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Muslim students outnumber Christians in Vienna schools: Signs of demographic shift mirror what India has witnessed in Kashmir, border regions, and Murshidabad

In what many call a tipping point, Vienna is witnessing a historic demographic shift. For the first time in history, official figures have revealed that Muslim students now outnumber Christians in government-run elementary schools. The city’s school council has released data stating that 41.2% of students in these schools are Muslims, while all Christian denominations combined account for only 34.5%. The development has sparked political debate and raised concerns over integration.

The figures have been compiled by the office of Vienna’s City Councillor for Education, Bettina Emmerling (Neos). They cover around 112,600 children across all school types. Reports say German is increasingly a second language in schools, which has made teaching difficult. According to Evelyn Kometter of the Austrian Parents’ Association, it has become difficult for teachers to conduct classes, as they have to repeat every sentence 10 to 12 times before the students can understand. An exodus of ethnic Austrian families from urban schools has reportedly begun.

The right-wing Freedom Party of Austria has termed the situation as “displacement, not immigration.” Hannes Amesbauer of the Freedom Party said, “Austrians will soon be strangers in their own country.” The government has proposed a new subject, “Living in a Democracy” to promote tolerance, diversity, and social cohesion, however, critics say integration issues run much deeper.

Europe’s leniency comes home to roost

The demographic change in Vienna is not an overnight surprise. For years, European countries—especially Germany, Sweden, and Austria—have embraced what can be defined as open-door immigration policies. These countries have welcomed anyone from war-torn Islamic nations including Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Somalia, often without long-term plans for the absorption of groups with completely different cultural backgrounds into local society.

Initially, these immigration policies were promoted in the name of multiculturalism and humanitarian concerns. However, they resulted in segregated ghettos, a language crisis in classrooms, a rise in criminal activities, and political unrest. In several parts of EU countries, local law enforcement agencies have adviced certain individuals like Jews and open homosexuals to avoid going to so-called “no-go zones” dominated by Islamic communities.

Concerns over allowing anyone and everyone from Islamic countries have been raised—and are still being raised—by “far-right” groups. These concerns were dismissed by the left-liberals as fearmongering. However, the concerns are now being reflected in mainstream data: from classroom religion ratios and rising crime statistics to growing public backlash. There have been calls from the general public, experts, and political leaders alike for a rethink on immigration policies. Even centrist parties have acknowledged that the model of unchecked immigration has failed to preserve European values and social cohesion.

For example, the Social Democratic Party of Germany faced political pressure over immigration issues and recently considered tightening border measures. In Denmark, the Social Democrats, traditionally a centre-left party, have adopted stricter immigration measures in recent years under Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen making it clearly unwelcoming for immigrants from Islamic countries.

In September 2024, The Guardian reported how European countries including Sweden, France, Germany, Netherlands and Finland vowed to bring tougher immigration policies. Interestingly, they were called a result of “pressure from the far-right”.

Another notable aspect of European countries becoming stricter over immigration policies is the fact that the year-on-year number of irregular border crossings into the EU fell by 31% in the first quarter of 2025. On the other hand, historical data collected by Frontex showed that there was a spike of 17%—the highest since 2016—in irregular border crossings in 2023, with 380,000 individuals entering the EU. This figure dramatically fell in the first quarter of 2024.

India has already paid the price—Kashmir, Nepal border, and now Murshidabad

While Europe is now facing the heat of what can only be described as an Islamic cultural invasion, India has long endured the effects of demographic transitions. The most tragic example in Independent India’s history remains Kashmir, where the 1990s saw the targeted ethnic cleansing of lakhs of Kashmiri Hindus. Driven out by Islamic extremists, they were forced to flee their homeland, turning into refugees in their own country.

As reported by OpIndia, a worrying trend is also emerging along the Indo-Nepal border, where the Muslim population in certain districts has risen by over 32% since 2011, compared to the national average of 14%. Many villages near the border have reported a complete demographic turnaround, prompting calls for increased BSF jurisdiction to curb illegal migration and cross-border radicalisation.

Furthermore, it has been observed in several cities across states that where the population of Muslims surpasses a certain threshold, it becomes extremely difficult for Hindus to survive in those areas. Houses with signs reading “This House Is For Sale” often pop up in areas where Hindus face atrocities at the hands of local Islamist goons.

The most recent flashpoint is Murshidabad in West Bengal. In early April 2025, violence erupted in the city following tensions around the Waqf Amendment Act. Muslim mobs reportedly marked Hindu homes with black ink before launching attacks including bombings, vandalism, and arson. Dozens of Hindu families have since fled the area, echoing the fear last seen during Bengal’s post-poll violence in 2021.

Several Hindu leaders and prominent personalities have warned about the increasing Muslim population in certain areas. However, the secular elite has continued to downplay these concerns as fringe paranoia. But the ground reality is the same everywhere—whether it is a Hindu teacher in Murshidabad, a Kashmiri Pandit living as a refugee for decades in Delhi, or an Austrian parent in Vienna, the consequences and the pain are the same.

Madhya Pradesh: Communal clash erupts in Sagar after a Muslim man eloped with a Hindu girl a day before her wedding

Communal clashes erupted in Sanodha village in the Sagar district of Madhya Pradesh on Saturday (19th April), after a Muslim man allegedly eloped with a Hindu woman a day before her wedding. As soon as people found out about the incident, clashes broke out in the area, resulting in several houses, shops being set ablaze, and properties being vandalised. The police had to use tear gas shells and mild force to take control of the situation. Teams of police have been deployed in the area, and senior police officers, including SP Vikas Shahwal, ASP Lokesh Sinha, and SDOP Prakash Mishra, are also present to maintain peace.

Locals alleging love jihad

As per reports, the Hindu woman was to get married on Saturday. The preparations for the wedding were in full swing, and all the guests had arrived to attend the wedding. However, a day before the wedding, i.e. on Friday (18th April), the woman ran away with a local Muslim man. The next morning, the woman’s family found out that their daughter was not at home. When they started searching for her, they found out that the Muslim man was also missing from his house.

