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Kerala’s Congress govt releases white paper to expose the misrule of LDF regime: Read how Congress and the Left, both follow the same pattern when in power

Shriti Sagar
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Kerala’s Congress govt releases white paper to expose the misrule of LDF regime: Read how Congress and the Left, both follow the same pattern when in power

The newly elected Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) government in Kerala has released a detailed White Paper on the state’s finances on Thursday, 4th June, presenting what it describes as a grim picture of an economy pushed into severe financial distress during the ten years of Left Democratic Front (LDF) rule. Titled “Kerala’s Fiscal Health: A Status Report”, the 195-page document was prepared by an expert committee headed by former Cabinet Secretary K M Chandrasekhar and was tabled in the Assembly by Chief Minister V D Satheesan, who also holds the Finance Ministry.

The White Paper was among the first major decisions taken by the new UDF government after assuming office. It seeks to explain the scale of the fiscal challenge inherited by the administration and argues that Kerala’s economy is suffering from deep structural problems that have accumulated over the past decade.

According to the report, Kerala has violated the basic principle of public finance that governments should “borrow to invest, and growth will repay.” Instead, borrowing increasingly financed consumption and recurring expenditure rather than productive investments. As a result, the state’s growth-generating capacity weakened while debt continued to pile up.

The White Paper comes at a politically significant moment. It has been projected by the UDF as an honest assessment of the state’s finances and as a roadmap for future corrective action. However, it also opens up a larger political debate: whether Congress governments across India have developed a pattern of blaming previous administrations for financial troubles and then finding themselves trapped by similar fiscal challenges after coming to power.

How LDF ruined Kerala’s economy in the last ten years

The most striking finding of the White Paper is the scale of Kerala’s public debt. According to the report, total public debt has ballooned to ₹5.07 lakh crore. Such a large debt burden means a significant portion of the state’s resources now goes toward servicing old liabilities rather than creating new assets or funding development projects.

An excerpt from the report

The report argues that the financial situation has reached a stage where future governments will continue to carry the burden of decisions taken during the previous decade. Rising debt has translated into rising interest obligations, creating a vicious cycle in which more borrowing is required merely to meet existing commitments.

Another major concern highlighted in the report is the state’s committed expenditure. Nearly 77% of total revenue receipts are already pre-committed to salaries, pensions and interest payments. This leaves very little fiscal space for fresh development initiatives, infrastructure creation or social sector investments.

Interest payments alone account for more than one-fifth of the state’s revenue receipts. In practical terms, this means a substantial amount of taxpayer money is being spent simply to service old debt.

The report also points to Kerala’s poor capital expenditure performance. Capital expenditure is often considered one of the most important indicators of long-term economic health because it creates infrastructure and productive assets that generate future growth. However, Kerala’s capital expenditure has fallen to just 1.3% of GSDP, among the lowest levels in the country.

An excerpt from the report

The White Paper argues that this trend directly contradicts the justification often offered for high borrowing. Governments generally defend borrowing by claiming that the funds are being invested in projects that will generate future growth. However, when capital expenditure remains low despite high borrowing, the benefits of such borrowing become difficult to justify.

KIIFB under the scanner 

A major portion of the report focuses on the role of the Kerala Infrastructure Investment Fund Board (KIIFB), a flagship institution promoted during the LDF era.

An excerpt from the report

The White Paper describes KIIFB as a “parallel fiscal authority” and argues that it contributed significantly to Kerala’s present liabilities. According to the report, KIIFB has left the state with financial obligations worth around ₹56,000 crore. Of this amount, nearly ₹21,000 crore relates to loan liabilities while another ₹35,000 crore is linked to projects currently in the pipeline.

The report also raises questions about the geographical distribution of KIIFB spending. It alleges that more than 20% of KIIFB funds were concentrated in Kannur, a district widely considered a political stronghold of the CPI(M). The implication is that political considerations may have influenced investment decisions.

The White Paper further argues that many KIIFB-funded projects increased liabilities without creating sufficient economic returns to justify the costs.

Massive pending liabilities

The UDF government has also highlighted what it calls inherited payment arrears worth ₹48,733 crore. These include substantial Dearness Allowance (DA) and Dearness Relief (DR) arrears owed to government employees and pensioners. The report suggests that the state delayed payments to manage immediate fiscal pressures, effectively pushing liabilities into the future.

As a result, the new government faces the challenge of honouring commitments made years ago while simultaneously trying to stabilise public finances.

A familiar political pattern of Congress-led government

While the Kerala White Paper directly targets the previous LDF government, Congress governments elsewhere have adopted a similar political approach. The pattern, they often begins with blaming the previous administration for financial distress and then, after coming to power, launching expansive welfare schemes and election promises that place additional pressure on state finances.

The results are clearly visible in prominent states such as Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh, where Congress governments have repeatedly cited inherited debt and financial stress while simultaneously struggling to fund their own commitments.

From South India to North India, the story has remained remarkably similar: blame the previous government, announce ambitious welfare guarantees, and then face mounting fiscal challenges when revenue growth fails to keep pace with expenditure.

Karnataka: From revenue surplus to fiscal stress

Karnataka can be seen as a warning about the long-term consequences of aggressive welfare spending without adequate fiscal planning.

When the BJP government under Basavaraj Bommai presented its budget in 2023, Karnataka was in a relatively comfortable fiscal position. The state recorded a revenue surplus and maintained a balance between welfare spending and infrastructure investment.

The budget allocated significant resources to agriculture, education, irrigation and infrastructure projects while avoiding major fiscal disruptions. Education alone received allocations exceeding ₹37,000 crore. Major irrigation projects such as Upper Bhadra and Kalasa-Banduri also received substantial funding.

However, after the Congress government led by Siddaramaiah came to power, it implemented its five flagship guarantee schemes, Gruha Lakshmi, Gruha Jyoti, Anna Bhagya, Shakti and Yuva Nidhi.

These schemes formed the core of Congress’s election campaign and were credited with helping the party secure a decisive victory.

But the financial implications soon became apparent.

According to a report by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) released last year, the guarantee schemes alone carried a budgetary provision of ₹36,538 crore in 2023-24, equivalent to around 15% of the state’s total revenue expenditure.

The impact on Karnataka’s finances was shocking. Revenue grew by only 1.86% while expenditure surged by 12.54%. The state slipped into a revenue deficit of ₹9,271 crore.

The fiscal deficit rose sharply from ₹46,623 crore in 2022-23 to ₹65,522 crore in 2023-24. To bridge the gap, Karnataka borrowed nearly ₹63,000 crore from the market, almost two and a half times the borrowing of the previous year.

Meanwhile, capital expenditure fell substantially, leading to delays and unfinished infrastructure projects.

Congress leaders themselves sound alarm bells

Perhaps the strongest criticism of Karnataka’s financial position has come from within the Congress ecosystem itself.

On 11th July, 2024, Siddaramaiah’s financial advisor, Basavaraj Rayareddy, openly acknowledged the strain on state finances.

“Many MLAs are demanding funds for development works in their constituencies; however, there is no money with the government. We are spending approximately Rs 65,000 crore on guarantee schemes,” he said.

He added: “People want development. But believe me, there is absolutely no money.”

The remarks triggered a major political debate because they appeared to confirm what opposition parties had been alleging for months.

Congress’s freebies have even resulted in internal strife. There are some Congress leaders who claim that the schemes failed to provide the electoral returns anticipated, and there are doubts about whether such lavish expenditure was worth the price.

The financial strain has been acknowledged on several occasions by senior Congress leaders themselves. CM DK Shivakumar admitted in July 2023 that the government was finding it difficult to have funds for development because ₹40,000 crore had to be kept aside for party’s guarantees.

These admissions have been used by critics to argue that Karnataka’s fiscal stress is no longer merely an opposition talking point.

The impact on infrastructure

As expenditure on welfare schemes increased, concerns emerged regarding infrastructure spending.

The CAG noted a decline in capital expenditure and a sharp rise in incomplete projects. Critics argue that resources which could have gone toward roads, irrigation, transport and industrial infrastructure are increasingly being diverted toward recurring welfare obligations.

The situation has also affected state-owned transport corporations. Under the Shakti scheme, women are provided free bus travel. However, transport corporations later reported significant financial pressures and delayed obligations.

