trump has been “frustrated with the progress of trade talks with India and believed the 25% tariff announcement would help the situation”.

What these tariffs entail and who bears the cost

According to US trade practice, tariff revenues benefit the federal government. However, the economic burden is carried by American importers, who pass higher costs to consumers or absorb reduced profits. While Indian exporters do not directly pay these duties, the tariffs diminish the competitiveness of their goods in the US market.

The 25% tariff applies to a wide range of sectors, including textiles, smartphones, marine products, gems and jewellery, automotive components, steel, electronics, marine products, processed foods, tea and dairy. Notably, pharmaceuticals, semiconductors and critical minerals are temporarily exempt.

In April 2025, a baseline tariff of 10% was introduced by the Trump administration. It is unclear if the 25% rate will replace it or is cumulative. The 25% rate places India above the 20% imposed on Vietnam and 19% on Indonesia, though lower than the tariff proposed for Bangladesh (35%) and Thailand (36%). White House documents had initially floated a potential 26% reciprocal tariff on India earlier this year.

Scale of US-India trade and impact on India’s GDP

In 2024, US imports from India totalled around US $87.4 billion. On the other hand, US exports to India stood near US $41.8 billion. This resulted in a trade deficit of around US $45.7 billion. It means total bilateral goods trade amounted to roughly US $129 billion. Although India’s trade with the US represents only 1% to 2% of India’s GDP, economists have warned that the tariffs could shave 0.2% to 0.5% points off GDP growth, which may reach 0.7% under harsher penalty scenarios. Rating agency ICRA has already downgraded its GDP forecast to 6.2% for FY2026, citing possible weak exports and deferred capital expenditure.

Penalty linked to Russian imports reflects geopolitical strategy

For the first time, the US has announced a secondary penalty tied to a country’s external relations, in this case, India’s purchases of Russian crude oil and military hardware. Trump’s Truth Social post placed heavy emphasis on India being a leading buyer of Russian energy and equipment. Western powers, including the US, have attempted to stop India from buying oil from Russia for years since the Russia–Ukraine war broke out. However, India has stood firm and placed the interests of Indians first while deciding where to buy oil from.

Notably, India’s dependency on Russian crude has increased from less than 1% before the 2022 invasion to 35% to 40% by mid-2025. Russia is now India’s primary oil supplier. In contrast, US goods imports from Russia remain marginal. In 2024, the US imported $3 billion worth of Russian goods, a 34% year-on-year fall, and roughly $2.3 billion during January to May 2025.

While small in volume, US imports from Russia include palladium and enriched uranium. Both of these commodities are critical for industrial and nuclear sectors. These strategic elements underpin Washington’s framing of the penalty.

Sector-specific consequences and market reaction

Labour-intensive sectors including textiles, gems and jewellery, particularly from Rajasthan and Gujarat, and electronics and auto components are most vulnerable. MSMEs from Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Karnataka may face a decline in orders or have to renegotiate contracts at a lower price. However, industry groups have urged exporters to remain calm and stated that the tariff might be a negotiating tactic and that the final rates would likely be adjusted after the sixth round of trade talks in August.

India’s broader economic resilience and negotiation posture

Despite pressure, India’s economy remains fundamentally anchored in domestic consumption. Around 70% of GDP is driven by internal demand, which provides resilience to external shocks. Indian government policies have focused on tax incentives, capital expenditure, and interest rate relief to sustain growth. Furthermore, India’s external reserves are robust and the rupee has remained relatively stable, which has insulated the Indian economy.

Following the announcement by Trump, New Delhi has reiterated its commitment to securing a “fair, balanced and mutually beneficial” trade deal. The Government of India has emphasised its duty to protect livelihoods, especially for farmers, micro and small businesses, and to preserve policy autonomy, as seen in its negotiations with the UK on the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement.

Geopolitical backdrop and strategic calculation

The tariff and penalty should be seen as a calibrated negotiating gambit by the US, linking commerce and diplomacy to put pressure on India to reduce tariffs on sectors including agriculture, dairy, digital services and intellectual property. Not to forget, India has already rattled the US by refusing to allow “non-veg” milk in the Indian market.