The incident outraged the woman’s family and the villagers, who called it a case of love jihad. Soon, clashes erupted and the villagers vandalised the houses and properties belonging to the other community. The violence stopped after police intervention.

MLA says it is the fifth such incident in the area

Naryavalli MLA Pradeep Lariya claimed that this was the fifth incident of this kind in the area. He said that he talked to the TI and the SP regarding the matter and demanded the filing of an FIR. “On April 18, I had demanded strict action from the SP and TI in this matter, but only a missing person case was registered. This is the fifth such incident in Sanodha. We had warned the administration earlier too, but no seriousness was shown,” Lariya alleged.

BJP state president VD Sharma said that those who indulge in love jihad and mislead daughters by hiding their identity will not be spared under any circumstances. Such activities will not be allowed. Sharma urged locals not to maintain peace and let the law take its course.

As Urvashi Rautela now claims she never claimed that Badrinath’s Urvashi temple is dedicated to her, read the fact behind her ‘worship’ as Damdami Mai in Delhi University

After triggering outrage by claiming that there is a temple dedicated to her in Badrinath, Urvashi Rautela on Saturday claimed that her comments were misinterpreted. In a statement issued by her team, they said that she never claimed the temple was dedicated to her, and that she only mentioned that there is a Urvashi temple in Badrinath.

The statement claimed that her comments were taken out of context, and that she was actually called ‘Damdami Mai’ at Delhi University.

The statement issued in Hindi said, “Urvashi Rautela said that there is a temple in my name in Uttarakhand, not a temple of Urvashi Rautela. Now people do not even listen to things properly, just by hearing ‘Urvashi’ or ‘temple’ they have assumed that people worship Urvashi Rautela. Listen to this video properly and then speak.”

The statement further added, “Urvashi said yes, she was worshipped as ‘Damdami Mai’ in Delhi University. There is also a news article about it. Legal action should be taken against those who made confusing comments on Urvashi Rautela’s statement. It is necessary that the facts are properly investigated before making baseless allegations against any person and making derogatory comments against them. Everyone in the society should behave with respect and understanding towards each other. Only so that everyone’s rights can be protected.”

While Urvashi Rautela’s team is now claiming that she never claimed that the Badrinath temple was dedicated to her, the video of the podcast where she made the comments show that she did made that claim. She had also said that there should be another temple for her in South India, as she has acted in several South Indian movies.

During a conversation with host Siddharth Kannan, Rautela had said that the Urvashi Temple near the Badrinath Dham was built in her name. When Siddharth asked whether the temple is actually dedicated to her, she said yes, and added that people worship her there as it is a temple. She then added that a similar temple should come up in South India.

Surprised by the claim, Siddharth had asked several times whether the temple is actually dedicated to her, and she responded by saying yes every time. She never mentioned that the temple is actually for a Hindu Goddess with the same name as hers.

She then added that students from Delhi University also worship her and even garlanded her pictures, calling her ‘Damdami Mai’. “I am being serious about it. It is true. There are news articles about the same too. You can read them,” she said.

Her remarks had sparked both outrage and mockery, as the temple she was referring to is dedicated to Goddess Urvashi, not actor Urvasi Rautela. The temple is located in Bamni village near Badrinath, around 1 km away from Badrinath Dham. Priests and other locals from Badrinath slammed Rautela for her comments, saying that her statements are unacceptable. They also demanded an apology from her.

While she is now claiming that she didn’t claim the Badrinath temple is dedicated to her, she had actually said that she wishes that a similar temple should come up in South India, as she is working in Southern movies.

Worship as Damdami Mai in Delhi University

During the interview, she also added that she was worshipped as Damdami Mai at Delhi University, and the students used to garland her photograph. Today’s statement also mentions this, saying that she was actually talking about how she was worshipped as ‘Damdami Mai’ in Delhi University, and there is also a news article about it.

However, what she and her team failed to mention is that students of Hindu College in Delhi pick a celebrity, often a woman, as Damdami Mai every year on Valentine’s Day.

On the occasion, the students actually worship a tree on the campus, known as the Virgin Tree, and the ritual is known as Damdami Mai puja. During the event, they also pick a celebrity, using the name Damdami Mai for females and Damdami Papa for males. As part of this fun ritual, the boys’ hostel residents of the college had picked Urvashi Rautela as Damdami Mai in the year 2016. Kriti Sanon was also in contention for being Damdami Mai that year, but Urvashi was selected as she studied in DU’s Gargi College.

In 2017, Disha Patani was made the year’s Damdami Mai, while Hrithik Roshan was selected as Damdami Papa.

Some past photos of Virgin Tree Puja by boys of Hindu College on Valentine’s Day, with posters of Damdami Mai of the year hung from the tree

Notably, being a Valentine’s Day event, students also decorate the venue with condoms used as balloons, apart from red and pink streamers and flowers. The Puja was discontinued during the pandemic and resumed in 2023. But they have stopped picking celebrities as Damdami Mai after that.

Therefore, Urvashi Rautela was selected as Damdami Mai for one day for a specific event, and her photo was decorated with garlands on that day. But this does not mean that DU students always worshipped her, as she tried to portray in the interview.

Scotland creates history: Parliament passes first-ever motion to combat Hinduphobia

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In a powerful and unprecedented move, the Scottish Parliament passed Motion S6M-17089, officially condemning Hinduphobia for the first time in Scottish—and indeed UK—history. Tabled by Ash Regan, MSP for Edinburgh Eastern and member of the Alba Party, the motion marks a watershed moment in the fight against religious discrimination.

The motion, which drew broad cross-party support from MSPs including Colin Beattie, Stephanie Callaghan, and Kevin Stewart, specifically recognises the “alarming levels of prejudice, marginalisation, and discrimination” experienced by Scotland’s Hindu community. More importantly, it commends the Gandhian Peace Society (GPS) for its pivotal report exposing these issues and pushing for real change.

“Scotland’s diversity is its strength,” said Regan during her address. “But we cannot celebrate that diversity while ignoring the voices of those harmed by prejudice. This motion isn’t just symbolic—it’s a demand for tangible change.”