KSRTC salary crisis: how ‘Shakti’ broke public transport

Earlier, in August last year, workers of the Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation (KSRTC) and Bengaluru Metropolitan Transport Corporation (BMTC) went on a strike against unpaid salary revisions and arrears.

They were demanding a 25% hike in salary and payment of arrears for 38 months, which totals ₹1,800 crore. The state government, however, proposed to settle arrears of just 14 months due to financial constraints.

What infuriated workers was that their salaries were being withheld even while the government was spending thousands of crores on the Shakti scheme, under which women get free bus travel. The Congress government owes ₹1,600 crore to the four state-owned transport corporations (KSRTC, BMTC, NWKRTC, KKRTC) for carrying out Shakti.

The debate in Karnataka has therefore evolved into a broader question: how should governments balance welfare commitments with long-term development spending?

Himachal Pradesh: A similar story in the hills

The financial debate surrounding Congress governments is not limited to South states only.

In Himachal Pradesh, where Congress came to power under Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu in December 2022, concerns over fiscal stress have repeatedly surfaced.

Before the election, Congress promised a range of welfare measures, including free electricity, monthly financial assistance for women, restoration of the Old Pension Scheme, government jobs and several subsidy-based initiatives. After coming to power, however, the state increasingly faced fiscal pressures.

Reports emerged of difficulties in meeting salary and pension obligations. The government reportedly struggled with monthly commitments of nearly ₹2,000 crore toward salaries and pensions alone.

At one stage, delays in salary and pension payments affected hundreds of thousands of employees and retirees, sparking a major political controversy. The state also resorted to additional borrowing to meet expenditure requirements.

New taxes, higher charges and cost-cutting measures

As fiscal pressures mounted, the Himachal government introduced several measures aimed at increasing revenue.

The Assembly approved amendments introducing environmental cess and milk cess. The government also reduced some subsidy benefits and increased certain user charges.

Opposition leaders accused the government of burdening ordinary citizens after winning elections on promises of generous welfare schemes. Among the controversial decisions were the withdrawal of some free power benefits, higher diesel prices and increased water charges in rural areas. The government also explored new revenue sources, including discussions around regulated cannabis cultivation for industrial and medicinal purposes.

These measures are evidence that the state’s finances were under severe stress.

Even temple trusts drawn into the debate 

One of the most politically sensitive controversies emerged when a notification encouraged temple trusts to contribute funds toward welfare schemes such as the Mukhyamantri Sukh-Aashray Yojana and Mukhyamantri Sukh Shiksha Yojana.

The move generated intense political reactions and became another symbol cited by opponents who argue that the state government is struggling to finance its welfare commitments.

Meanwhile, Chief Minister Sukhu has continued to argue that much of the state’s debt burden was inherited and that a large portion of recent borrowing has gone toward repaying old loans and interest obligations.

The same blame game in Kerala, Karnataka, and Himachal

The Kerala White Paper has reignited a broader pattern of blame game and about fiscal responsibility and freebies politics.

The Congress-led UDF government in Kerala has presented the report as evidence of financial mismanagement under the previous LDF administration. The document highlights rising debt, mounting liabilities, low capital expenditure and structural weaknesses in the state’s finances.

However, similar explanations have been offered by Congress governments in Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh after assuming power. In both states, the previous governments were blamed for fiscal difficulties, but concerns later emerged regarding the sustainability of new welfare commitments and the resulting pressure on public finances.

As Kerala begins examining the financial legacy of the past decade under the LDF through its White Paper, the experiences of Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh are likely to remain central to the debate. 

Cockcroach Janta Party supporters heckled journalists, raised “Godi Media” slogans during Jantar Mantar protest: Here are six incidents of journalists targeted by protestors

Aditi
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Cockcroach Janta Party supporters heckled journalists, raised “Godi Media” slogans during Jantar Mantar protest: Here are six incidents of journalists targeted by protestors

The much-awaited Cockcroach Janta Party (CJP) protest was organised at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi on Saturday (6th June). With all the social media hype around the protest, it was expected that at least thousands of supporters of the CJP, which has millions of followers on social media, would attend the protest. However, the protest turned out to be a flop show, with very few people gathering at the site. The protestors were outnumbered by media persons and the police personnel.

Interestingly, many of the CJP supporters, who came to protest, had little idea about the agenda and purpose of the protest. While the CJP had claimed that the protest was being organised against the central government, especially the education minister, over recent issues like NEET and CBSE exams, anti-national slogans of Azadi-Azadi were raised during the protests. When some journalists tried speaking to the protestors to understand their agenda and questioned the anti-national slogans being raised by CJP supporters, they were heckled and intimidated. Many protestors pushed and hounded journalists who were only doing their jobs.

OpIndia journalist Anurag Mishra had a similar experience at the protests when he tried to speak to the CJP supporters regarding their demands. The CJP supporters, who claim to be fighting for the freedom of expression, surrounded Anurag Mishra and started shouting slogans calling him “Godi Media”. Mishra had merely asked the CJP supporters why the turnout at the ground was so low while the CJP has millions of followers on social media. The CJP supporters got irritated by the question and started intimidating and shouting at him.

The OpIndia journalist was not the only one who was nearly assaulted by CJP supporters at the protest site; another journalist from Zee News also had a similar experience. The journalist was covering the protest when several CJP protestors came charging at him, raising slogans of “Godi Media”. As the situation grew tense, some police personnel intervened and rescued the journalist.

Some women journalists had a tough time covering the protests as they were harassed by CJP supporters. In a viral video, CJP protestors were seen encircling a woman journalist, shouting slogans and showing her an obscene gesture.

Another woman journalist was also targeted by CJP hooligans, who heckled her as she was trying to cover the protests, accusing her of being a government agent. One of the CJP protestors taunted her, saying, “Modi (PM Modi) must have handed her a ₹500 note”, as others shouted slogans at her.

Similarly, a News24 journalist was pushed around and hounded by CJP supporters as he was trying to ask them questions. The journalist tried to reason with the protestors, but they kept shouting slogans of “Shame, Shame” and “Godi Media Vapas Jao” (Go Back Godi Media).

In yet another incident, an ABP journalist was roughed up by the CJP supporters as he was trying to speak to them. The journalist displayed great calm despite being pushed and shoved by protestors, who were aggressively shouting provocative slogans.

These incidents of journalists who came to cover the protests being heckled by CJP supporters expose the hypocrisy of CJP leaders, who portrayed the entire campaign against the government and the protest as an attempt to ‘raise a voice’ or ‘to be heard’. On the one hand, the party wants to ask questions to the government and fight for the freedom of expression and liberal values, and on the other hand, its supporters harass and intimidate people asking questions to them.

E85 fuel launched in India with ₹20 lower price than Petrol: Read what this new green fuel with 85% ethanol is and whether your vehicle will run on it

Raju Das
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E85 fuel launched in India with ₹20 lower price than Petrol: Read what this new green fuel with 85% ethanol is and whether your vehicle will run on it

Union Minister for Petroleum and Natural Gas Hardeep Singh Puri launched E85 fuel at an Indian Oil retail outlet in New Delhi on World Environment Day, June 5, 2026. Senior officials from the Ministry and CMDs of public sector oil marketing companies (OMCs) attended the event. The launch marks the commencement of E85 rollout across 48 retail outlets of Public Sector OMCs, with plans for nationwide expansion to around 500 outlets by December 2026 and about 5,000 by December 2027, enabling flex-fuel vehicle users to access this cleaner fuel. This initiative is expected to help raise India’s aggregate ethanol blending levels to nearly 26 per cent by 2030-31.

E85 is a high-ethanol blended fuel comprising 80–85 per cent ethanol and 14–19 per cent petrol. It is specifically designed for use in flex-fuel vehicles (FFVs), which are capable of operating on ethanol blends ranging from E20 all the way to E100 without restricting consumers to a single blend. Ethanol for this fuel is produced domestically primarily from sugarcane and other agricultural feedstocks, supporting farmers and reducing reliance on imported crude oil.

Public sector OMCs such as Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum are leading the production and distribution in collaboration with ethanol suppliers under the government’s Ethanol Blended Petrol (EBP) programme. This builds on the successful increase in ethanol blending from just 1.53 per cent in 2014 to 20 per cent today, achieved five years ahead of schedule, which has already saved over ₹1.84 lakh crore in foreign exchange and substituted nearly 302 lakh metric tonnes of crude oil imports.

