After justifying and glorifying the violence after the unceremonious ouster of Sheikh Hasina from power in Bangladesh, propagandist Ravish Kumar is ‘concerned’ about the fresh wave of violence in the neighbouring country. In his new video, he denies the atrocities committed against Hindus during the violence that followed the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government and accuses the media of spreading fake news.
In fact, Ravish Kumar recently uploaded an 18-minute video on the violence that erupted in Bangladesh following the death of anti-India Islamist leader Osman Hadi. In the video, Ravish Kumar tries his best to portray himself as ‘neutral’. However, while reading from the script, Ravish Kumar reveals his old propaganda. Kumar says, “When reports of atrocities against Hindus surfaced around the time of Sheikh Hasina’s removal, the Godi media began circulating baseless and false news, which sparked protests in Bangladesh, and the public there became increasingly concerned about the safety of Hindus.”
Here, Ravish Kumar is calling false and baseless news about the widespread attacks on Hindus since the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government in August 2024, including the vandalism of temples, arson of homes and shops, and the rape and murder of women. OpIndia has provided extensive coverage of these incidents.
Ravish Kumar, however, should know that right after Sheikh Hasina’s forced ouster from Bangladesh, more than 2,000 incidents of Islamist atrocities against Hindus were reported between August 4 and 20, 2024. Five Hindus were killed, 157 Hindu families’ homes were looted, more than 70 Hindu temples were destroyed, more than 219 Hindu women were gang-raped, and 78 girls were forcibly converted. In August 2024, more than 4,000 Hindus were forced to leave the country.
The anti-Hindu propagandist should know these incidents are not fictitious or random, but confirmed by the UN’s OHCHR report. The report clearly states that they occurred during a “procession” of people celebrating the ouster of Sheikh Hasina from power in Bangladesh. The attackers were radical leaders of the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami.
Moving forward, Ravish Kumar described Osman Hadi, an anti-India radical, as a “rising student leader” and honoured him with the use of “aap” in Hindi. To maintain balance, he mentioned Osman Hadi’s anti-India rhetoric, but then presented him with respect to the audience. Kumar went as far as to portray Osman Hadi’s murder as a conspiracy, even though the Bangladesh police investigation is still ongoing.
But Ravish Kumar made no mention of the fact that this same Hadi had also shared a map showing the northeastern states as part of Bangladesh. Calling Osman Hadi a “student leader,” Ravish Kumar also didn’t forget to describe him as a “true patriot” who fought against corruption and championed legitimate issues in his country. Kumar seemed to view the murders of Hindu youth Dipu Chandra Das and Islamic fundamentalist Osman Hadi in the same light.
However, these two killings are undeniably distinct. The brutal killing of Dipu Chandra Das is part of a series of atrocities against Hindus, an attempt to set an example for the entire Hindu community that if they raise their voices in Bangladesh, they too will face the same fate. While Osman Hadi’s murder is not an act of communal violence, the masked man who shot him remains untraced. Bangladesh police have already dismissed claims that Hadi’s killers were involved in India or that he had fled to India.
Interestingly, Ravish Kumar has previously acknowledged that violence broke out during the protests to topple Sheikh Hasina’s government and has even defended these protesters. However, he refuses to acknowledge that this violence was clearly anti-Hindu. Apparently, Ravish Kumar fears portraying Muslims as oppressors and Hindus as victims. By bestowing the honour of “student leader” on Islamic fanatics like Osman Hadi, what else is he doing if not supporting the violent mobs in Bangladesh?
A case has come to light in Gujarat’s Nandana area in Khambhat, where a Hindu father and son were allegedly attacked with a knife by a man named Moinuddin. While sections of the media are describing the accused as “mentally unstable,” the victim’s family has asserted that he is perfectly sound of mind and has been deliberately targeting members of only one community.
Furthermore, the Hindu family has alleged that when they tried to reason with the accused’s father, he openly threatened them in front of the police, saying, “Do whatever you can.” The police have registered a case and initiated further action in the matter.
Khambhat City Police have registered an FIR against the accused’s father, Sajjad Hussain Akbar Hussain Syed; his brother, Mohammad Sohaib Sajjad Hussain Syed; and his mother, Tehzibnisha Sajjad Hussain Syed, and have begun further proceedings. OpIndia has accessed a copy of the FIR. The case has been registered under Sections 125(A), 125(B), 352, 351(3), and 54 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), along with Section 135 of the Gujarat Police Act. The incident occurred on Sunday (21 December) at Peeth Bazaar in Khambhat. The complainant, Nehal Sanjaybhai Raval, runs a shop named Chamunda General Store in the area.
On the morning of 21 December, Nehal Raval and his father Sanjaybhai were sitting in their shop and talking when Moinuddin Syed, a resident of Nakratni Pol, suddenly entered the shop holding a knife and began hurling abuses. He allegedly shouted that, “My abbu Sajjad Hussain has told me to finish off two or three Raval people before coming back.” Saying this, the accused attempted to attack Nehal with the knife, but Nehal placed the shop counter in between, preventing any injury.
The accused then allegedly tried to attack again. This time, Nehal’s father Sanjaybhai placed a chair in front of him, yet he still suffered a knife injury on his left hand and began bleeding. As people from the surrounding area gathered, Moinuddin was caught and taken to his house. It is alleged that during this time, the accused’s father, brother, and mother collectively began threatening the complainant’s family instead.
‘My son will roam freely, do whatever you can’: Victim alleges threat
Speaking to OpIndia, complainant Nehal stated that while they were at the police station discussing the incident in the presence of the police, the accused’s father threatened them and started abusing them. He allegedly told the complainant, “My son is mad and had taken the knife from home. My son will roam freely, do whatever you can.” He also reportedly threatened, “If you come with any complaint against Moinuddin, I will kill you.” These details have also been mentioned in the FIR.
The complaint further states that Moinuddin had previously attacked residents in and around Khambhat, including Kamlesh Raval, Anil Raval, and Gopalbhai Raval. He is alleged to have repeatedly targeted only people from the Raval community. It is claimed that he has attacked different individuals around six times, and all the victims belonged to the Raval community.