The Report that sparked a movement

At the heart of this legislative milestone lies a landmark study: “Hinduphobia in Scotland: Understanding, Addressing, and Overcoming Prejudice”. Authored by Dhruva Kumar (General Secretary and Trustee of GPS), Anuranjan Jha(President of GPS), Sukhi Bains, Ajit Trivedi, and Neil Lal (President & Chairman of the Indian Council of Scotland and UK), the report is the first UK parliamentary-recognised analysis of anti-Hindu discrimination.

“As Scotland reckons with its commitment to inclusivity, Ash Regan’s motion sets a precedent: religious harmony is not passive, it is fought for, legislated, and cherished. With global attention from the Indian diaspora and Scottish policymakers alike, this moment transcends borders, proving that justice for one community strengthens the soul of a nation,” Mr Dhruva Kumar, one of the authors of the seminal report “Hinduphobia in Scotland: Understanding, Addressing, and Overcoming Prejudice” and a political activist based out of Glasgow, UK, poignantly noted.

Dhruva Kumar (L) with Ash Regan (R)

The report weaves together statistical data, testimonies, and firsthand accounts to reveal a grim picture: hate crimes, temple vandalism, workplace exclusion, and deep-seated cultural stigmas affecting Scotland’s 30,000-strong Hindu population.

“When places of worship are vandalised or families face slurs, it’s not just Hindus being attacked—it’s Scotland’s values of tolerance,” said Neil Lal. “This report is a mirror held up to our society, urging us to do better.”

“Gandhiji taught us that non-violence includes combating ignorance,” added co-authors Jha and Kumar. “By addressing Hinduphobia, we’re building bridges across all communities.”

Dhruva Kumar

A united political and cultural front

The motion’s backing across party lines reflects a rare unity on issues of racial and religious equality. Presented to Holyrood’s Cross-Party Group on Challenging Racial and Religious Prejudice, the report has already influenced national dialogue.

Professor Peter Hopkins, the group’s convenor, hailed the report’s evidence-based approach, while Chair Foysol Choudhary called it a “critical tool for policymakers.”

The significance of the motion hasn’t gone unnoticed in the wider community. Indian diaspora leaders, such as Acharya Dr. Abhishek Joshi, Rashmi Rai, and Poonam Prajapati, welcomed the Parliament’s recognition.

“This motion isn’t an endpoint—it’s the beginning of a journey toward mutual respect,” they said. “Let it inspire global action.”

Scottish author Aline Dobbie echoed those sentiments, praising the initiative as “a hopeful moment for anyone who believes in a fairer, more inclusive Scotland.”

The Road Ahead: From recognition to reform

The Gandhian Peace Society’s report outlines concrete steps to turn awareness into action:

  1. Legal Reform: Amend the Hate Crime Act to explicitly recognise Hinduphobia.
  2. Education: Incorporate accurate teachings of Hinduism into school curricula.
  3. Workplace Policy: Enforce religious accommodation and anti-discrimination training.
  4. Community Support: Establish interfaith networks and victim support hubs.

Backed by the voices of scholars, spiritual leaders, and everyday citizens, the report has already gained international attention, from the UK to India and beyond. It has also sparked conversations on platforms like Awaz FM 107.2, where key contributors, including Sukhi Bains and Acharya Joshi, emphasised the importance of interfaith dialogue and unity.

A Call to every Scot

As Motion S6M-17089 progresses through Parliament, the Gandhian Peace Society is urging citizens to engage with its findings, support grassroots efforts, and champion inclusive policy reform.

This is more than just a political development—it’s a cultural shift. Scotland is taking a bold step toward ensuring that no one lives in fear for practising their faith.

With eyes now on how this motion transforms into lasting change, one thing is clear: a historic door has been opened—and the journey toward a more just, tolerant Scotland has begun.

The full report can be read here.

Who is ‘Lady Don’ Ziqra, prime suspect in Delhi’s Seelampur murder case who has terrorised Hindus in the area: Read details

Delhi Police have arrested a woman named Ziqra in connection with the killing of a 17-year-old Hindu boy, Kunal, who was stabbed to death on Thursday (17th April) in northeast Delhi’s Seelampur. The police are investigating her role in the murder as she was allegedly present near the crime scene. Locals and Kunal’s family have alleged her involvement in Kunal’s murder. They said that she threatened Kunal in the past. The police have identified two other suspects, Sahil and Rehan, after examining the CCTV footage.

Kunal’s family suspect that Kunal’s murder was a revenge killing as Kunal’s name has come up in an attack on Ziqra’s cousin, Sahil, last year in November. However, the family claimed that Kunal had nothing to do with the attack. “They brutally stabbed him multiple times. He wasn’t even involved,” said Parveen. Kunal’s mother. “They have been threatening us for a long time. They roam in gangs, post photos with weapons, and even children are scared of them. I know they killed my son. He didn’t deserve this. I want justice,” she added.

Who is ‘Lady Don’ Ziqra?

Ziqra, who was arrested on Saturday (19th April), is known as ‘Lady Don’ and has a controversial past. She lived in the same neighbourhood as Kunal. As per reports, she worked as a bouncer for Zoya, the wife of jailed gangster Hashim Baba, before Zoya was jailed. She is said to be associated with the Shoaib-Mastan gang, a local criminal outfit. This gang is led by Shoib Mastan, who is currently lodged in jail in a robbery case.

In her social media posts, Ziqra is frequently seen flaunting weapons. In her profile picture, she has used the picture of the flag of Palestine instead of her own picture. A video of hers from a month ago went viral, in which she was seen waving a country-made pistol. She was arrested by the police under the Arms Act and was released on bail 15 days ago.

Ziqra is also involved in drug smuggling. It is reported that she has been trying to form a drug nexus in the area since her former employer, Zoya, was arrested by the police in a drug case. As per reports, Ziqra has a two-year-old son, and she lives separately from her husband.

She is also trying to form a gang of her own, and has already recruited 10-12 young boys. As per police sources, Ziqra wanted to get close to Hashim Baba through Zoya and also wanted to get involved in her drug business. However, her plans suffered a setback after the arrest of Zoya, who helped her procure arms and ammunition.