The current proposed 25% tariff on imports from India is significant and ranks above rates agreed with ASEAN countries. The move has come amid broader US efforts to diversify supply chains and reduce reliance on China. Interestingly, Trump is also pushing US-based companies to set up their manufacturing in the US rather than in countries like China or India, where labour costs are low.

There is visible friction between India and the US, especially following the recent announcement. However, India is restraining itself from making any sudden moves and is calculating the impact of the tariff announced by Trump. Furthermore, despite the recent developments, both sides appear to retain interest in continuing negotiations. India and the US have shared interests in defence, climate, technology and Indo-Pacific strategy, and their engagements go beyond tariffs.

Conclusion

President Trump’s decision to impose a 25% tariff and a Russia-linked penalty shows that the US is trying to use trade as leverage to push its geopolitical objectives. While bilateral goods trade between India and the US represents only 2% of India’s GDP, there will be some impact on sectors including textiles, jewellery, electronics and automobiles. MSMEs and export hubs may face some notable disruptions, but these can be controlled by exploring other international markets.

India has a large internal market. Its policies offer strength in resisting external economic blowbacks. Domestic resilience, along with ongoing negotiations, means the worst-case macroeconomic effect may be limited. However, the firm-level strain in export-reliant industries is unavoidable unless exemptions or rollbacks emerge.

Trump’s boasting of taking back Panama Canal fails, China close to gaining greater control of the canal through Hong Kong firm

The Panama Canal which is one of the most important trade routes in the world, became a major diplomatic firestorm late last year when current US President Donald Trump warned to reassert US control over the canal as he accused Panama of levying “exorbitant charges” to utilize the passage. However, it looks like he is losing to China over the control of the critical trade route.

However, contrary to Trump’s hopes, China is set to gain even greater influence over the Panama Canal following the collapse of a proposed deal between US-based BlackRock and Hong Kong’s CK Hutchison. Notably, BlackRock is so worried about Chinese snooping on them that they don’t even allow their employees to carry phones and laptops to China.

The original agreement was to transfer dozens of international ports, including the two key ports in Panama, to a consortium involving BlackRock (World’s largest asset management company). Donald Trump welcomed the deal and talked about reducing Chinese influence over the canal and even floated the idea of the US “taking back” the strategic waterway.

In fact, Trump demanded that the canal be returned to US control and lambasted Panama’s handling, telling Panamanian officials to “be guided accordingly.”

However, it looks like the critical canal just south of USA will remain in Chinese control as CK Hutchison announced that the exclusive negotiation window with BlackRock had expired.

US President Donald Trump had declared, “China is operating the Panama Canal, and we didn’t give it to China — we gave it to Panama — and we’re taking it back.” However, it looks like Trump is set for a massive disappointment.

CK Hutchison has operated both critical Panama ports since 1997, and it is owned by the wealthiest man in Hong Kong, Li Ka-Shing, and just like everything in China, everyone knows this is approved by the communist Chinese government.

This once again highlights the growing influence of China in global south as they continue to defy US President Trump.

The Panama canal was completed in 1914, and is one of the world’s major trade routes. The canal was handed over to Panama in 1999.

US President Donald Trump imposes 25% tariffs on India: A badge of honour for New Delhi’s refusal to bend to American bullying

In an explosive announcement on Truth Social, US President Donald Trump declared that India would be slapped with a 25% tariff plus additional penalties starting August 1, accusing New Delhi of maintaining “obnoxious” non-monetary trade barriers, buying energy and military hardware from Russia, and resisting U.S. pressure during trade negotiations.

While the message was delivered in characteristic Trumpian flair, the underlying reality it betrays is far more significant: India stood its ground, refused to buckle under pressure, and prioritised strategic sovereignty and national interests over economic subservience.

Tariffs as a signal of failed coercion

Let’s be clear: the tariffs are not a punishment for bad behaviour, they are a testament to India’s refusal to surrender to Washington’s coercive tactics. At a time when the US was offering exceptions in its tariff regime to compliant allies like Japan, New Delhi walked away from the table rather than sign a one-sided deal. Negotiations were ongoing, and a waiver could have been on the cards had India agreed to allow unrestricted access to U.S. agricultural products and dilute its protective framework for domestic industries. It did not.