Media portraying the accused as ‘mentally unstable’
The role of the media in this entire episode has been highlighted as significant. In reports, videos, and other references published by the media, the accused Moinuddin is being described as “mentally unstable.” On the other hand, complainant Nehal told OpIndia that the accused is completely mentally sound and acts with full awareness. Nehal argued that if Moinuddin were truly “mentally unstable,” why does he not attack people within his own home, or Muslims living in his neighbourhood? Why does he target only Hindu members of the Raval community? He questioned the media, asking why a person claimed to be mentally unstable does not indiscriminately attack everyone, including his own family, as would normally be the case.
Nehal further claimed that the accused walks, talks, and behaves normally, yet is being portrayed as “mad” or “mentally unstable.” He said that the police are currently verifying the alleged certificate of “mental instability” attributed to Moinuddin, and if anything suspicious is found, further action will be taken accordingly.
It is noteworthy that this is not the first instance where an accused belonging to a “particular community” has been labelled “mentally unstable.” The media, according to the complainant, has been doing this for years. There have been numerous past cases where Hindus were victims and Muslim individuals were accused, and the media attempted to whitewash such cases by branding the accused as “mentally unstable.” The complainant has alleged that the same pattern is being repeated in this case as well.
The Aravalli Hills, one of the world’s oldest mountain ranges extending about 700 km across the states of Gujarat, Rajasthan and Delhi, have long been at the heart of environmental debates over urban encroachment, illegal mining and deforestation. A fresh controversy has erupted over a Supreme Court ruling, which adopted a uniform definition for the Aravalli Hills. This definition was proposed by the Central government’s Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MOEFCC).
Aravalli Hills: Older than the Himalayas, a protective shield against desertification, home to diverse flora and fauna and an overall life-giver
The Aravalli is not merely a range of hills but is among the oldest mountain ranges in the world. It formed years before the mighty Himalayas. The geological evidence shows that the Aravalli is approximately 2.5 billion years old. This was during the Earth’s early Precambrian era, when these hills were born. In contrast, the Himalayas are a relatively young mountain range, formed approximately 50-60 million years ago by the collision of the Indian and Eurasian tectonic plates.
The Aravalli range is approximately 670–692 km long, originating in Gujarat and extending through Rajasthan, Haryana, and Delhi. Guru Shikhar (1,722 m) in Mount Abu is its highest peak. The Delhi Ridge, often referred to as the capital’s “green wall” or “green lungs,” is also an extension of the Aravalli Range.
In the absence of the Aravalli Hills, which acts as a natural barrier between the Thar Desert and the fertile Indo-Gangetic plains, the Thar Desert in Rajasthan could gradually expand eastward, reaching Haryana, Delhi, and western Uttar Pradesh. Due to this, the Aravallis are considered a natural shield against desertification.
Besides, the Aravalli Hills also regulate the movement of hot winds, preventing extreme temperature fluctuations and maintaining balanced rainfall. Furthermore, the Aravallis are significant for biodiversity conservation.
Pertinently, the Aravalli range also plays a key role in maintaining groundwater levels. The structure of its rocks and soil allows rainwater to percolate underground. This recharges groundwater, keeping wells, stepwells, and tubewells filled for long periods of time. Many life-giving rivers like the Chambal, Sabarmati, and Luni originate in the Aravalli range.
The Aravalli range is also mineral-rich, having sandstone, limestone, marble, and granite, as well as lead, zinc, copper, gold, and tungsten in abundance. Due to the presence of a vast treasury of such natural resources, the Aravalli Hills have been a target of illegal miners and mining mafias. The illegal activities of sand and stone miners have caused significant damage, including increased air pollution, destroyed forests, and reduced rainwater infiltration. Alarmingly, groundwater levels have depleted rapidly, and the ecological balance has suffered disturbance.
The revised definition of the Aravalli Hills, the Supreme Court ruling and the controversy
On 20th November, a Supreme Court bench comprising CJI BR Gavai, Justice K Vinod Chandran, and Justice NV Anjaria stated that allowing new mining activities without a scientific assessment by an expert body like the Indian Council of Forestry Research and Education (ICFRE) would not be in the interest of the environment and ecology. The court said that only after the Management Plan for Sustainable Mining (MPSM) is formulated will it be decided which areas are feasible to mine and which areas require protection.
Excerpt taken from the relevant court order
The revised definition of the Aravalli Hills is, “Any landform located in the Aravalli districts, having an elevation of 100 metres or more from the local relief, shall be termed as Aravalli Hills.
Meanwhile, the definition of Aravalli Range is, “Two or more Aravalli Hills, as defined above, located within the proximity of 500m from each other, measured from the outermost point on the boundary of the lowest contour line on either side forms Aravalli Range.”
In the same ruling, the court approved the operational definition of Aravalli given by the Ministry of Environment. The Supreme Court-adopted definition classifies an Aravalli Hill as a landform rising 100 meters or more above the surrounding local relief. The relief is the baseline elevation of nearby valleys or plains.
The apex court also directed the Central government to carefully map the region and prepare an MPSM. This plan is supposed to include rules on designated locations and regulations of mining. The motive behind preparing this plan is to set aside confusion created by various government records and maps, as such confusion has previously led to disputes and court cases.
The court directed the central government to identify mining-prone areas, environmentally sensitive zones, and areas where mining should be prohibited. It also issued directives for a post-mining rehabilitation and restoration plan.
Importantly, the court rejected the demand of a blanket mining ban in the entire Aravalli range, saying that this could encourage illegal mining.
The top court’s ruling aimed to resolve inconsistencies in how states defined the Aravallis, which arose from a 1992 SC ban on mining in the Hills.
Unsurprisingly, however, the opposition parties have stirred a controversy alleging that the new definition excludes 90% of the hills and opens doors for large-scale mining, real-estate development and non-forest activities. They claim that such activities would destroy the Aravalli Hills and Ranges and exacerbate pollution in the National Capital Region (NCR) since the Aravallis act as a natural shield against desert sands and dust from Rajasthan and aid groundwater recharge.
Genuine concerns and confusions were clouded by political rhetoric, fear-mongering and false narratives.
The first major political voice to stoke fear about the future of the Aravalli Hills was Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, who wro$te an op-ed in The Hindu on 3rd December. Gandhi claimed that the Modi government has “signed a death warrant” for the Aravalli hills. The senior Congress leader further claimed that hills not under the 100 metres elevation will not be protected against mining and thus, 90% of the Aravalli Hills will be opened for illegal miners and mafias.