She is alleged to have plotted Kunal’s killing to avenge the attack on her cousin last year. Police said she encouraged two teenage suspects, who are also believed to be part of the Shoaib-Mastan gang, to attack Kunal. Police have identified the two teenage suspects, who are currently absconding.

The family members of the deceased claimed that Zikra was present at the crime scene when Kunal was killed.

Hindus migrating from the area

The activities of Ziqra and her gang have led to the migration of Hindus from the area. Posters saying “Hindus are migrating” and “Please help, Yogi ji” had come up in the area, which were removed by the police. The Hindu families have reported that they have been living in fear due to the constant harassment and threats from Muslim gangs. Some families have put up posters for selling their houses and are pleading with authorities for help.

Teams of local police and the Rapid Action Force (RAF) have been deployed in the area after locals and some Hindu organisations protested against the incident. Joint Commissioner of Police (Eastern Range), Pushpendra Kumar, said, “Ten teams have been formed to crack the case, and they are looking at all possible angles. We have detained a few people for questioning. The case will be solved soon.” 

What was the incident?

Kunal had returned from the GTB Hospital after his grandmother, who was admitted there for 10 days, was discharged. On the day of the incident, Kunal reportedly went out to buy milk and samosas when the accused cornered him ina narrow lane and stabbed him multiple times. He died during treatment at a hospital. A case under section 103 of the BNS was registered at the Seelampur Police Station.

As Baloch people rise up against tyrannical Pakistan government, the Islamic state brings back ‘kill and dump’ policy to quell the uprising: Know what this tool of tyranny is

In recent months, Balochistan has witnessed a significant resurgence of resistance against the Pakistani state. Baloch women and youth are leading the renewed revolt against the Pakistani government. The reason? The reinstatement of the notorious “kill and dump” policy, first introduced by Pakistani authorities in 2009 to suppress the voice of the people of Balochistan. It is a brutal strategy aimed at silencing dissent through abductions and targeted killings, leading to thousands of disappearances and deaths since its inception.

Notably, the Baloch Women Forum (BWF) has recently denounced what it refers to as the resurgence of the infamous “kill and dump” policy in Balochistan. The organisation has stated that it casts serious doubts on the commitment of the Pakistani government to international human rights standards.

In a statement, a BWF spokesperson said that this development only reinforced the ongoing feeling of exclusion of the Baloch people from the federation. Furthermore, the spokesperson noted that in the past three days, the bodies of three previously illegally detained Baloch youths have been found in separate locations across Makuran and Naal (Khuzdar).

On 14th April, Farooq Ahmed, a resident of Naal, was forcibly taken into custody, mirroring the pattern of other enforced disappearances in Balochistan. A day later, on 15th April, his dead body was discovered in the Samad check-post area of Naal. There were signs of torture, The Balochistan Post reported.

On 12th April, Nizam Baloch, a resident of Pasni in Gwadar district, was unlawfully taken from his home and transported to an undisclosed location. He was reportedly subjected to torture for four days. His dead body was dumped in Pasni on 16th April. According to The Balochistan Post, there were clear signs of torture.

In yet another incident, on 15th April, Sher Khan Nizar, a resident of Pasni, was detained from the Jussak area of Turbat without any prior notice or legal warrant. He was a student working part-time at a diesel depot. His dead body was recovered on the night of 16th April behind the University of Turbat. Again, signs of torture were found on his body.

Reportedly, a large number of Baloch people are disappearing throughout Baloch regions, affecting people from diverse age groups and walks of life. Witnesses frequently allege that those responsible for the abductions are members of various law enforcement agencies. While a few of the detained individuals are eventually released, many are found dead, and numerous others continue to be held in unlawful custody.

In the statement, BWF called on the government and stated, “We demand the immediate and unconditional cessation of enforced disappearances of Baloch people, which have caused significant harm to the peace and stability of Baloch society. Additionally, we urge the authorities to promptly hold all those responsible for these actions accountable.”

Understanding the ‘Kill and Dump’ Policy

The term “kill and dump” is not an abstract phrase. It is a chilling reality of the counterinsurgency tactics employed by Pakistan in Balochistan. The policy, engineered by the state, involves enforced disappearances, systematic torture, and extrajudicial killings. The dead bodies of the victims—often mutilated and bearing clear signs of extreme torture—are discarded in open fields or remote roadsides. These bodies, found by the public or family members, carry a message—a message to remain silent.

How the policy operates

When the cases of disappearances, torture, and killings are observed, a pattern emerges. Victims are typically picked up in unmarked vehicles by individuals in plain clothes, usually believed to be operatives of Pakistan’s intelligence agencies such as the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) or military-linked paramilitary forces like the Frontier Corps. There is no warrant, no public record, and no legal recourse. The abductions can occur at home, in public spaces, or even during peaceful protests. In some cases, the abductees remain missing for months or years. In others, their tortured and lifeless bodies reappear within days.

Thousands of cases have been documented over the years by local rights groups such as Voice for Baloch Missing Persons. In 2011, Human Rights Watch published a report titled “We Can Torture, Kill, or Keep You for Years”, accusing Pakistan’s security forces of carrying out these enforced disappearances and killings.

Signature signs of state involvement

These killings are not just brutal. There is a pattern and precision with which these acts are carried out, which clearly places them in the category of state-sponsored acts of violence. Victims of the “kill and dump” policy are often young Baloch men, including students, journalists, poets, and suspected nationalists who revolt against Pakistani rule in Balochistan. Their bodies show signs of brutal torture, including broken limbs, pulled fingernails, cigarette burns, acid marks, and gunshot wounds. Many of them bear indicative signs of execution-style killings.

The dead bodies are then disposed of in public or semi-public areas. Why? To terrorise the public. Families who protest face threats. In many cases, other family members are abducted or killed if they raise their voices against the extrajudicial killings. The state disguises these actions as “counter-terrorism”.