In Delhi, E85 is priced nearly ₹20 per litre lower than conventional E20 petrol, passing on the economic benefits of domestically produced ethanol directly to consumers. For instance, it is available at around ₹82 per litre compared to higher prices for regular petrol. This lower price is the result of ethanol’s production economics, though its lower energy density means vehicles may experience a noticeable drop in mileage.

Beyond cost savings, E85 offers substantial environmental advantages. Flex-fuel vehicles running on E85 can reduce lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions by around 61 per cent compared to conventional petrol vehicles. With ethanol’s high Research Octane Number (RON) of about 108, it provides superior knock resistance, enabling engines to run at higher compression ratios and optimised ignition timing for better performance. Higher ethanol blends also promote cleaner and more complete combustion, resulting in near-zero particulate matter emissions that significantly improve urban air quality.

E85 compatible vehicles

Only specially designed flex-fuel vehicles (FFVs) can safely use E85. Standard petrol vehicles, including most E20-compliant models on Indian roads, are not compatible. Using E85 in non-FFVs risks corrosion of fuel system components, damage to seals and hoses, starting issues in cold weather, and overall performance degradation.

Flex-fuel vehicles feature modified engines, fuel lines, injectors, pumps, and sensors engineered to handle the corrosive properties and different combustion characteristics of high-ethanol fuels. They offer the flexibility to run on any blend from E20 to E85 (or even E100 in some cases) depending on availability.

Prominent flex-fuel models already introduced or showcased include Maruti Suzuki’s WagonR Flex Fuel, India’s first mass-market flex-fuel passenger car, which supports blends up to E85 and has been positioned for commercial buyers initially. Hero MotoCorp has launched flex-fuel variants of popular motorcycles such as the Splendor+ Flex Fuel and HF Deluxe Flex Fuel. A Toyota Innova flex-fuel model was also unveiled in 2023.

Other models like the Maruti Suzuki Fronx Flex Fuel are expected in the coming months, prototypes of which were already demonstrated. More two-wheeler and four-wheeler FFVs from various manufacturers are anticipated as the ecosystem matures. Automakers including Maruti Suzuki and Hero MotoCorp are actively supporting the transition, with industry associations on board. Most models contain the words Flex Fuel in their names, to avoid any confusion.

Minister Hardeep Singh Puri emphasised that E85 is meant exclusively for these specially designed flex-fuel vehicles and not for normal petrol cars. He addressed common misconceptions by noting that since E20 became the standard fuel, there has not been a single reported case of engine failure or vehicle breakdown due to ethanol blending. E20-compatible vehicles often deliver improved acceleration and better ride quality, especially in city conditions, and ethanol use does not affect vehicle insurance validity.

FFVs also remain competitive with electric vehicles due to lower upfront costs and utilisation of existing infrastructure, while relying on domestically produced ethanol from Indian farmers rather than imported batteries and minerals.

If 50 per cent of new two-wheelers and four-wheelers transition to flex-fuel technology, it could generate demand for over 312 crore litres of ethanol annually, directing nearly ₹12,403 crore directly to farmers, saving about ₹15,151 crore in foreign exchange, and reducing CO2 emissions by 66.4 lakh metric tonnes. The initiative draws inspiration from Brazil’s successful experience, where over 80 per cent of the light vehicle fleet operates on flex-fuel technology. States have been urged to support the shift through favourable taxation policies for E85 and FFVs.

This launch advances India’s broader biofuel strategy and Atmanirbhar Bharat goals by reducing oil imports, boosting rural economies, and promoting cleaner mobility. E85 will be dispensed from dedicated pumps to prevent misuse. While initial availability is limited and most existing vehicles will continue using E20 petrol, the expanding FFV options and infrastructure promise greater choices for consumers seeking cheaper, greener fuel.

Advocate Sanjay Hegde lashes out at West Bengal govt for ‘detect, delete and deport’ policy: Read how illegal immigrants are not just unwelcome guests but a real threat to the country

Aditi
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Advocate Sanjay Hegde lashes out at West Bengal govt for ‘detect, delete and deport’ policy: Read how illegal immigrants are not just unwelcome guests but a real threat to the country

Recently, the newly elected BJP government in West Bengal intensified action against illegal immigrants in the state, directing the state authorities to ‘detect, delete and deport’ those residing in the state illegally. For decades, West Bengal has been reeling under the effects of rising population, crumbling law and order and a rapidly changing demography. The stiff stance of the state government against illegal immigrants has irked the usual suspects, the champions of selective human rights, whose idea of human rights never aligns with national interests.

Senior Advocate Sanjay Hegde recently wrote an article published in the Deccan Herald, lashing out at the West Bengal government for deporting illegal immigrants residing in the state. The article is nothing but a sophisticated rant against the Indian government’s hardened stance against illegal immigrants. The article contains every element of a catchy piece, from sob stories and emotional appeals to legal jargon, except reasonableness and common sense.

An emotional appeal to cover a legal wrong

In the article, Hedge picks out an example of an Indian family allegedly deported to Bangladesh by the Indian authorities on suspicion of being illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. To suggest that the Indian authorities displayed insensitivity in deporting immigrant families who entered and have been living in the country illegally, Hegde carefully picks out this story where the woman, as claimed by him, was pregnant. He writes how, when he approached the Supreme Court, challenging the action of the Indian authorities, the court allowed the pregnant woman to be brought back to India on humanitarian grounds.

The court’s decision to allow relief to an illegal immigrant on humanitarian grounds does not render the action of the authorities invalid. Just because the Supreme Court displayed empathy and sensitivity and permitted a pregnant illegal immigrant to stay in the country while clearly stating that the case should not be used as a precedent, does not strike at the core of the policy for the deportation of illegal immigrants. Courts often grant relief when procedural safeguards were not followed in a particular case. That does not establish that every person removed in the operation was an Indian citizen or that every action taken by authorities was unlawful.

The courts in India have time and again reiterated that illegal immigrants have no right to stay in India, noting that it causes a grave threat to the internal and external security of the country. Many of the illegal immigrants living in India have been found involved in serious criminal activities such as robberies, drug smuggling, and human trafficking. India, being a sovereign country, has every right to decide who enters its borders, who stays, and who should be deported in accordance with the law of the land. While Hegde tries to argue against the policy of deportation of illegal immigrants by highlighting legalities, he misses the broader logic underlying the policy, which is that no illegal immigrant can claim a right to remain on Indian territory.

Besides, it is a basic principle of law that ‘He who comes into equity must come with clean hands’. The legal principle implies that one cannot be allowed to benefit from one’s own wrong. The principle prevents people from exploiting the law to benefit from their wrongdoings or to achieve illegal ends. The illegal immigrants who manage to enter the borders of India by whatever means cannot later claim a right to continue to reside in the country just because they had lived in the country illegally for decades, or because their children were born here. Illegal presence on Indian territory cannot be a ground to claim citizenship or the right to stay in the country.

Burden on the country’s already strained resources

Hegde criticised West Bengal CM Suvendu Adhikari’s decision that women who were removed from the state’s electoral roll will not receive benefits under the Annapurna Yojana unless their appeals are under consideration by, or have been accepted by, the appellate tribunals. The rationale behind the CM’s decision was that the benefits under the scheme should not go to any non-citizen.

It should not be forgotten that illegal immigrants consume the country’s resources in a parasitic manner without making any contribution. They put a burden on the limited resources of the country, which has a sizable population to feed and maintain. It is not far-fetched to state that the resources do not reach the people they are meant for because they get exhausted by a large number of undeserving infiltrators. Their presence on the Indian territory is a continuing injustice to the people of the country, who toil to make the country what it is and do not infiltrate into other, more prosperous countries to feed on their resources.

The West Bengal government has made an exception for women who have appealed against their removal from the electoral rolls. If such women can prove their identities, they will be included within the ambit of the scheme. The caution taken by the state government is not uncalled for. Many reports have revealed how thousands of illegal immigrants have forged Indian identity cards with the help of local politicians and have even cast votes in local elections. In such a scenario, government scrutiny is warranted to make sure that the country’s resources are not squandered on illegal immigrants.