“The Modi Government has now nearly signed a death warrant for these hills, already denuded by illegal mining. It has declared that any hills in the range with an elevation of less than 100 metres are not subject to the strictures against mining. It is an open invitation for illegal miners and mafias to finish off 90% of the range which falls below the height limit set by the Government,” Sonia Gandhi wrote.
Similarly, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh posted on X last month, “…This definition is meant to restrict mining but in reality will mean that 90% of the Aravalli Hills will not be counted as Aravalli any more. Evidently, the Supreme Court has accepted this revised definition. This is bizarre and will have very grave environmental and public health consequences. It calls for an immediate review. The road to hell is indeed paved with good intentions.”
The Aravalli Hills extend from Delhi through Haryana and Rajasthan to Gujarat. Over the years they have been devastated by mining, construction, and other activities in violation of all regulations and laws.
The outrage against the revised definition channelled into a social media hashtag #SaveAravalli. The emotionally-charged and fearmongering-riddled posts under this campaign portray the entire situation as if the Central government is going to runover bulldozers on the Aravalli Hills overnight.
PM Modi doesn’t give a damn about pollution or the health risks it poses
His govt has redefined Aravallis. As a consequence 90% of the range, which is under 100 metres in height will now be mined recklessly
Leftist propaganda portal The Wire also jumped the bandwagon and cited environmentalists to claim that the “new re-definition of the Aravallis is disastrous for the hill range chiefly because of the impacts on people, biodiversity and the ecosystem due to the opening of vast tracts of the Aravallis to mining.”
The Modi government refutes false narratives aimed at stoking fear about the future of the Aravalli Hills
The controversy around the Supreme Court ruling adopting the revised definition of the Aravalli Hills has been amplified by a section of social media influencers and opposition-aligned propagandists under the #SaveAravalli trend. It is being claimed that the revised definition will somehow allow the government and real-estate giants to ‘massacre’ 90% of hills by colliding for their own lucrative interests.
However, beyond the opposition’s outcry and fearmongering, the truth is that neither the Aravalli Hills is going to be handed over to illegal mining mafias nor 90% of the hills is going to lose their “Aravalli” status.
The claims of dilution of protections are alarmist and misinterpretations. In a detailed statement, the MoEFCC stated the Supreme Court-mandated uniform definition does not relax or remove mining bans; rather, it enforces stricter, landscape-level conservation across states.
In contrast with one of the major talking points of the opposition and its supportive ecosystem, the 100-metre rule, the government says that this rule refers to elevation above local relief and not the top 100 meters of hills.
Notably, only the state of Rajasthan had a formally established Aravalli definition based on the 2002 Committee Report of the State Government, relying on Richard Murphy’s landform classification, which identified all landforms rising 100 m above local relief as hills and, based on that, prohibited mining on both the hills and their supporting slopes. Rajasthan has been following this definition since 9th January 2006.
When deliberations were held regarding the definition of the Aravallis, all relevant states agreed to the Richard Murphy definition, that is, the uniform criterion of “100 metres above local relief” for regulating mining in the Aravalli region.
Essentially, the government says that all the landforms enclosed within the lowest binding contour encircling Hills of height 100 metres or more, irrespective of their height and slopes, are excluded from the grant of a mining lease. Similarly, the Aravalli range has been explained as all the landforms which exist within 500 metres of two adjoining Hills of height 100 metres or more.
The Central government states that all landforms existing within this 500-metre zone, irrespective of their height and slope, are excluded from the grant of mining lease.
“It is, therefore, wrong to conclude that mining is permitted in all landforms below 100 metre height,” the MoEFCC stated.
भ्रम फैलाना बंद करें!
अरावली के कुल 1.44 लाख वर्ग किलोमीटर क्षेत्र में मात्र 0.19% हिस्से में ही खनन की पात्रता हो सकती है।
In a conversation with news agency ANI, Union Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav highlighted the globally accepted Richard Murphy definition of hills.
“The Supreme Court said two things in its judgment that people are hiding. First, in the very first paragraph, it praised the Ministry of Environment and Forests’ Green Aravalli Wall movement. Second, it asked, what is included in the Aravalli Hills and Aravalli Range? So, geologists around the world accept a standard definition given by Richard Murphy that a hill 100 meters high is considered a mountain. Its height alone does not define it as a mountain. The entire 100 meters, from the height to the ground level, is protected… 90 percent of the area is protected…” Minister Yadav said.
Simply put, the definition of Aravalli Hill as any landform rising 100 metres or more above local relief, along with their supporting slopes, the whole ecological unit is protected. No mining or non-forest activities will be allowed there. Since slopes are crucial for soil stability, water recharge, and vegetation cover, slopes or foothills would be protected against piecemeal exploitation.
The revised definition treats the Aravallis as a continuous geological ridge, thus protecting the entire landscape and not just isolated hills.
“Hills within 500 metres proximity are grouped into Aravalli Ranges. This ensures that valleys, intervening slopes, and smaller hillocks between major peaks are also safeguarded. Ecologically, this protects connectivity of habitats, wildlife corridors, and the integrity of the ridge system,” the MoEFCC stated.
The government has also made it clear that until the finalisation of the MPSM through ICFRE is completed, no new mining leases shall be permitted. In future, all mining would be permitted as per the MPSM only in those areas where sustainable mining could be permitted.
In fact, even after the MPSM is finalised, mining activity will be permitted only in 0.10% of the area. The allegations that the Central government is promoting mining is also not true since more than 90% of the area will remain protected and free from any mining or broader non-forest activity.
Source: PIB
“Mining activity in the Aravalli Range will be allowed only in 0.19 percent of the area, which is less than one percent, and even there no new mines have been opened… The process has been made more stringent. The main problem in the Aravalli Range is illegal mining. To prevent illegal mining, the Supreme Court has given this definition, which is still pending review. With this broad definition and strict provisions, 90 percent of the area is completely protected,” Minister Yadav said.
Pertinently, since the revised definition in question is only operational, the Supreme Court has ordered no new mining leases, ensuring a preventive shield against immediate ecological threats.
In addition, mining remains fully prohibited in protected areas, eco-sensitive zones, tiger reserves, wetlands, and CAMPA plantation sites.