Legal vacuum and lack of accountability

The judiciary in Pakistan has completely failed to hold anyone accountable for these atrocities. When families approach the courts with evidence or eyewitnesses, little or no action is taken. Military agencies face no scrutiny or consequences, as they operate under the pretext of “national security”. The country’s infamous Actions in Aid of Civil Power regulation further allows security forces to detain individuals without due process in “internment centres”. When such detentions occur, what follows is torture and custodial deaths—again, with zero accountability.

Notably, the Baloch Human Rights Council has reported that over 6,000 mutilated bodies have been found in Balochistan since early 2000s, which is a conservative estimate. Thousands of Baloch people remain missing and unaccounted for, with zero hope of any investigation.

The “kill and dump” policy is a weapon to erase the Baloch identity. Victims include the Balochi-speaking population, advocates of cultural rights, and those who resist land acquisitions for China-Pakistan infrastructure projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

There is overwhelming evidence of the atrocities against the Baloch population, yet the international community has responded only minimally. A few reports here and a few research papers there have been the sum total of the global response to the deaths of thousands of Baloch people. Pakistan, on the other hand, continues to enjoy military aid, diplomatic support, and financial assistance. Countries that profess a commitment to human rights, including the US and the UK, have turned a blind eye to the atrocities faced by the people of Balochistan.

The “foreign hand” narrative and anti-people policies

Media outlets in Pakistan are often controlled or influenced by the military. For example, ARY News, Geo TV, and The Nation run stories accusing the people of Balochistan of being part of foreign-sponsored activism and anti-national activities. The aim of these media houses is to deflect attention from domestic grievances such as extrajudicial killings, military occupation, ethnic profiling, and resource exploitation.

So much so, the families searching for missing loved ones are branded as anti-state. Peaceful protestors face anti-riot action by the state machinery, including lathi charges, tear gas, open fire and arrests. They face charges of “disturbing public order” or “provoking anti-national sentiment.”

China’s role in emboldening Pakistan’s crackdown in Balochistan

What makes the brutal clampdown by Pakistani authorities on Baloch dissent particularly problematic is the fact that there is a silent hand backing it. The multi-billion-dollar initiative—the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)—is a flagship project under China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It has transformed Balochistan from a neglected province into a militarised economic zone. While CPEC promises highways, power plants, and ports, what the people of Balochistan have received instead is increased surveillance, land dispossession, and military boots on their necks.

Gwadar – development for whom?

Gwadar Port is the crown jewel of CPEC. It is located on the southern coast of Balochistan. Though it was projected as a game-changer for the locals, the port is effectively sealed off. A high-security fence separates Baloch communities from their ancestral fishing lands. Chinese nationals roam there freely under armed protection. However, local children still lack access to clean water and electricity. The benefits from the port do not find their way to the people of Balochistan but go directly to Islamabad and Beijing.

The Baloch have resisted this takeover extensively, leading to counteraction through brute force. The “kill and dump” policy is part of the state’s strategy to silence resistance. The message is simple: stop opposing the corridor.

Tens of thousands of military personnel have been stationed in Balochistan to protect CPEC routes and infrastructure. No-go zones have mushroomed around highways and Chinese sites, especially for the media, both national and international. This militarisation, carried out in coordination with Chinese state interests, has led to frequent house raids, arrests, and curfews.

China, as usual, has remained silent. Its state-run media outlets often echo Pakistan’s narrative and refer to the Baloch movement as a “terrorist uprising”. In 2021, China even demanded greater “security guarantees” from Pakistan after a suicide attack on Chinese engineers in Dasu.

Exploiting Balochistan’s resources

Under CPEC and other bilateral deals, Chinese firms have gained mining rights in Balochistan, particularly in areas rich in gold, copper, and rare earth minerals. The Saindak and Reko Diq projects are notable examples, where profits are siphoned off while locals remain jobless and landless. Protests against these projects have also been met with enforced disappearances and “unknown bodies” dumped on rural roadsides.

China is not pulling the trigger from the front. However, it is the supplier of the artillery that is killing Baloch dissent—quietly and efficiently.

Statistical overview

The Pakistan government has rigorously downplayed the extent of state-led violence in Balochistan. However, independent organisations, leaked reports, and rights activists have drawn a grim picture of the situation.

According to the Voice for Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP), over 20,000 Baloch individuals have been forcibly disappeared since the early 2000s. These include students, doctors, journalists, poets, and even children. Most families never receive legal documentation of the arrest, nor any information on the person’s whereabouts.

Pakistan’s Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances (COIED) has admitted to have thousands unresolved cases, of which a significant proportion are from Balochistan. Locals, however, argue that the number is underreported.

According to Baloch Human Rights Council revealed 367 persons went missing, and 79 bodies of extrajudicially killed missing persons were identified from January 2022 to December 2022. Furthermore, 58 of the recovered dead bodies were unrecognisable.

The Tribune India reported in December 2024 that there were 22 enforced disappearances and 5 extrajudicial killings in that month alone. Protests in the region have continued for months.

The Baloch people are facing a serious crisis, but the world stays silent. Thousands have been taken, and many are later found dead—victims of Pakistan’s brutal “kill and dump” policy. Instead of listening to their voices, the state uses fear and force to crush them. Backed by China and protected by media silence, this cruelty continues. It’s time the world paid attention to what’s happening in Balochistan before more lives are lost.

Judicial sentimentalism over constitutional pragmatism: SC judge who romanticised Urdu in Maharashtra signboard ruling and backed hijabs in schools

In the vast tapestry of Indian jurisprudence, few names have come to symbolise the kind of ideological romanticism that borders on judicial overreach as starkly as Justice Sudhanshu Dhulia. A judge who wears his idealism on his sleeve, Justice Dhulia’s rulings—particularly in cases like the Karnataka hijab controversy and the recent Akola Urdu signboard dispute—suggest a pattern: a consistent leaning towards emotive convictions, identity-driven narratives, and selective secularism, often at the expense of constitutional pragmatism and judicial clarity.