Procedures are important and necessary

Hegde rightly points out that removal from the electoral roll does not mean stripping of citizenship. He also laments how people have to go through lengthy procedures to get their names included in the electoral rolls or to get any other identity documents made. As far as Hedge’s lament regarding complex procedures is concerned, it cannot be stressed enough how procedures are important and necessary in a country with such a vast population.

The government cannot just assume that everyone residing in the Indian territory is an Indian citizen. No infiltrator or illegal immigrant living in the country would admit their real identity. There is no other practical way but to put the onus on the citizens of the country to produce evidence of their citizenship whenever they are asked to. This is not some arbitrary government diktat but has legal and statutory backing. Statutes like the Foreigners Act, 1946, the Citizenship Act, 1955 and the Indian Passport Act, 1920 lay down the framework for ascertaining the identities of citizens and non-citizens.

Procedures are not something unique to India; every sovereign country with a functioning democracy has a system in place to ensure people’s identities and regulate the movement of people across its borders. One cannot expect the government to verify the identities of people or conduct a background check every time they want to avail themselves of a facility. That’s where identity cards come in. Citizens go through procedures, get their identity cards made and show them whenever they are asked to so that they don’t have to keep proving their identities again and again. It can’t get simpler than that.

Procedures do not exist without a reason; they serve a purpose. There is a procedure to get a ration card, a birth certificate, a voter ID card, a passport and so on, because for a system to run efficiently, honesty or goodness cannot be assumed on people’s part. They can be complex and tiring, but they are a necessary evil.

A generous neighbour is not a permanent refuge

Be it Bangladeshis or Rohingyas or any other people from our neighbourhood, India cannot be used as a convenient backup for people who failed to make their countries worth living in. The people of India, after enduring decades of colonisation, built not just a functional but thriving democracy with their grit and determination, while most of their neighbours failed to do so. Despite facing hostilities from some neighbouring states, India has always acted like a generous and responsible neighbour and stood by its neighbours through thick and thin. But the country has every right to protect its people and resources from being exploited by non-citizens, and no law can prevent it from doing so.

Anything worth having requires time, effort and vigilance. In a country of billions of people, one cannot expect things to be delivered to oneself without the slightest inconvenience. India is a democracy, and in a democracy, it’s the people who make the system work. It is imperative for any functioning government to keep a watch on the movement of people in and out of the country. Because it is the government that is accountable in case of any mishap. Anything good or valuable needs to be safeguarded with constant vigilance, just like how our security forces safeguard the border without relying on the goodness or honesty of our enemies.

From giving clean chit to Islamists in Delhi riots to guilt-tripping Hindus for Ram Mandir: Meet Hannah Ellis Petersen, The Guardian’s anti-India propagandist spotted at CJP protest

Dibakar Dutta
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From giving clean chit to Islamists in Delhi riots to guilt-tripping Hindus for Ram Mandir: Meet Hannah Ellis Petersen, The Guardian’s anti-India propagandist spotted at CJP protest

On Saturday (6th June), the Cockroach Janta Pary (CJP) held its much-anticipated ‘protest’ at the Jantar Mantar in Delhi. AAP worker turned CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke landed in India from the United States to lead the protests. Several AAP cheerleaders, masquerading as neutral, anti-establishment crusaders, also flocked in large numbers to the protest site in the hopes of getting political mileage. While the congregation of cockroaches was about demanding ‘accountability’ from the government over CBSE and NEET controversy, the politically motivated agenda was crystal clear from the start.

The picture of a woman, however, caught the sight of many protestors. Unlike the brown-skinned protestors, this variant had blonde hair and white skin. Social media user Sameer inquired, “What is a foreigner doing at the protest? Tourist visa doesn’t allow any such activity & @DelhiPolice must immediately take action. Cancel her visa and deport her.”

Soon, the identity of the white woman became evident. She was Hannah Ellis-Petersen, the South Asian correspondent of the British daily, The Guardian.

All you need to know about Hannah Ellis-Petersen

Hannah Ellis-Petersen has a history of downplaying love jihad and falsely associating alleged cases of ‘honour killings’ as consequences of the phenomenon. During the anti-CAA protests in January 2020, she was busy presenting a distorted version of the Citizenship Amendment Act to the readers of The Guardian.

Instead of highlighting how the law seeks to fast-track the citizenship of persecuted religious minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who have been staying illegally in India, the propaganda artist claimed that a women-led protest against the humanitarian law was somehow a counter-narrative of ‘toxic masculinity of Modi’s Hindutva politics.’

Screengrab of the tweets by Hannah Ellis-Petersen

She also attempted to give a clean chit to the Islamists, who ran riots in the National Capital in February 2020, by labelling the anti-Hindu carnage as a ‘clash between Hindus and Muslims.’

Hannah Ellis-Petersen had also lamented how the riots did not affect the US-India ties and instead, the Modi government received praise for upholding religious freedom in the country from the President of the United States.

The ‘journalist’ falsely presented restrictions on the wearing of religious clothing in Karnataka schools as ‘hijab ban’ in South India. She also claimed that the reclamation of disputed structures built on top of Hindu temple was ‘Hindu nationalists rewriting India’s history.’

Screengrab of the tweets by Hannah Ellis-Petersen

Hannah Ellis-Petersen also wrote several provocative pieces for The Guardian where she tried to guilt-trip Hindus for the Ram Janmabhoomi verdict and the Pran Prathistha of the Ram Mandir. She also tried to dilute the significance of the events by referencing the disputed structure that once stood atop the grand Hindu temple.

Moreover, the propaganda artist linked the outbreak of violence in Leicester City of England in 2022 with ‘Hindu nationalism’, despite no evidence for the same.

In reality, the Centre for Democracy, Pluralism and Human Rights (CDPHR) in its fact-finding report pointed out that Islamists weaponised misinformation in Lecister, committed human rights violations against Hindus and attempted ethnic cleansing that resulted in the temporary displacement of Hindu families.

“Institutional Hinduphobia and bias was deduced through the analysis of the reporting of the Leicester unrest by the media houses BBC and the Guardian when compared to the verified police reports, witness accounts and corroborating reports from think tanks,” the report had said.

The propaganda of Hannah Ellis-Petersen is not limited to shaming the Hindu community or downplaying atrocities committed against them by Islamists. She has authored articles, wherein she dehumanised Hindus participating in Kumbh Mela as ‘Covid superspreaders’ despite no evidence to back her claims.

The ‘journalist’ had also given a clean chit to the actual superspreaders of Covid-19 aka the members of the Tablighi Jamaat, who at one time accounted for 30% of all cases of Coronavirus in the country.

Nonetheless, her grim presentation and eventual fearmongering about India’s Covid-19 situation in 2021 drew praise from ‘journalist’ turned ‘document cropper’ N Ram, infamous for peddling disinformation about the Rafael deal.

In March 2024, OpIndia had stonewalled Hannah Ellis-Petersen’s hit-job attempt against Hindu activist Kajal Hindustani. A month later, she co-authored a contentious article (archive) titled ‘Indian government ordered killings in Pakistan, intelligence officials claim.’

At the very onset, it described Pakistani terrorists as ‘individuals’ who were supposedly assassinated by the Indian government. It relied heavily on anonymous sources, particularly from the Pakistani intelligence, to demonise PM Modi as a facilitator of ‘extra-territorial killings.’ In doing so, The Guardian ended up acknowledging him as a defender of India’s security interests from external threats.

Screengrab of the article by The Guardian

Interestingly, Hannah Ellis-Petersen had also turned down the offer of OpIndia’s Editor-in-Chief, Nupur J Sharma, for a livestreamed debate. She was, however, part of a brain-dead documentary, aimed at peddling disinformation about Hindus and India.

PM Modi visits L&T’s Hazira plant: Read why the 700 MW nuclear steam generator is important for Aatmanirbhar Bharat’s energy security

Shriti Sagar
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PM Modi visits L&T’s Hazira plant: Read why the 700 MW nuclear steam generator is important for Aatmanirbhar Bharat’s energy security

On Friday, 5th June, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Larsen & Toubro’s (L&T) massive manufacturing complex at Hazira in Gujarat, highlighting the growing role of Indian industry in strengthening the country’s defence and strategic manufacturing capabilities. The visit was part of his broader Gujarat tour and marked his first trip to the facility in nearly seven years.