Addressing the concerns over illegal mining activities, the government said that multiple measures, including surveillance with drones, CCTV, weighbridges, and district task forces, are being deployed to prevent illegal activities.
The Modi government maintains that there is no threat to the ecology of the older-than-memory Aravallis. “Contrary to alarmist claims, there is no imminent threat to the Aravallis’ ecology. Ongoing afforestation, eco-sensitive zone notifications, and strict monitoring of mining and urban activities ensure that the Aravallis continue to serve as a natural heritage and ecological shield for the nation. India’s resolve is clear: the Aravallis will be safeguarded for present and future generations while balancing conservation with responsible development,” the government said.
Social media platforms are abuzz with claims that the Income Tax Department of India will soon be able to snoop on every individual with the help of a new amendment, which users claim grants unprecedented power to tax sleuths to breach privacy and examine emails, chats, and other communications.
The online discussions currently underway claim individual privacy will be compromised and fundamental rights curtailed following the passage of the law, which, they say, accord the government of India unhindered access to emails, messages, instant messaging chats, etc.
Source: X
However, this is not the first time the internet has been flooded with rumours claiming that the Government of India will gain the power to read citizens’ emails and WhatsApp messages. Such alarmist chatter resurfaces almost every time the Centre considers tightening provisions of the Income Tax Act to curb tax evasion. These claims, framed as concerns over “fundamental rights,” are routinely amplified to mislead the public and exert pressure on the government to preserve the status quo.
Nevertheless, over the past ten years, there has been a significant movement in tax evasion into digital trails, including cloud storage, encrypted phones, email inboxes, trading apps, e-wallets, benami digital identities, and messaging-based dealmaking. Long before cellphones, law enforcement could conduct searches and seizures, but the digital age created a gap. Police could locate a device while conducting a search, but it could still be blocked by passwords, encryption, cloud logins, or remote wipes.
This provides the policy context for Section 247 of the proposed Income Tax Act, 2025, which is said to be comparable to the traditional search and seizure clause included in Section 132 of the Income Tax Act, 1961.
Why Section 247 of the Income Tax Act, 2025 is needed: Balancing enforcement and privacy
Section 247, the codified search and seizure provision for tax investigations, is introduced by the Income Tax Act, 2025, which takes the place of the previous 1961 Act on April 1, 2026. The clause permits authorised tax officers to carry out search and seizure operations against individuals who are already the subject of formal legal proceedings, such as summonses or notices, and when there is a reasonable suspicion that the individual has hidden assets, income, documents, or pertinent electronic records that are necessary for tax assessment or investigation. Section 247 is a targeted investigation tool that updates current authorities in light of digital economic realities; it is not a warrantless surveillance law.
The law expressly places these powers in the context of ongoing tax proceedings under Section 247. Thus, a random person’s phone, emails, bank accounts, and social media accounts cannot be abruptly searched by an officer. The authority only comes into play when there is a legal summons or notification that calls for the production of books of account or other papers and the taxpayer disregards it, or when there is reliable evidence of income or property concealment that is pertinent to a tax investigation. This is consistent with the fundamental tenet of Indian tax law, which states that enforcement operations must be connected to particular legal procedures (notice or summons).
The specific inclusion of virtual digital space in Section 247, which relates to online accounts, cloud storage, emails, social media platforms, online banking, investing and trading portals, or any digital environment where financial or communications data may be held, is a significant advancement. Since the majority of financial transactions and important evidence are now stored electronically rather than in physical books of account, this explanation is required. According to the Indian Express, this clear definition acknowledges the importance of digital data as evidence in tax disputes while reiterating and clarifying current powers.
What critics say and what they miss
Section 247 opponents have expressed worries that, in the absence of sufficient protections, tax authorities may hack into private digital accounts or social media. For instance, some observers have equated the terminology on overriding access codes to warrantless access to private devices or cloud data, interpreting it as a privacy danger. Opponents claim that the clause ‘allows tax authorities to effectively hack into people’s computers, cell phones, and even email or social media accounts if they refuse to provide access,’ according to Medianama.
However, this argument frequently ignores how similar authorities already exist as well as the contextual restrictions and protections built into the law. No one’s digital accounts can be arbitrarily accessed by the law. Instead, it only permits access as a component of a search and seizure operation that is based on earlier legal actions, such as a summons or notice, and the existence of a reason to suspect that the individual is concealing non-compliance.
For many years, Section 132 of the previous Income Tax Act, 1961, provided a more comprehensive investigative process that included the authority to enter property, seize documents or equipment, and access digital data. Simply put, Section 247 modernises and makes clear how these authorities apply to digital places.
The concept of procedural rights and limitations that must be upheld during search and seizure is likewise strengthened by the law. In the past, Indian tax law has upheld practices like requesting an authorisation order, providing the taxpayer with an explanation (or documentation of the reasons), creating thorough inventories (panchanama) of confiscated goods, and making sure the taxpayer receives copies of the inventories.
These protections are a part of the regular enforcement framework and are not eliminated by Section 247. Additionally, taxpayers can contest the legality of a search or seizure in court if they feel their rights were violated, and judicial review is still accessible in certain circumstances.
Section 247’s larger context is the need for contemporary enforcement in a digital economy. Conventional search skills concentrated on actual books of account or records stored in safes or offices. These days, important evidence could be found in bank transaction logs, online investment statements, emails, automatic portfolio records, or even communication channel metadata.
Tax enforcement may be severely hindered if that evidence cannot be properly accessed. Legal assessments have shown that in order to uncover undeclared income in the modern period and ensure effective compliance, search and seizure procedures must be expanded to include digital assets and data.
A common misconception is that Section 247 permits unrestricted access to all digital personal information. However, as previously stated, this view is inconsistent with the law’s wording and application. Only in the event of a tax proceeding, a summons or notice, and a reasonable suspicion that assets or records pertinent to tax liability are being hidden can access powers become available. Search and seizure powers are not activated by mere suspicion unconnected to a tax procedure.
Furthermore, the provision must be used in compliance with legal due process, and abuses can be contested in court. This means that tax officers do not have unrestricted authority. According to the Supreme Court of India’s privacy ruling (K.S.Puttaswamy), privacy is a basic right under Article 21, but it can also be reasonably restricted for legitimate governmental reasons as long as certain procedures are followed.