Language sentimentalism in the Urdu signboard case

Earlier this week, the Supreme Court dismissed a plea seeking the removal of an Urdu signboard placed beneath a Marathi one on a municipal building in Akola, Maharashtra. The bench, comprising Justices Dhulia and K Vinod Chandran, not only rejected the plea but did so with a poetic flourish, unwarrantedly elevating Urdu as the “finest specimen of Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb.” The ruling, though not incorrect in law, took a detour from constitutional clarity into poetic sentimentalism, opening with a quote about learning languages making us more “liberal, tolerant, and kind.”

“Our misconceptions, perhaps even our prejudices against a language, have to be courageously and truthfully tested against the reality, which is this great diversity of our nation: Our strength can never be our weakness. Let us make friends with Urdu and every language”, the top court said in its judgment. 

Justice Dhulia opened his judgment with a quote by Mouloud Benzadi: “When you learn a language, you don’t just learn to speak and write a new language. You also learn to be open-minded, liberal, tolerant, kind, and considerate towards all mankind.”

“Let our concepts be clear. Language is not religion. Language does not even represent religion. Language belongs to a community, to a region, to people, and not to a religion. Language is a medium for the exchange of ideas that brings people holding diverse views and beliefs closer, and it should not become a cause of their division,” the Supreme Court said.

What was essentially a simple question of municipal signage turned into a pontification on national integration, linguistic diversity, and the importance of Urdu, a language undeniably rich but politically charged in India’s current milieu. Justice Dhulia missed the opportunity to base his verdict in unmistakably administrative or legal reasoning and instead waxed eloquent about linguistic pluralism and cultural unity, rendering the judgment into a mandate on India’s famed syncretism rather than a judicial pronouncement.

This kind of judicial prolixity not only detracts from the legal core of a case but also risks politicising the bench itself. By casting dissenters as prejudiced or “misinformed,” Justice Dhulia placed ideology above law, language politics above administrative autonomy, and poetic nostalgia above functional governance.

The Hijab verdict: Backing regressive practices over reinforcing institutional order

Justice Dhulia’s dissenting opinion in the 2022 Karnataka hijab ban case further solidifies this pattern. While the Karnataka High Court upheld the state’s right to enforce uniform dress codes in educational institutions, Justice Dhulia chose to pivot the entire discourse around the vulnerability of the Muslim girl child, turning a blind eye to the broader implications of religious symbolism in secular educational spaces.

The Karnataka Hijab ban row snowballed into a major controversy in 2022 after a bunch of Muslim girls were denied entry to college for insisting on taking exams in burqas. The row was politicised by the opposition and the left-liberal intelligentsia, who cast themselves as the moral custodians of India’s ‘endangered’ secularism, restlessly itching to fuel fear psychosis in the minds of Muslims, painting a dystopian picture about the current state of affairs and projecting the centre as “Islamophobic”—a catchphrase bandied around uncritically by the Left to suppress rational voices in their bid to push for the ever-increasing set of unreasonable demands made by India’s Muslim population.

Instead of holding recalcitrant Muslim girls bent on visiting colleges and schools in burqas, in violation of established rules and regulations, efforts were put in to blame college authorities and administration for the imbroglio, alleging that Muslim girls being denied entry to institutions is part of a sinister plan of the government to target Muslims. For years, being denied entry into educational institutions over inappropriate uniforms was never a controversy. Instead, schools, colleges, and universities were encouraged to have uniforms so that the importance of discipline is inculcated among the students right from their formative years.

But instead, agenda peddlers spun it off as an attack on the fundamental rights of Muslims and approached the honourable courts. While the Karnataka High Court upheld the hijab ban, a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court issued a split verdict, with Justice Hemant Gupta upholding the Karnataka hijab ban, and Justice Dhulia going against it, asserting that asking Muslim girls to take off their hijab was an invasion of their privacy, an attack on their dignity, and a denial of secular education.

Justice Dhulia made it clear: there should be no ban on wearing the hijab in any school or college in Karnataka. He warned that such restrictions don’t just target a piece of clothing—they risk shutting the school doors on young girls. “The real cost,” he said, “is denying a girl her right to education.”

“A girl child for whom it is still not easy to reach her school gate. This case here, therefore, has also to be seen from the perspective of the challenges already faced by a girl child in reaching her school. The question this court would put before itself is also whether we are making the life of a girl child any better by denying her education merely because she wears a hijab!” he said.

By terming the enforcement of uniforms in schools and colleges an “invasion of privacy” and a “denial of secular education,” he upended the logic of the case on its head. The very purpose of uniforms in schools—fostering equality, discipline, and unity—was brushed aside in favour of a subjective interpretation of dignity and choice. Ironically, this allowed regressive religious norms to take precedence over institutional order and gender-neutral values.

In elevating the hijab to a symbol of choice and access rather than religious imposition, Justice Dhulia’s view aligned uncritically with a segment of Islamist identity politics, overlooking the coercive pressures that often underpin such “choices.” His ruling failed to consider the long-term social consequences of allowing religious attire to supersede uniformity in public education—a slippery slope toward further fragmentation in a secular republic.

The veneration of judicial icons and resistance to critical reform

Justice Dhulia’s judicial style also includes a deep reverence for past activist judges like Justices Krishna Iyer and Chinnappa Reddy. His disapproval of former CJI Chandrachud’s critique of Krishna Iyer in a recent ruling on Article 39(b) reflects not legal disagreement but near-personal reverence. By calling Chandrachud’s remarks “harsh and unwarranted,” Dhulia seemed more interested in defending legacies than advancing doctrinal clarity.

In a significant judgment on Article 39(b), former CJI Chandrachud took a firm stance, breaking away from a long-standing interpretation by the legendary Justice Krishna Iyer. Addressing Iyer’s 1978 view that private property could be considered part of the “material resources of the community,” the CJI disagreed, calling it a misstep. “Justice Iyer, despite his towering legacy, did a disservice to the broad and adaptable spirit of the Constitution,” he remarked, underlining the need to uphold constitutional flexibility without overextending its reach.