During the visit, the Prime Minister reviewed several indigenous technologies and defence platforms being developed at the Hazira complex. The facility has emerged as one of India’s most important centres for heavy engineering, defence manufacturing and strategic industrial production. Modi spent several hours at the plant and interacted with officials while examining some of the advanced systems being produced there.

PM Modi shares glimpses from Hazira visit

Soon after the visit, the Prime Minister shared photographs and details on X, praising the role played by L&T in advancing India’s self-reliance goals.

“This afternoon, went to the L&T complex at Hazira. Witnessed some of their pioneering innovations across differegunt sectors. The role played by L&T in furthering self-reliance in the defence sector is commendable,” Modi wrote.

Among the photographs shared by the Prime Minister, one image attracted particular attention on social media. It showed him standing beside a giant nuclear steam generator manufactured at the Hazira facility in Gujarat. The photograph sparked widespread discussion because these steam generators are among the most sophisticated pieces of equipment manufactured by Indian industry and are critical for the country’s nuclear energy programme.

What is a 700 MW nuclear steam generator? 

The steam generator seen in one of the photographs shared by the Prime Minister has an important place in India’s nuclear manufacturing journey. L&T had manufactured its first indigenous 700 MW nuclear steam generator at the Hazira facility in 2022.

A nuclear steam generator is essentially a giant heat exchanger used inside nuclear power plants. It plays a critical role in converting the heat produced inside a nuclear reactor into steam, which is then used to generate electricity.

The reactor core produces enormous amounts of heat. That heat is carried by a coolant system to the steam generator. Inside the steam generator, the heat is transferred to water in a separate circuit, converting it into high-pressure steam. This steam then drives large turbines connected to generators that produce electricity.

Without steam generators, the heat generated inside a nuclear reactor cannot be converted efficiently into usable electrical power.

The steam generators being manufactured at Hazira are designed for India’s indigenously developed 700 MW Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs), which form the backbone of the country’s future nuclear expansion plans.

Why is this manufacturing capability important in India?

The ability to manufacture such massive nuclear components inside India is strategically important for several reasons.

  1. It strengthens the government’s vision of Aatmanirbhar Bharat by reducing dependence on foreign suppliers for critical nuclear equipment.
  2. It allows India to accelerate the construction of new nuclear power plants without being constrained by imports or international supply chain disruptions.
  3. Manufacturing these components domestically helps develop advanced engineering expertise and creates thousands of highly skilled jobs.

India has set ambitious goals for expanding its nuclear energy capacity in the coming decades. The government aims to significantly increase nuclear power generation as part of its strategy to meet rising electricity demand while reducing carbon emissions.

The Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) is currently building a fleet of indigenously designed 700 MW reactors at multiple locations across the country. Steam generators manufactured by companies such as L&T and BHEL are critical components for these projects.

L&T’s Heavy Engineering division has already dispatched multiple 700 MW steam generators ahead of schedule for NPCIL projects. The company manufactures these components at its advanced facilities in Hazira and Vadodara.

Supporting India’s Nuclear expansion

The steam generator that attracted attention during Modi’s visit is part of a broader effort to support India’s long-term nuclear energy ambitions.

According to NPCIL, the successful manufacturing and dispatch of these components strengthens India’s plan to achieve major growth in nuclear power generation by 2047. Industry experts note that the ability to produce these highly specialised systems domestically places India among a relatively small group of countries with advanced nuclear manufacturing capabilities.

Defence platforms also featured during the visit 

While the steam generator attracted significant attention, it was only one of many strategic technologies reviewed by the Prime Minister.

The Hazira facility is widely known as the largest private-sector manufacturer of tracked armoured vehicles in India. It has played a major role in producing the Indian Army’s K-9 Vajra self-propelled artillery systems.

L&T has already delivered 100 K-9 Vajra artillery guns to the Indian Army. Several of these systems have been deployed in the high-altitude regions of Eastern Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control. The government has also approved the procurement of another 100 units.

The facility also became nationally significant after the rollout of the indigenous Zorawar light tank. Developed in just 19 months, the Zorawar has been specifically designed for high-altitude warfare in the Himalayan region and is currently undergoing trials.

In addition, Hazira is a key centre for L&T’s participation in the Indian Army’s Futuristic Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV) programme, which aims to replace the ageing BMP-2 fleet.

The Prime Minister’s visit to Hazira highlighted how India’s industrial ecosystem is increasingly supporting both strategic defence requirements and critical energy infrastructure.

From advanced artillery systems and indigenous tanks to sophisticated nuclear steam generators, the facility represents the broader push towards self-reliance in sectors that were once heavily dependent on foreign technology.

Cockroach Janta Party supporters incite violence on social media ahead of protest at Jantar Mantar, pledge to overthrow the government: Here is what OpIndia found

Aditi
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Cockroach Janta Party supporters incite violence on social media ahead of protest at Jantar Mantar, pledge to overthrow the government: Here is what OpIndia found

The controversial Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) is set to protest at the Jantar Mantar in Delhi today (6th June). The CJP founder, Abhijeet Dipke, had urged the party’s supporters to gather in large numbers at the Jantar Mantar to hold a protest against the government.

In a recent press conference, the party’s spokespersons revealed that they deliberately did not seek the permission of the Delhi Police for the protest, as this is the ‘system’ they plan to protest against.

For the past few days, CJP supporters have been trying to create a buzz on social media about the illegal protest. While Dipke, who was associated with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), and the CJP spokespersons have been claiming that they plan to organise a peaceful protest, the views expressed by the party’s supporters on social media hint at the opposite. The CJP leadership had enough time to take the necessary permission from the Delhi Police to organise the protest. But the fact that they chose to defy the rules meant for upholding law and order exposes the intent of the CJP leaders.

OpIndia came across several comments from CJP supporters on social media, in which they were seen directly and indirectly calling for violence during the protests. Here are some of the comments posted by CJP supporters on social media about the protest:

Calls for bloodshed and violence

In response to a few Reddit posts urging people to join the CJP’s illegal protest, a CJP supporter made a clear call for violence during the protests. “This cursed government will not go down without bloodshed and violence,” the CJP supporter wrote.

Screenshot via Reddit

Another comment from the same Reddit account justified violence during the protests, saying, “People in power are goons and use every available tools, and if these goons are this stupid, then it’s only going to violent movement”.

Screenshot via Reddit

Wishing for a Nepal-like Gen Z protest in India

Another CJP supporter wished for a Nepal-like situation where a recent Gen Z-led violent protest pushed the country into a state of anarchy and overthrew the previous government. “But in Nepal, the youths they have joined the protests without worrying about the police or lathicharge. Even Indian youths should have a stronger belief for the unity,” the CJP supporter wrote, encouraging Indian youngesters to take part in the illegal protest.

Screenshot via Reddit

Nepal is not known for a strong democracy or stable government. Very few of its Prime Ministers have been able to serve their full terms. The country has a history of governments being ousted through revolutions. India, on the other hand, has been a thriving democracy where change in power has always come through elections.

Hoping for “crazy things” to happen during the illegal protests

One of the CJP supporters expressed excitement over the possibility of “crazy things” happening during the protest. “I’m going, and I’ll flood Instagram with stories because crazy things are about to happen for sure,” the CJP supporters wrote. The supporter was sure that something

Screenshot via Reddit

Calling for the overthrow of the Indian judiciary

The intentions of the CJP supporters are limited to overthrowing the democratically elected Indian government, but also the Indian judiciary. “We need to throw out our judiciary too since it’s lost its independence!!” wrote a CJP supporter.

Screenshot via Reddit

Planning for a farmers’ protest-like situation

The CJP supporters want a replication of the months-long farmers’ protests that started in November 2020 and arm-twisted the government into withdrawing the farm laws. A CJP supporter claimed that all the violence and hooliganism that took place during the infamous farmers’ protest was done by elements planted by the central government.

“Not to sound pessimistic but it hundreds gather to protest, they will put few people in the mob to destroy public property and paint the entire protestors as hooligans. Happened with farmers protest and will happen with this as well,” a CJP supporter wrote. The supporter absolved in advance the CJP leaders and supporters for any violence or law and order situation, for which the CJP supporters are only calling, that may arise during the illegal protest.