Section 247 requires the legislature to ensure that powers exist to enforce tax compliance in the digital era, but procedural protections and judicial scrutiny ensure that enforcement does not become arbitrary.
Conclusion
Finally, Section 247 of the Income Tax Act, 2025, is a sensible, updated enforcement mechanism that aligns Indian tax law with modern financial realities. It guarantees that hidden income, whether it is documented in electronic or traditional ledgers, can be looked into by the authorities. The legal structure of authorisation, reasoned belief, and procedural protections that uphold the rights of taxpayers is also retained. It takes a balanced approach, modernising enforcement while integrating due process and accountability in accordance with constitutional standards, rather than compromising privacy.
The Khet Talaab Yojana is a key water conservation and irrigation support scheme of the Uttar Pradesh Government under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. The scheme, that was launched in 2017, is designed to help farmers store rainwater in small ponds built within their fields and use that water for irrigation during dry spells.
The scheme has been implemented in the state under the Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana (RKVY) with funding support from the Government of India. Both the state and the Centre share the funding in a 50 per cent ratio. The aim of the scheme is to reduce dependence on falling groundwater, improve irrigation reliability, and strengthen farm resilience.
Under the leadership of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the scheme has shown remarkable changes in drought prone regions. The scheme has expanded from seven districts of Bundelkhand to multiple districts across the state. Official data accessed through RTI by OpIndia suggests that the scale has grown steadily over time.
Why the scheme was launched
For decades, farmers in Bundelkhand faced drought, dry wells, and crop failures. With the arrival of summers, hand pumps used to dry out, and farming was entirely dependent on rainfall. The Khet Talaab Yojana was designed as a decentralised fix for this problem. The ponds created under the scheme help in storing rainwater at the farm level, which farmers can use to irrigate crops when needed. It also improves groundwater recharge over the long term.
In a report by UP Tak on Bundelkhand’s revival, the change in the region has been described as a silent shift, where small farm ponds were built in fields to store rainwater, which now supports irrigation throughout the year. The scheme has directly affected agriculture in the region by improving water availability. It has also provided additional income to farmers through fish farming.
Launch, phases, and Bundelkhand as the starting point
According to the information available on the UP Government’s website, the scheme began with an initial phase in seven districts of Bundelkhand. A total of 2,000 ponds were constructed at an outlay of Rs 12.20 crore, covering all development blocks in these districts. The seven districts where the scheme started included Jhansi, Jalaun, Lalitpur, Banda, Chitrakoot, Hamirpur, and Mahoba.
In the next phase, the coverage was expanded to a total of 73 districts. It targeted 167 over exploited and critical development blocks, with an additional outlay of Rs 27.88 crore and a target of 3,384 ponds. After that, the state government, with the help of the Centre, has funded the scheme consistently.
Over the years, 37,403 ponds have been created across state. In 2017-18, 2,000 ponds were created. The schemed peaked in 2022-23 when 6,306 ponds were created.
Year-wise total ponds created across state. (Source: Soil Conservation Wing of Department of Agriculture, Government of Uttar Pradesh.)
RTI numbers show Bundelkhand remained the top beneficiary
According to the data provided by the Soil Conservation Wing of Department of Agriculture, Government of Uttar Pradesh, in response to the RTI filed by OpIndia, a total of 37,403 ponds have been created so far under the scheme since its launch. The UP government has allocated Rs 311.43 crore in grants.
The data showed that the original seven Bundelkhand districts remained the most consistent top beneficiaries year after year. Cumulative grant figures for 2016–17 to 2024–25 highlight sustained focus on the region.
6,213 ponds were created in Jhansi since the launch of the scheme, followed by Banda where 4,743 ponds were created. In Jalaun 4,504 ponds were created, Mahoba witnessed creation of 4,321 ponds, Chitrakoot 4,228 ponds, Hamirpur 3,922 ponds, and Lalitpur saw creation of 3,200 ponds.
Top districts (Bundelkhand) where maximum ponds have been created since the launch of ‘Khet Talaab Yojana’. (Source: Soil Conservation Wing of Department of Agriculture, Government of Uttar Pradesh.)
The consistency matters because it signals that Bundelkhand was not treated as a one time pilot. The region continued to receive substantial support even as the scheme expanded statewide.
What people on the ground say, and why it supports the policy intent
Beyond the numbers, statements from beneficiaries provide on ground accounts that fit neatly with the scheme’s stated objectives. In Banda’s Luktara village, locals described water becoming available for daily needs and livestock, and agriculture becoming less monsoon dependent. A farmer in Jhansi described the shift away from rainfall only farming by saying, “We are no longer dependent on rains.”
Speaking to UP Tak, a government agriculture officer in Jhansi also described the scheme’s mechanics and scale. He stated that the grant is paid directly through Direct Benefit Transfer. He pointed out that Jhansi has crossed around six thousand ponds. As a matter of fact, data from RTI replies showed that Jhansi is the top beneficiary of the scheme. He also said that the scheme contributed significantly to improvements in the local water table.
Expansion beyond Bundelkhand
After Bundelkhand, the scheme expanded to multiple other districts. These include Meerut, Ghaziabad, Shamli, Muzaffarnagar, Saharanpur, Baghpat, Gautam Buddh Nagar, Aligarh, Hathras, Kasganj, Hapur, Bulandshahr, Amroha, Mathura, Agra, Firozabad, Etah, Farrukhabad, Kannauj, Kanpur Dehat, Kanpur Nagar, Unnao, Mainpuri, Etawah, Auraiya, Bareilly, Bijnor, Badaun, Pilibhit, Rampur, Moradabad, Sambhal, Ayodhya, Ambedkar Nagar, Gonda, and others.
The broadening of the scheme indicated that the state moved strategically from a Bundelkhand first intervention to wider water stressed blocks across Uttar Pradesh.
How funds have been allocated over the years
Funds under the Khet Talab Yojana were allocated progressively over the years, reflecting the scheme’s phased expansion and increased focus on water conservation. Beginning with Rs 12.20 crore in 2016–17, allocations rose to Rs 24.50 crore in 2017–18 and Rs 43.22 crore in 2018–19. Spending remained substantial in subsequent years, peaking at Rs 63.51 crore in 2022–23, before moderating to Rs 35.81 crore in 2023–24 and Rs 10.77 crore in 2024–25. In total, the Uttar Pradesh government has spent Rs 311.43 crore on the scheme so far.