But these remarks didn’t sit well with Justice Dhulia, who aligned himself with the legacies of Justices Krishna Iyer and O. Chinnappa Reddy, and didn’t mince words while expressing his firm disapproval: “I must place on record my strong disapproval of the harsh remarks made against what is known as the Krishna Iyer Doctrine. That criticism was unwarranted—and could have been avoided.” He defended the doctrine with conviction: “Whether it’s the Krishna Iyer Doctrine or the Chinnappa Reddy approach, anyone familiar with the law—or even life—knows their core lies in humanism, fairness, and equity. These weren’t just judges with sharp minds; they had deep empathy. Their words lit the way during the darkest moments, always putting the human being at the heart of justice.”

His praise for the “humanism” of earlier judges, while admirable in principle, again signals his preference for emotional and moralistic reasoning over institutional discipline or structural coherence. In doing so, he perpetuates a brand of jurisprudence that values what feels right over what is constitutionally sound—a dangerous precedent in a time when the judiciary’s neutrality is under scrutiny.

Holding emotions as a constitutional compass

There is a fine line between compassionate jurisprudence and ideological indulgence. Justice Sudhanshu Dhulia, in judgment after judgment, has demonstrated a tendency to interpret the Constitution as a vehicle for poetic justice rather than principled law. Whether it is shielding the hijab under the guise of personal liberty or romanticising a signboard dispute as a referendum on cultural unity, his rulings often reflect more about his worldview than the constitutional questions at hand.

In a judiciary that must increasingly balance empathy with clarity, Justice Dhulia’s style—rooted in sermonisation, cultural romanticism, and an idealised vision of secularism—may resonate with the intelligentsia, but it stands the risk of diluting the neutrality and rigour that interpretation of law demands.

‘Dangerous precedent, dangerous delay’: HNG Workers Union accuse CCI and AGI Greenpac of derailing SC-backed insolvency process, writes to FM

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In a strongly worded letter to Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, the Workers Union of Hindustan National Glass & Industries Ltd. (HNGIL) has accused the Competition Commission of India (CCI) and failed resolution applicant AGI Greenpac of deliberately sabotaging the timely resolution of the company’s insolvency process, at the cost of thousands of workers’ futures.

The letter exposes what it calls a “systematic exploitation of judicial remedies” by AGI Greenpac, which was disqualified by the Supreme Court in its landmark judgment dated January 29, 2025. The apex court had nullified AGI’s resolution plan and also quashed the conditional CCI approval granted to AGI-HNGIL’s proposed combination, citing violations of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), 2016, and the Competition Act, 2002.

AGI Greenpac then filed a review petition and got its petition clubbed with the one filed by CCI, which is limited to a narrow legal interpretation of Section 29 of the Competition Act. The workers allege this has been done through procedural manipulation via correspondence to the Supreme Court registry.

Union’s Outrage: “Review petition has become a backdoor entry for a failed bidder”

The Workers Union claims that AGI is misusing CCI’s review as a tool to relitigate the entire CIRP—a matter already settled by a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court after an exhaustive 2.5-month-long hearing. The letter says that entertaining such review petitions opens the floodgates to judicial abuse, setting a dangerous precedent for commercial insolvency cases where speed and certainty are essential.

“This is not just a review petition—it is an attempt to reverse a well-reasoned judgment in the absence of the judge who authored it. The authoring judge has retired, and vested interests are exploiting this to reopen the case,” the letter states.

The union also criticised the role of the CCI, calling its conduct “highly questionable and not aligned with law or procedures”. The letter accuses certain CCI members of working in “close coordination with the failed resolution applicant”, an accusation that casts a serious shadow on the integrity of the regulatory process.

CIRP Timeline: Victory for workers, blocked again

Post the Supreme Court’s judgment, the Committee of Creditors (CoC) of HNGIL—led by public sector banks including SBI (holding over 38% voting share)—unanimously exercised their commercial wisdom and approved the resolution plan of INSCO (Independent Sugar Corporation Ltd., part of the Madhvani Group) on February 4, 2025.

The plan was filed with the Adjudicating Authority (NCLT Kolkata) on February 27, 2025. Yet, due to the pending review petitions by CCI and AGI, the NCLT has refrained from hearing the approval application.

“Each day of delay is a death sentence for workers”

The workers emphasise the company’s plants, citing dangerous working conditions, a massive fire accident at the Nashik facility, and a drastic reduction in production capacity. They caution that continued delay in resolution is pushing the company toward irreversible liquidation, which would destroy more than 10,000 jobs and wipe out the livelihoods of workers, their families, and dependent communities.

“The work conditions are deteriorating each day. If the CIRP does not conclude before May 10, 2025, which is the extended outer limit fixed by the Adjudicating Authority, the company will go into liquidation,” the letter says.

Appeal to the Finance Minister

In its concluding plea, the Workers Union implore the Finance Minister to intervene decisively:

  • Ensure CCI’s limited review is not used by AGI Greenpac to derail CIRP;
  • Direct CCI to withdraw its review petition, or at least clarify that it should not be misused to reopen settled findings;
  • Safeguard the Coc-approved plan of INSCO, which represents the commercial will of financial creditors and the lawful direction of the Supreme Court;
  • Prevent liquidation, which will permanently extinguish workers’ rights and future.

“We, the workers, are already operating under extreme risk. We have waited for justice since October 2021. We are not asking for favours—we are praying for survival“, the letter concludes.

Anger rising against Cricketer turned TMC MP Yusuf Pathan within his own party: When Murshidabad was burning, the MP was sharing pictures of having tea

Yusuf Pathan, former Indian Cricketer and TMC MP from Baharampur, West Bengal, is facing the heat from within his party for failing to reach out to people affected by the recent violence in West Bengal. Pathan’s constituency, Baharampur, is one of the three Lok Sabha constituencies located within the Murshidabad district, which has been the epicentre of violence carried out by Muslims protesting against the Waqf Act. The Muslim-dominated Murshidabad district has witnessed large-scale incidents of violence, vandalism, arson and targeted attacks against the Hindu community on 11th April in the garb of protests against the Waqf Act. A large number of Hindu families were forced to migrate after targeted attacks on the Hindu community.