Instead, the Modi government held firm, valuing long-term national interest over the short-term gains of a skewed deal. Trump’s tariffs, therefore, are not a mark of failure on India’s part; they are a clear admission that India refused to yield.

Trump’s frustration exposes his lies about brokering a ceasefire between India and Pakistan during ‘Operation Sindoor’

This development also punctures Trump’s earlier claims that he brokered de-escalation during Operation Sindoor, the Indian military operation that not only avenged the Pahalgam terror attack but also exposed Pakistan’s role in cross-border terrorism as pictures of Pakistani Army officials attending funerals of UN designated terrorists surfaced online. India pounded 11 Pakistani airbases and over 9 terror camps, effectively establishing a new military doctrine: that it will no longer put up with Pakistan’s continued support to terrorism against India. A cowered Pakistan immediately pleaded for ceasefire as Indian missiles struck with precision even as its Chinese air defences were caught napping.

However, Trump fell over himself to appropriate credit for brokering a ceasefire between the two countries. He had since repeated the claim ad nauseam despite the fact that India had long maintained that there was no third party intervention between the two countries and India decided to stop only after Pakistan’s persistent begging to stop the attacks. If India had truly followed US diktats and deferred its decisions to Trump’s wisdom, it would hardly be facing trade penalties now. Trump’s fresh outburst clearly demonstrates that India made independent strategic choices, not ones choreographed from Washington.

Trump’s frustration over India’s continued purchase of Russian oil and arms exposes another inconvenient truth for the US, India is not playing by America’s Cold War-era geopolitical templates anymore.

Russian energy: A rational economic choice

India’s decision to buy Russian oil at discounted rates was a pragmatic economic move, not a political provocation. With global energy prices soaring, and Western sources often coming with geopolitical strings attached, Russia offered a cost-effective and reliable option. This helped India save billions in energy bills and keep inflation in check, a crucial factor for a developing economy with a massive energy appetite.

To expect India to shun affordable fuel just to please American optics on Ukraine is utterly unrealistic, especially when European nations themselves continued buying Russian gas well into the conflict.

Defence ties with Russia: A legacy, not a loyalty

Trump’s gripe about India’s arms purchases from Russia ignores decades of history. From Nehru and Indira Gandhi to Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh, India’s defence relationship with Moscow has been one of necessity and reliability. During the Cold War, the U.S. actively courted Pakistan to fight its Mujahideen war in Afghanistan, shutting India out of its defence markets. It was Moscow that supplied India with critical military systems through thick and thin, including during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War.

For Trump, or anyone in the U.S. establishment, to now expect India to junk decades worth of operational compatibility, training protocols, and logistical chains just to appease American whims is not just strategically tone-deaf, it’s logistically absurd and economically foolish.

India chooses sovereignty over subservience

At its core, this episode is not about trade. It is about sovereignty. In choosing not to bow before Trump’s aggressive style of transactional diplomacy, India has sent a message to the world: it will not become a vassal state of any global power. Be it military decisions, energy sourcing, or trade policy, India will act in its own national interest, not in the service of another nation’s foreign policy agenda.

In standing up to Trump, New Delhi has shown that it is willing to bear economic costs to preserve strategic independence—a stance that aligns with its broader vision of a multipolar world where nations are not forced into binary alliances.

Tariffs today, respect tomorrow

While the tariffs may sting certain sectors of India’s export economy in the short run, they are, in the larger scheme, a small price to pay for long-term autonomy. Trump’s imposition of punitive trade barriers is not a diplomatic defeat, but a diplomatic declaration that India won’t sell its sovereignty, even to the most powerful nation on Earth.

As India charts its path as a rising power with an independent foreign policy, economic resilience, and deepening partnerships with multiple poles of power, the message is clear: India is no one’s satellite. It is a sovereign civilisation-state, making decisions on its own terms.