A total of Rs 311.43 crore have been spent on Khet Talaab Yojana by UP Government (Source: Soil Conservation Wing of Department of Agriculture, Government of Uttar Pradesh.)
Pond sizes, costs, and how the grant works
The scheme supports two standard pond sizes, each with a depth of 3 metres. A small pond measures 22x20x3 metres. The estimated cost of such a pond is Rs 1,05,000. A medium pond measures 35x30x3 metres, and the estimated cost of such a pond is Rs 2,28,400.
Farmers receive a 50 per cent grant amount, which is paid via Direct Benefit Transfer. Typically, the grant is paid in instalments linked to work progress and completion. This structure is intended to ensure that farmers have skin in the game, while still making the construction affordable for small and marginal landholders.
Eligibility, priority groups, and key conditions
While the scheme gives priority to Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe farmers, minority farmers, and small and marginal farmers, the government categorically stated in its RTI reply that such data is not maintained by the state agriculture department. Farmers have to apply for the scheme, and approval comes from the district level administration. Notably, one farmer can receive support for only one pond.
Online registration is mandatory, and selecting the Khet Talaab option during registration is required.
A crucial condition is that the beneficiary must have a functional micro irrigation system, such as drip or sprinkler irrigation, installed through the agriculture or horticulture department within the previous seven years and currently operational.
How to apply, where to apply, and documents required
Applications are submitted online on the UP Agriculture Department portal at agridarshan.up.gov.in.
Applicants fill in personal and land details, upload the required documents, and deposit a token amount as required during application windows. Selection follows a first come, first served processing approach, subject to eligibility and verification.
Documents typically required include Aadhaar, bank details, land records such as Khasra Khatauni, a recent photograph, a declaration, and micro irrigation related documentation, including the tripartite agreement where applicable.
The Yogi Adityanath led BJP government in Uttar Pradesh has focused on long term solutions with the Khet Talaab Yojana rather than short term relief. The scheme combines rainwater harvesting and decentralised irrigation. Grants allocated via Direct Benefit Transfer ensure that the money reaches farmers directly. With these features, the scheme has delivered measurable outcomes on the ground, especially in drought prone Bundelkhand.
On 18 December, the Islamic terrorist outfit ISIS released the 526th issue of its propaganda magazine Al-Naba, in which it openly praised the terrorists who carried out the antisemitic massacre targeting Jews at Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia. The editorial titled “The Pride of Sydney” described the terrorists as “heroes” and projected the bloodshed as a model to be replicated globally. OpIndia accessed copy of the article published in Al-Naba.
In the article, the terrorist outfit celebrated the terrorist attack on Jews celebrating Hanukkah at Bondi Beach. It praised the terrorist who initiated the attack. It shows how global jihadist networks have weaponised online radicalisation to incite violence against communities that do not align with their ideology and faith.
ISIS praised terrorists behind the terror attack on Jews celebrating Hanukkah at Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia.
The terrorist outfit did not make any attempt to hide its admiration for the terrorists. It went ahead and glorified the attack as a successful implementation of ISIS ideology. The article portrayed the massacre as proof that lone actors who are inspired by ISIS propaganda can strike deep inside western countries.
ISIS glorifies Sydney attackers, calls them ‘heroes’ and ‘lions’
Naveed Akram and his father Sajid Akram were the father and son terrorist duo behind the attack. The editorial praised them for killing 15 people and injuring several others. While ISIS has not formally claimed responsibility for the attack, the editorial left little ambiguity about ideological ownership.
The terrorists were referred to as “heroes” and “lions” in the editorial, framing the massacre as a religiously sanctioned act. It asserted that such violence represents adherence to what it calls the “Prophetic methodology”. The article repeatedly emphasised that the success of an attack matters more than formal allegiance or documentation, a tactic aimed at encouraging decentralised terrorism without direct organisational links.
The message is significant because it mirrors a familiar ISIS playbook. The terrorist organisation often encourages individuals who have been radicalised online to act independently. Later, ISIS often claims ideological credit rather than a direct link to the terror attack.
‘Jews bleeding in the streets of Australia’, ISIS celebrates Hanukkah massacre
In some of the most chilling passages, the editorial boasts that Jews are now “bleeding in the streets of Australia” and claimed that the Hanukkah celebration was transformed into a “funeral”. The editorial framed the massacre as a victory achieved by “zealous ones” who heeded ISIS calls to target Jewish and Christian gatherings during religious festivals.
The article made it clear that ISIS sees Jewish religious events as deliberate targets. Synagogues, community gatherings, and festivals are portrayed as legitimate arenas for violence, revealing the genocidal intent that underpins ISIS ideology. It also makes it clear that the hatred towards Jews is ideological, theological, and deeply entrenched.
Incitement extends beyond Australia, Belgium named as next target
Another disturbing aspect of the editorial is that it did not limit itself to celebrating past violence. It openly incited Muslim refugees in Belgium to carry out similar attacks. ISIS urged them to “fight Jews and Christians in every street”. Refugee status, asylum, and migration have been openly framed as tools to be discarded in favour of violent attacks.
Notably, Belgium has a significant migrant population. It has been singled out as fertile ground for future attacks, which has raised serious questions about Europe’s continued failure to confront Islamist radicalisation within its borders.
Lone wolf terrorism promoted as unstoppable
Another key aspect of the editorial was the glorification of lone wolf attacks. ISIS mocked western intelligence agencies and claimed that modern jihad has evolved beyond hierarchical structures and funding trails.
According to the article, a single radicalised individual armed with ideology and online guidance is sufficient to carry out mass murder. The Sydney massacre is repeatedly cited as proof that decentralised terrorism is both effective and difficult to prevent.
The editorial has left no room for misinterpretation. ISIS has not only endorsed the Bondi Beach terrorist attack in Australia but has projected it as a template for future attacks worldwide. This is no longer a foreign security issue. It is a reminder that Islamist terror thrives on propaganda, permissiveness, and denial. ISIS celebrating the Sydney massacre shows that there is an urgent need to confront extremist ideology head-on without leaving any room for misplaced political correctness.
Bondi beach terrorist attack
On 14th December, two terrorists, Naveed Akram and his father Sajid Akram opened fire at a Jewish Hanukkah celebration at Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia. This was one of the deadliest terrorist attacks Australia witnessed in decades. The antisemitic terror attack left 15 innocent people dead, including a 10 year old girl, and injured dozens more. Australian authorities formally declared the massacre a terrorist incident.