Pathan attracted the outrage of people, including members of his party, TMC, after he posted a picture of himself sipping tea on Instagram on 12th April, a day after violence broke out in several areas of Murshidabad. “Easy afternoon, good chai, and calm surroundings. Just soaking in the moment,” Pathan wrote, sharing his photo.

Image via Instagram

Pathan was last seen in his constituency while attending Iftar parties during Ramzan. So far, he has not posted anything on social media or given any statement regarding the incidents of violence in West Bengal.

Notably, TMC MP Derek O’Brien, who has been very vocal against the Waqf Act, also shared pictures of his lunch a day later on 13th April, on Instagram. “Sunday lunch. Home. Kolkata. Rice. Dal. Palong saag (spinach). Tengra maach (catfish) jhaal. What are you having for Sunday lunch?”, wrote O’Brien in the caption.

Image via Instagram

Pathan’s party members are furious over his absence

In the aftermath of the violence, the TMC has been holding peace meetings in violence-affected areas. Local party leaders, including the MPs from the riot-affected areas of Murshidabad and Jangipur, Abu Taher Khan and Khalilur Rehman, are attending these meetings. However, Pathan has been absent from these meetings. Besides, he did not visit any violence-affected areas. His behaviour is being questioned by his fellow party leaders, who are calling Pathan, who is from Gujarat, an ‘outsider’. “He (Yusuf Pathan) is an outsider and is new to politics. He chose to stay away so far. But this gives the wrong message to people. Our MPs, MLAs and even booth workers are on the ground, reaching out to people,” Murshidabad MP Abu Taher Khan told the Indian Express. “There was a peace meeting in Samserganj. I travelled 100 km to reach there. Khalilur Rehman, as well as a number of TMC MLAs, were present there. But he (Yusuf Pathan) was absent. One cannot say it’s not my area and it’s not my people and that’s why I won’t go,” Taher Khan added.

TMC MLA says Pathan should not be given a ticket in the next elections

Attacking Pathan, TMC MLA from Bharatpur, Humayun Kabir, accused him of playing games with voters. “He is a renowned cricketer who lives in Gujarat. He defeated (Congress leader) Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury in the Lok Sabha elections by people’s votes. This gentleman is now playing games with voters. He is behaving as per his whims and fancy,” said Kabir. He said that if Pathan did not mend his ways, he would ask the party high command to give him a ticket in the next elections. “It has almost been a year since Yusuf Pathan became an MP. If he doesn’t change his behaviour and try to reach out to the people, I will approach our party’s top brass against him. I would try to ensure that next time he doesn’t get a party ticket. He is not a part of the development initiatives of Mamata Banerjee, and he is also not standing by the people in the time of such a crisis,” Kabir warned.

The demonstrations carried out by Muslims against the Waqf Act, which caused the violence, found the support of West Bengal Chief Minister, Mamata Banerjee who promised to protect Muslims and their properties by openly opposing the legislation.

 

Suspended cop peddles fake news about ‘EVM manipulation’ in 2024 Maharashtra polls, Congress ecosystem amplifies lies, ECI debunks claims

On Friday (18th April), the Election Commission of India (ECI) debunked lies, peddled by suspended cop Ranjeet Kasale and amplified by the Congress ecosystem, about EVM tampering in the 2024 Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha election.

Kasale, who was recently suspended from his post of police sub-inspector, claimed on Thursday (17th April) that BJP MLA Dhananjay Munde won from the Parli constituency through EVM manipulation.

The disgraced cop also alleged that he was offered ₹10 lakhs to stay silent. He claimed, “On polling day, ₹10 lakh was deposited into my account. Of that, I returned ₹7.5 lakh. The remaining amount was used for personal expenses.”

Screengrab of the viral tweet

“I was deployed in Parli during the election. Munde was elected through improper means. That’s the truth the public must know,” Ranjeet Kasale further alleged.

The unsubstantiated claims peddled by the suspended cop was further amplified by the Congress ecosystem.

Party troll Ankit Mayank tweeted, “MASSIVE BREAKING…EVMs Manipulation Exposed…He is Police Officer Ranjit Kasle, who was posted on election duty in Beed, Maharashtra. He claims he was given ₹10 lakhs to keep quite about tampering & removal of EVMs from strong room. This is HUGE. WATCH & SHARE”

The Truth behind the fake claims of Ranjeet Kasale

In a letter written to the Chief Electoral Officer of Maharashtra on Saturday (18th April), the Beed district election officer Avinash Pathak punctured the lies of the disgraced cop and the Congress trolls.

It is observed that during the period of the General Assembly Elections 2024, Ranjit Kasale, the dismissed Police Sub-Inspector, was not assigned any duty related to the election process in the Parli Assembly Constituency, including during the polling process, the strong room security, or vote counting arrangements,” Pathak emphasised.

He pointed out that the disgraced cop was not part of any election duty in the 2024 Maharashtra polls and was instead posted at the Beed Cyber Police Station.

Moreover, during the entire election period, the dismissed PSI Ranjit Kasale was not assigned any election-related duty. During this time, Mr. Kasale was posted at the Beed Cyber Police Station,” the Beed district election officer highlighted.

Besides reiterating the robust security measures that were deployed to ensure free and fair election, Avinash Pathak added, “No complaints of EVM tampering have been received so far. Upon reviewing the said video on social media, the allegations made appear to be baseless and without merit.

He questioned the deplorable track record of the suspended cop and the past statements that he has made under the influence of alcohol to create sensationalism.

Ranjit Kasale, who is currently a dismissed Police Sub-Inspector, has a habitual tendency to make baseless, irresponsible, and inappropriate statements on social media. He has repeatedly made highly defamatory and unfounded remarks against the Hon’ble Minister, various public representatives, and senior police officer,” Pathak said.

He concluded, “Notably, he has admitted in a video that he often appears on social media under the influence of alcohol while making such statements. This behavior not only reflects personal indiscipline but is also a serious concern from the perspective of public order and law enforcement. In conclusion, the allegations made by Mr. Ranjeet Kasale appear, to be unfounded, baseless, and aimed at casting unwarranted doubts on the election process.”