Screenshot via Reddit

It is clear from the comments of the CJP supporters that the protest is not just a so-called peaceful protest against the government but a vicious plan to create a situation of anarchy in the country through violence. They want to mimic the violent protests in neighbouring Nepal and Bangladesh, which led to the ouster of their respective governments.

The social media campaign and the recent press conference of the CJP spokespersons leave no doubt that they plan to mount the entire protest on the shoulders of the gullible youth of the country. The fact that the CJP leaders did not take permission for organising the protest shows their lack of concern for the law of the country.

It is obvious from the past political associations of the CJP leaders that the protest is not an organic uprising of people unhappy with the current government. Both the protest and the purported public anger are manufactured by people who are not able to replace the current government through a legal and democratic process.

‘BJP swallows its allies’: Old accusation is back after Annamalai’s departure, but It’s the allies who backstabbed BJP first

शिव
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‘BJP swallows its allies’: Old accusation is back after Annamalai’s departure, but It’s the allies who backstabbed BJP first

K. Annamalai, one of the most talked-about faces of the BJP not just in Tamil Nadu but across South India, has left the party. He has announced that he will be launching a new party and will now lead a people’s movement in Tamil Nadu and contest elections. He relaunched his We The Leaders foundation as his new political movement.

After his exit, social media has been buzzing with the claim that the BJP abandons its leaders or allies midway through the journey.

However, we will examine in this article how much truth there is to this. Let’s start with the BJP and Annamalai himself. He could have easily resigned from Tamil Nadu, but that’s not what happened.

The BJP made continuous efforts to keep him in the party. From party president Nitin Nadda to Home Minister Amit Shah, they spoke to him, understood his grievances, and assured him of continued support. But things didn’t work out, and Annamalai had his own reasons too.

It was the BJP that gave Annamalai the opportunity to lead the party in Tamil Nadu and put its full strength behind him. On public platforms, from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to senior BJP leaders, the way they addressed him with such warmth made it clear that they saw him as a future leader. But if this partnership didn’t last long, the BJP alone cannot be held responsible.

The allegation is that the BJP finishes off its allies, gradually weakens them, and eventually takes over their political space. This charge has been repeated so often that many people have almost accepted it as fact. But is the picture really that simple? Did the BJP sideline its allies in every state, or in many cases did it give them leadership, respect, and space even when it held the upper hand politically?

If we understand Indian politics not just through accusations but through examples and the sequence of events, another side becomes clear: a major foundation of the BJP’s coalition politics has been the strategy of taking allies along. This strategy hasn’t always succeeded. There have been differences and broken relationships, but calling it the BJP’s inherent nature to destroy allies looks like an incomplete argument in the face of facts.

Let’s look at Bihar first. The relationship between Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) and the BJP is a long-standing one. Nitish has been the Chief Minister of the state alongside the BJP for a long time. In the 2020 Assembly elections, the BJP won 74 seats while the JD(U) was reduced to 43. The BJP had clearly become the bigger party. Normal political arithmetic would suggest the Chief Minister should have been from the BJP, but that didn’t happen.

Nitish Kumar remained Chief Minister. Despite its strong mandate, the BJP prioritised coalition dharma and kept the ally’s leader in the top post. This was no small political event. Power in Indian politics often runs on numbers, but here the BJP put the coalition above numbers.

Later, in 2022, the JD(U) itself left the NDA and joined the Mahagathbandhan, meaning the initiative to break the relationship did not come from the BJP. Now both parties are together again, and the JD(U)’s political space remains just as strong.

Bihar is not limited to just the JD(U). The BJP has consistently given political space to Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). Mukesh Sahni’s VIP party was also accommodated in the alliance, and Chirag Paswan’s LJP (Ram Vilas) has remained in the NDA with continued political relevance.

These were parties with limited seats of their own, yet the BJP gave them political relevance. If the goal was only to finish off allies, why would the BJP accept the compulsion of sharing seats and its vote bank with smaller parties?

Maharashtra’s example is equally interesting. The relationship between the BJP and Shiv Sena was not a 5-10 year one but lasted nearly three decades. From the late 1980s, both parties came together and formed an ideological partnership in Maharashtra’s politics.

In the 2019 Assembly elections, they contested together and secured a majority. The BJP won 105 seats and the Shiv Sena 56. But during government formation, there was a dispute over the Chief Minister’s post, and Uddhav Thackeray decided to form the government with Congress and NCP. Here too, the initiative to break the alliance did not come from the BJP.

Yes, later there was a split in Shiv Sena, and the Eknath Shinde faction joined the BJP. Critics may call this the BJP’s strategy, but an equally big fact is that the BJP could have kept the Chief Minister’s post for itself if it wanted, yet it made Shinde the Chief Minister. Even as the biggest force in Maharashtra, putting forward an ally’s face was part of the BJP’s coalition style.

In Punjab, the Shiromani Akali Dal was the BJP’s oldest ally. Their relationship lasted more than two decades. Differences grew over the farm laws, and in 2020 the Akali Dal decided to leave the NDA. It is another matter that the pressure of the farmers’ movement and Punjab politics forced the Akali Dal to take this decision, but the fact is that the announcement to exit the alliance came from the Akali Dal’s side. The BJP did not push out its oldest ally; the ally itself chose a different path.

In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP’s politics also shows a model of keeping allies together. Whether it is Anupriya Patel of Apna Dal (S) or Sanjay Nishad of the Nishad Party, the BJP has not treated these parties merely as election-time necessities.

They were given representation in the ministry, a share in seats, and space in social equations. The BJP has always understood that politics in a huge state like Uttar Pradesh cannot be fought alone; expanding the social base is only possible with allies.

In the Northeast, the BJP’s coalition policy is perhaps most clearly visible. In Nagaland, the BJP contested with the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) and accepted regional leadership. In Assam, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) was kept along.

In Meghalaya and Manipur too, a model of shared power with regional parties was adopted. The BJP could have played ‘big brother’ politics based on its national strength, but in the Northeast it chose the path of coordination with local leadership and regional aspirations. This is why the NDA expanded fastest in the Northeast.

Andhra Pradesh is a new example. After 2024, when Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP emerged as an important ally for the NDA, the BJP not only gave them importance but also tried to keep the alliance stable. At the national level, the BJP publicly acknowledged the importance of allies in the majority equation. This is the same politics that signals ‘take everyone along’ instead of ‘go it alone’.

Interestingly, the people who level the most accusations against the BJP are the ones who forget Congress’s coalition politics. History is full of such examples. Recently, in Tamil Nadu too, something similar was seen. Congress had been with the DMK for years, but as soon as the political equations changed, distances grew. Congress stabbed the DMK in the back and joined hands with Vijay’s TVK.

It is also true that coalition politics is not always an equal relationship. The bigger party is naturally more influential. The BJP is no exception. Many allies have become weaker, and the mass base of some parties has been affected by the BJP’s expansion. But the question is whether this was the BJP’s ‘conspiracy’ or the natural outcome of Indian politics.

What is clear is that the BJP has, on many occasions, even when in a position of political advantage, given leadership to allies, stepped aside from the Chief Minister’s post, shared seats, and given space to smaller parties in national politics. Examples like Nitish Kumar in Bihar, Shinde in Maharashtra, Apna Dal and Nishad Party in Uttar Pradesh, and many others do not seem like mere coincidences.

Therefore, when it is said that the BJP ‘swallows’ its allies, one should also ask: if that were the case, why do so many regional parties keep returning to it again and again?

Note: This is an English translation of the original Hindi article published on OpIndia Hindi

As Congress and AAP fight to take credit for developing the ‘education sector’ of Punjab, read how Arvind Kejriwal was accused of passing Sheila Dixit’s work in Delhi as his own

Dhruv Mishra
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As Congress and AAP fight to take credit for developing the ‘education sector’ of Punjab, read how Arvind Kejriwal was accused of passing Sheila Dixit’s work in Delhi as his own

For a few days, social media has been filled with the news of how Punjab achieved the number 1 position in the education sector. But this recent achievement of securing the top position in school education has triggered a political debate over who deserves credit for the success. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government has presented the ranking as evidence of its education reforms, with Arvind Kejriwal stating that Punjab rose from 27th place to the top position under the Bhagwant Mann government. However, former Punjab education minister and Congress MLA Pargat Singh has disputed this claim. He argues that Punjab’s improvement had already begun under the previous Congress government and was visible in major education surveys conducted before AAP came to power in 2022. The disagreement reminds me of the old debate that emerged in Delhi years ago, when Congress leaders accused AAP of taking credit for improvements in education that they said were built on reforms and infrastructure created during Sheila Dikshit’s tenure. The Punjab controversy has once again raised the question of who should get credit for long-term educational progress.