After months of uncertainty, denials, and diplomatic signalling, Bangladesh has finally announced that its national election will be held on February 12. The declaration came only after sustained political pressure, public assurances by BNP leader Tarique Rahman, and his much-discussed meeting with Muhammad Yunus in London. Yet, despite the formal announcement, there is little confidence either in Dhaka or in New Delhi that the election will actually take place as scheduled.
Bangladesh today is not merely facing a routine political transition. It is staring at a dangerous convergence of political anarchy, Islamist mobilisation, targeted attacks on minorities, and renewed external interference. The vandalisation of the Awami League headquarters, followed by the attack on the residence of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, is not accidental or spontaneous. These are deeply symbolic assaults aimed at dismantling the ideological foundations of the Bangladeshi state itself.
For India, this turmoil is not an abstract foreign policy concern. Bangladesh’s stability has a direct bearing on India’s national security, its Northeast, and the broader regional balance especially at a time when Pakistan and China are actively seeking strategic openings in South Asia.
Attacks on minority and manufactured chaos
The most alarming feature of the current unrest is the sharp rise in attacks on the Hindu minority. Temples, homes, and businesses have been targeted amid political violence, while the interim administration appears either unwilling or unable to control the situation. This is not a new pattern. Historically, whenever Islamist forces gain ground in Bangladesh, minorities become the first casualties.
The attack on Bangabandhu’s residence is particularly telling. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is not just a political figure; he represents the 1971 Liberation War, Bengali nationalism, and Bangladesh’s break from Pakistan’s Islamist-nationalist project. Assaulting his legacy is a clear message: the forces on the streets are not merely opposing Sheikh Hasina or the Awami League they are challenging the very idea of a secular Bangladesh born out of resistance to Pakistan.
Who is behind the violence?
While responsibility for the unrest remains officially unclear, the fingerprints of Islamic fundamentalist forces are hard to miss. Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s largest Islamist organisation, has once again emerged as a central player. Jamaat opposed the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, collaborated with the Pakistani Army, and has never reconciled itself to the country’s secular foundations.
Over the past few years, Jamaat’s ideological influence has steadily expanded, particularly among urban youth and radical student groups. With Sheikh Hasina removed from power and the Awami League barred from contesting elections, Jamaat now sees an opening to reposition itself as a mainstream political force.
The BNP’s role is more ambiguous. While the party has communicated to India its desire to maintain cordial bilateral relations, its historical dependence on Jamaat and its reluctance to clearly distance itself from Islamist street power raises serious doubts. The reality is that the current unrest benefits those who thrive in instability Islamist groups, radical student fronts, and militant networks.
India draws the line
India’s response so far has been measured but firm. New Delhi has repeatedly stated that it does not wish to interfere in Bangladesh’s internal political process. At the same time, it has made its red lines unmistakably clear.
India wants the February 12 election to be held on time, peacefully, and with genuine democratic legitimacy. The repeated emphasis on a “free, fair, inclusive, and peaceful” election is significant. The word “inclusive” is a pointed reference to the exclusion of the Awami League a party that led Bangladesh’s liberation and has commanded mass support for decades. An election without the Awami League risks being viewed as a managed transition rather than a democratic exercise.
Equally critical is India’s insistence that Bangladeshi territory must not be used for anti-Indian activities. Intelligence assessments indicating that Paresh Baruah, a senior militant leader, has returned to Dhaka have revived painful memories of the early 2000s, when insurgent groups used Bangladesh as a launchpad against India’s Northeast. Those years of strategic vulnerability are not something New Delhi is prepared to relive.
Pakistan’s quiet re-entry
Adding to India’s concerns is Pakistan’s renewed engagement with Dhaka. The visit of the ISI chief to Bangladesh has not gone unnoticed. Pakistan has never accepted the outcome of 1971, and weakening India-Bangladesh relations has long been a strategic objective for Rawalpindi.
Jamaat-e-Islami’s ideological proximity to Pakistan is well documented. The BNP’s historical alignment with Jamaat further complicates matters. While Dhaka may insist that its foreign policy remains unchanged, symbolism matters in geopolitics and Pakistan’s re-entry into Bangladesh’s strategic space is a development India cannot ignore.
The BNP, Jamaat, and electoral arithmetic
Initially, it was widely assumed that the BNP and Jamaat would contest the election together. Jamaat lacks the electoral strength to win power independently, while the BNP needs Jamaat’s organisational reach and street mobilisation. However, seat-sharing disputes have exposed growing tensions between the two.
Jamaat believes it can now command a substantial vote share and wants greater representation in Parliament. The BNP, wary of being overshadowed, is unwilling to concede too much ground. This rivalry is one of the reasons behind the ongoing uncertainty and street unrest.
If Jamaat emerges with significant parliamentary influence, it will embolden Islamist forces and marginalise secular voices. If the BNP dominates, Jamaat risks being sidelined but not eliminated. Either outcome has serious implications for India.
Election delays and strategic ambiguity
Tarique Rahman’s repeated delays in returning to Bangladesh have only deepened suspicions that sections of the opposition may prefer postponement. While the BNP has privately conveyed to India that elections should be held soon, its actions suggest strategic ambiguity.
There is also speculation that Muhammad Yunus may seek to delay the polls to consolidate his position and organise a student-backed political platform. Khaleda Zia’s deteriorating health has further complicated the situation, though her decision to continue treatment in Dhaka after the election announcement has removed one immediate uncertainty.
Despite these developments, there is persistent speculation in Delhi that the election could still be cancelled if law and order collapses further or communal violence intensifies.
India’s course correction
India has also engaged in some honest introspection. Its earlier policy of placing all strategic weight behind Sheikh Hasina, while understandable, contributed to the rise of anti-Indian narratives within Bangladesh. Islamist and radical groups have exploited this perception effectively.
Today, New Delhi’s approach is more balanced. It is not pressuring Sheikh Hasina to return, nor is it endorsing Jamaat or any Islamist formation. It has rejected Dhaka’s demands for Hasina’s extradition, dismissed claims of politically motivated tribunal verdicts, and reiterated that Indian soil will not be used to destabilise Bangladesh.