 What is AAP claiming?

The controversy started after the Punjab government highlighted its performance in the latest ranking and claimed that the state had emerged as the top performer in school education. Arvind Kejriwal and Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, with other AAP leaders, credited this achievement to reforms introduced after the party came to power in 2022.

The government pointed to initiatives such as Schools of Eminence, teacher training programmes in countries like Finland and Singapore, teacher and staff recruitment, expansion of smart classrooms, and improvements in school infrastructure. According to AAP, these measures have helped transform Punjab’s government schools and contributed to the state’s rise in education rankings.

Kejriwal also highlighted that Punjab was ranked near the bottom in previous years and has now reached the top, presenting this as evidence of the success of the AAP government’s education model.

Reality Check: Did Punjab’s Rise Begin Before AAP Came To Power?

While AAP has claimed credit for Punjab’s rise in the education sector, the timeline suggests the state’s improvement may have begun before the party came to power in 2022. The AAP government was sworn in in March 2022. But some key surveys or studies have cited the data prior to 2022. It raises the question: Does the AAP government deserve the actual credit, or are they riding on someone else’s work? 

For example, the National Achievement Survey (NAS) 2021, which measures students’ learning levels nationwide, was conducted several months before the AAP formed the government. Punjab did well in the survey, ranking among the better-performing states. Similarly, Congress leaders have cited earlier Performance Grading Index (PGI) reports to claim that the progress in education in the state was already evident before the change of government.

This does not necessarily mean that the current government played no role. Since coming to power, AAP has launched its own initiatives, including Schools of Eminence, teacher training programmes, recruitment drives and infrastructure upgrades. However, education reforms generally take years to produce measurable results, making it difficult to attribute long-term improvements to a single government alone.

Therefore, the timeline suggests that Punjab’s educational rise was already underway before AAP assumed office, even as the current government has continued to introduce its own reforms.

Another important point that is often missed in the political debate is that Punjab has not been declared India’s overall No. 1 state in education. The ranking quoted by the AAP government concerns school education indicators and learning outcomes. It does not measure the entire education sector, which would include higher education, universities, research output, faculty quality, employability and other parameters. So, Punjab may have done well in school education rankings, but to claim that it is India’s No. 1 state in education is entirely wrong. Advertising these claims will spread misinformation, but the reality cannot be hidden for long.

The Delhi Parallel: A Similar Debate Over Educational Credit

Taking credit is the old disease from which AAP has been suffering for a long time.  So, the debate unfolding in Punjab is not entirely new.  A similar argument was made in Delhi after the AAP government began promoting its education model as one of its biggest achievements. Delhi was governed for 15 years by former Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit, before the AAP came to power. During her tenure, the government invested heavily in school infrastructure, built new classrooms, expanded school facilities and increased spending on education. After coming to power, AAP introduced several new initiatives, including teacher training programmes, curriculum reforms and large-scale school modernisation projects.

However, Congress leaders often argued that AAP was taking credit for improvements that were built on foundations laid during the Sheila Dikshit era. According to them, many of the gains showcased by AAP were made possible by investments and reforms undertaken by the previous government.

AAP rejected this criticism, maintaining that it had transformed the education system through its own policies and reforms. The disagreement eventually became a larger political debate over whether educational success should be credited to the government that started the reforms or the one that expanded and publicised them.

Now, with Congress making similar allegations in Punjab, the debate over who deserves credit for long-term educational progress has resurfaced.

Conclusion

Punjab’s recent education ranking has undoubtedly strengthened the AAP government’s claim that its reforms are delivering results. However, the political dispute surrounding the achievement highlights a larger question: who deserves credit for improvements that take years to materialise?

The available timeline suggests that Punjab’s educational progress did not begin overnight after the AAP government took office in 2022. Data from surveys and assessments conducted before the change in government indicate that the state was already showing signs of improvement. At the same time, the current government has introduced several initiatives of its own to further strengthen the education system.

The controversy also mirrors an earlier debate in Delhi, where Congress leaders accused AAP of claiming credit for gains built on foundations laid during the Sheila Dikshit era. Whether one agrees with that comparison or not, both cases underscore that educational reforms are usually the result of efforts spanning multiple governments.

It is also important to note that Punjab’s latest performance pertains primarily to school education indicators and learning outcomes. Therefore, it is wrong to claim that Punjab is now India’s No. 1 state in the entire education sector. Such a claim would require comparisons across higher education institutions, universities, research output, employability, and other educational parameters

 

As Bloomberg retracts its report claiming RBI sold gold worth $12 billion, read how its economist used different pricing data to arrive at the wrong conclusion

Dhruv Mishra
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As Bloomberg retracts its report claiming RBI sold gold worth $12 billion, read how its economist used different pricing data to arrive at the wrong conclusion

On 2nd June, the American News agency Bloomberg claimed that the Reserve Bank of India may have sold nearly $12 billion worth of its gold reserves in the two weeks leading up to 22 May. It was quite a shocking claim. How big a claim it is can be seen in the other condition: in 1991, it was the last time India pledged about 67 tonnes of gold to raise emergency funds and avoid a sovereign default. The Bloomberg report claimed that the central bank of India appeared to be reducing its gold holdings while simultaneously increasing its foreign-currency assets, possibly to shield India’s foreign exchange reserves from the fallout of rising geopolitical tensions in West Asia.

Given these claims, it was clear that opposition parties and left-wing influencers would respond, even seeking scrutiny. It was presented as an emergency and a time of high economic uncertainty. The conflict involving Iran had pushed crude oil prices higher, the rupee had come under pressure, and concerns about capital outflows from emerging markets were growing. Against such a backdrop, a report suggesting that India’s central bank had drawn on its gold reserves to support the economy appeared plausible to many observers. The story was soon amplified by sections of the Indian media and widely circulated on social media, where it was presented as evidence that the RBI had taken an extraordinary step to manage stress in the country. However, within a day, the RBI and the Press Information Bureau both rejected the claim.

The central bank stated that its physical gold stock remained unchanged at 880.52 metric tonnes and described reports of any gold sale as incorrect. Bloomberg later retracted its original story, admitting that the analysis had relied on an erroneous valuation methodology. Let’s examine the claims that Bloomberg made and why they have to retract the story.

Why the Claim Mattered

 At first glance, a report on the RBI’s gold reserves may seem like a technical issue that concerns only the country’s economists, but the reality is far deeper. In reality, the claims were significant because gold plays an important role in India’s financial security. Gold is the key component of India’s foreign exchange reserves, alongside assets such as foreign currencies and government securities. These reserves act as a financial shield for India during economic uncertainty, helping it withstand external shocks and stabilise.

As of April 2026, the RBI held 880.52 metric tonnes of gold, making India one of the world’s largest official gold holders. Because of this, any suggestion that the central bank has reduced its gold holdings is bound to attract attention. The timing of the Bloomberg report also contributed to its impact. The claim surfaced amid rising geopolitical tensions in West Asia, concerns over higher oil prices, and fears of volatility in global financial markets. The report was quickly picked up by leftist media outlets and circulated widely on social media. For many readers, the story portrays India as having sufficient economic pressure to require extraordinary measures from its central bank.

However, as later developments would show, the controversy was not really about whether India had sold gold. It was about whether a change in the value of the gold reserves had been mistaken for a change in the quantity of gold held by the RBI.

Gold Quantity and Gold Value Are Not the Same Thing

Before analysing the report, we need to understand some basic concepts overlooked by many reports. A central bank’s gold holdings and the value of those holdings are not the same thing. Gold holdings refer to the physical amount of gold held by a country’s central bank. Gold reserve value refers to what that gold is worth at current market prices. Basically, the gold holdings can remain the same until we buy or sell the gold, but the gold reserve value changes with the current market prices. The relationship is simple: Gold Reserve Value = Quantity of Gold × Market Price.

Let’s take the example: suppose a central bank owns 100 tonnes of gold. If gold is priced at $100 million per tonne, the reserve is worth $10 billion. If the price falls to $90 million per tonne, the reserve is worth $9 billion. The value has fallen by $1 billion. But the central bank still owns the same 100 tonnes of gold. Nothing has been sold. This difference is crucial as a decline in the reported value of gold reserves does not automatically mean that the quantity of gold held by the central bank has fallen. The change could simply be due to a different gold price being used for valuation.

How Central Banks Value Their Gold Reserves

To examine where the controversy began, it is necessary to understand how central banks value their gold reserves. Gold held by a central bank is not valued using local jewellery rates or retail market prices. Instead, central banks typically rely on internationally recognised benchmarks that provide a uniform, transparent way to assess the value of their gold holdings.

One of the most important benchmarks of the gold market is the price published by the London Bullion Market Association, the leading authority on precious metals, which is widely used by central banks, financial institutions, traders, and governments around the world.

The RBI also follows a prescribed methodology for valuing its gold reserves. According to its reporting practices, the value of gold holdings is linked to internationally recognised benchmark prices rather than day-to-day fluctuations in local gold markets. This ensures consistency in the reporting of India’s foreign exchange reserves. As a result, the value of the RBI’s gold reserves can change even when the amount of gold held remains exactly the same. This is why fluctuations in the reported value of gold reserves are perfectly normal and occur regularly. Such changes often reflect movements in gold prices rather than any decision by the central bank to buy or sell gold.

Understanding this valuation methodology is important because the controversy surrounding Bloomberg’s report ultimately stemmed from the benchmark used to calculate the value of the RBI’s gold reserves. As Bloomberg itself later acknowledged, a different pricing method produced a different conclusion about India’s gold holdings.

Where the Bloomberg analysis went wrong

Having understood how gold reserves are normally valued, it becomes easier to see where Bloomberg Economics ran into trouble.

On June 2, 2026, Bloomberg Economics published an analysis by economist Abhishek Gupta suggesting that the Reserve Bank of India may have sold nearly $12 billion worth of gold reserves in the weeks leading up to May 22. The report was based on a comparison between the reported value of the RBI’s gold reserves and the value Bloomberg’s analysts expected. But when the RBI fact-checked the report. Bloomberg acknowledged that the analysis used the wrong benchmark to value the gold holdings.

The original analysis was published on Bloomberg Economics, a research platform available exclusively to subscribers of Bloomberg Professional Service on the Bloomberg Terminal. It was a Terminal note that appeared on the Terminal screens and was not a publicly available web article. Bloomberg News had published a short excerpt of the report.

In his analysis, Gupta had examined weekly or periodic movements in India’s foreign exchange reserves breakdown, specifically the reported value of gold holdings vs. foreign currency assets. He noted an apparent decline in the rupee/dollar value of RBI’s gold reserves over the two weeks ending May 22, 2026, estimated at around $12 billion, even as foreign currency assets rose by about $7.5 billion.

The economist noted that the recent hike in gold import duties should have boosted the valuation of RBI’s bullion holdings, and broader gold price trends and other factors were also expected to support higher valuations. Therefore, he concluded that the drop in gold’s reported value, coupled with the rise in FX assets, suggested active sales of physical gold to reallocate into more liquid foreign currency reserves amid pressures like capital outflows, rupee weakness, oil prices, and Middle East tensions.⁠

Notably, Bloomberg had added that this was an interpretation of RBI’s publicly available data. However, Gupta made a major mistake in crunching the numbers, and arrived at the wrong conclusion.

According to the retraction posted by Bloomberg News, the Bloomberg Economics report used the same-day domestic gold price while calculating the value of the gold reserves of RBI. However, the RBI uses a completely different methodology. RBI relies on the previous day’s gold price published by the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA), the internally recognised benchmark for bullion valuation. This difference may appear technical, but it had a significant impact on the final conclusion.

More importantly, RBI values its official gold reserves using approximately 90% of the previous day’s LBMA gold price in USD per ounce, converted to INR using the relevant exchange rate.

Because the analysis used a different gold price from the one in the RBI’s reporting methodology, it produced a lower valuation of the reserves. Bloomberg Economics interpreted this gap as evidence that the RBI had reduced its gold holdings. However, once the calculation was repeated using the correct LBMA benchmark, the apparent decline disappeared.

In its retraction, Bloomberg stated that using the previous day’s LBMA price showed that India’s gold holdings had remained unchanged during May. In other words, what appeared to be a reduction in reserves was not the result of gold being sold, but the result of using a different valuation method.

The error was therefore not about the quantity of gold held by the RBI. It was about the price used to calculate the value of that gold. Once the correct benchmark was applied, the report’s central conclusion no longer held.

What the RBI Data Actually Showed

While Bloomberg Economics’ analysis suggested that the RBI may have reduced its gold holdings, the central bank’s own data told a very different story. After the report was published, the Reserve Bank of India clarified that its physical gold stock had remained unchanged. Referring to figures published in its Monthly Bulletin, the RBI stated that it continued to hold 880.52 metric tonnes of gold, the same quantity reported earlier.

The clarification was important because it addressed the central claim underlying the Bloomberg analysis. If the quantity of gold held by the RBI had not changed, then there was no evidence that the central bank had sold any portion of its reserves. The Press Information Bureau (PIB), the government’s fact-check arm, also rejected reports claiming that the RBI had sold gold reserves.

The RBI’s published data, as reported by PIB, stated that the central bank’s gold holdings remained unchanged and that reports suggesting otherwise were based on an incorrect interpretation of reserve figures. The RBI’s Monthly Bulletin further supports this position. While the value of gold reserves can fluctuate due to changes in international gold prices and exchange rates, the quantity of gold held by the central bank is reported separately.

The bulletin showed no reduction in the RBI’s physical gold stock during the period in question. This distinction is crucial. The controversy was driven by an apparent change in the value of the gold reserves, not by any documented change in the amount of gold held by the RBI. Once the official data was examined, the claim that India had sold a portion of its gold reserves found no support in the central bank’s published figures. In other words, the RBI’s records showed that the gold was still there. What had changed was the valuation, not the quantity.

The Retraction That Changed Everything

As criticism of the report increased and the RBI publicly denied selling any gold, Bloomberg eventually withdrew its original analysis. In its retraction, Bloomberg News stated that the report had been based on an incorrect analysis by Bloomberg Economics. It is believed that the original by Bloomberg Economics report is also being retracted, however it could not confirmed as it is not available to non-subscribers.

According to the correction, the analysts had erroneously used the same-day domestic gold price to value the RBI’s gold reserves. When the calculation was redone using the previous day’s London Bullion Market Association (LBMA) price – the benchmark used in the RBI’s methodology the conclusion changed completely. Bloomberg statement in its correction that “Using the previous day’s London Bullion Market Association price shows that gold holdings were unchanged in May,”

This point is crucial. The retraction did not simply revise a number or make a minor adjustment to the analysis. It overturned the story’s central conclusion. A report that initially suggested the RBI had sold nearly $12 billion worth of gold ended with Bloomberg acknowledging that India’s gold holdings had remained unchanged.  Therefore, it was not about an undisclosed gold sale. It was about a calculation that led to a conclusion that the underlying data did not support.

Why the Episode Matters

The Bloomberg episode shows the importance of methodology when interpreting financial data. Central bank reserve accounting follows established practices, and even small changes in valuation methods can produce very different results.

What makes this case notable is that the error did not merely affect the size of the estimate; it changed the direction of the conclusion itself. An apparent decline in gold reserves disappeared once the correct benchmark was applied.

The incident also demonstrates how quickly a narrative can spread once it is published by a globally influential financial outlet. The original claim was widely reported and discussed, while the subsequent correction received far less attention. By the time the retraction appeared, the story had already shaped public discussion around India’s reserve management.

More broadly, the episode serves as a reminder that changes in the reported value of reserves do not necessarily indicate changes in the underlying assets. Understanding the methodology behind the numbers is often as important as the numbers themselves.

The real lesson from the controversy is not about India’s gold reserves. It is about how a valuation assumption, once treated as fact, briefly created a narrative that the underlying data did not support.

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