At the same time, India remains unequivocally opposed to Islamic fundamentalism and any attempt to constitutionally or ideologically realign Bangladesh with Pakistan.
The road ahead
Bangladesh stands at a defining moment. The February 12 election if held, will shape not just its domestic politics but its regional posture for years to come. Any attempt to dilute the legacy of the 1971 Liberation War, marginalise minorities, or provide space to extremist forces will fundamentally alter India-Bangladesh relations.
India’s expectations are neither intrusive nor unreasonable: a timely election, protection of minorities, rejection of extremism, and assurance that Bangladeshi territory will not be used against Indian interests.
Ultimately, Bangladesh must demonstrate through actions, not diplomatic assurances, that it values stability, sovereignty, and regional responsibility. New Delhi is watching closely and so is history.
A young Hindu tribal man was beaten to death in Dabhel village of Navsari district in Gujarat, triggering outrage and renewed concerns over targeted violence. The victim, identified as Dipak Kalidas Rathod, was from the Halpati tribal community. He died during his treatment due to a brutal attack by many Muslim men from his area, as revealed in the FIR filed by the Navsari police.
The incident took place on 15th December, when Dipak was returning home from work in the evening. Police have arrested the accused and initiated further legal action. Following his death, murder charges have been added to the case.
Dispute linked to refusal to slaughter cow
According to the FIR, a copy of which is available with OpIndia, Dipak had earlier worked at the residence of Shaukat Usman Ekalwaya, a resident of Dabhel village, about a year ago. Dipak said that he was not paid properly for his work and was repeatedly pressured to slaughter a cow.
Dipak refused to do so and left the job. After leaving the job, he started doing other work by grazing cows and buffalo for a living. His family claims that resentment over his refusal continued and eventually led to the violent attack.
Before his death, Dipak recorded a video statement, now available with OpIndia, in which he said he was attacked because he refused to slaughter a cow and because of long-standing hostility.
Attack near the graveyard while returning home
As per the complaint, on the evening of 15th December, around 6:30 pm, Dipak was walking back home after finishing work when he was stopped near a graveyard on the roadside. The accused blocked his path, began abusing him, and hurled caste-based slurs.
The FIR names Hasan Shaukat Ekalwaya and Hussain Mohammed Ekalwaya, along with several unidentified muslim men, as the attackers. Dipak was threatened with death before the assault began.
According to the complaint, Hussain and others held Dipak down, while Hasan and the rest pulled out an axe from a bicycle and began attacking him. Dipak suffered serious injuries to his chest and legs during the assault.
As Dipak screamed for help, his wife, father, and other villagers rushed to the scene. Seeing locals gather, the attackers fled. An ambulance was called, and Dipak was rushed to Navsari Civil Hospital in a critical condition.
Police reached the spot shortly after and began recording Dipak’s statement while he was undergoing treatment. Despite medical efforts, his condition worsened, and he later died in the hospital. After his death, the police added Section 302 (murder) to the FIR.
FIR registered under multiple sections
Soon after Dipak was hospitalised, a large number of villagers gathered, demanding strict action. The Maroli Police Station team reached the spot and recorded Dipak’s statement, based on which an FIR was registered.
Initially, police booked the accused under multiple sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), including Sections 115(2), 117(2), 352, 351(3), and 54, along with provisions of the SC/ST Atrocities Act and Section 135 of the Gujarat Police Act.
However, Dipak’s condition deteriorated during treatment, and he died due to his injuries. Following his death, police added Section 302 (murder) to the FIR. Police said all named accused have been arrested, and investigations are ongoing to identify others who may have been involved.
Earlier videos show Dipak speaking about threats
Local Hindu organisations said Dipak had earlier spoken to the media about being pressured to slaughter cows and being attacked when he refused. That video, too, is available with OpIndia.
After Dipak’s death, his wife accused the police of inaction, claiming she had approached the police station at least twice earlier to complain about threats and harassment. “No action was taken, and today my husband is dead,” she said.
Anger grows among local Hindu community
Dipak’s death led to a large gathering of people outside the hospital, with members of the Hindu community demanding justice and strict action against the accused. Protests were held in and around Dabhel village, with residents alleging long-standing intimidation by certain families.
Hindu activist Jay Patel Nagaraj told OpIndia that while three people have been named as accused, more individuals were involved in the attack. He accused the police of downplaying the scale of the violence.
“The demand of the Hindu community is clear. All accused should be publicly presented in Dabhel village, and strict action should be taken so that such incidents do not happen again,” he said, alleging police negligence and demanding action against responsible officers.
Dabhel village’s troubled past
Dabhel village, located in Jalalpore taluka, has a history of communal tension. The village has a Muslim majority population, while the Halpati Hindu tribal community is small in number.
Locals say that the Ekalwaya family has a long criminal history. Police records reportedly confirm past cases related to cow slaughter, assault, and intimidation involving members of the family. Residents claim that fear has prevailed in the village for years, discouraging people from filing complaints.
Earlier beef-related controversy in the village
Dabhel had earlier come into the spotlight in 2023, when Maroli police raided the house of Ahmed Mohammed Suzan, who ran a snack centre in the village. The raid revealed that beef-filled samosas were allegedly being sold under the guise of chicken and mutton samosas.
Police said the accused had been selling beef samosas for nearly four years. Both Muslims from the village and Hindus from nearby areas had consumed the beef samosa. Ahmed Mohammed Suzan was arrested, and legal proceedings were initiated.
Valsad MP meet the victim’s family
Following Dipak’s death, several local BJP leaders visited the hospital and spoke to police officials, demanding swift and strict action. Valsad BJP MP Dhaval Patel also visited Dipak’s family at their home in Dabhel village.
The MP met Dipak’s grieving family and assured them that justice would be delivered. He also criticised what he called the silence of so-called tribal leaders and activists.
નવસારીમાં આદિવાસી યુવક દીપક પટેલની વિધર્મી દ્વારા કરપીણ હત્યાનો બનાવ બન્યો હતો, મૃતકના પરિવારજનોને મળીને સાંત્વના પાઠવી અને પરિવારને જલ્દી ન્યાય અપાવવાનું વચન આપ્યું. આરોપીને કડકમાં કડક સજા થાય અને સમાજમાં દાખલો સ્થાપિત થાય તે માટે તમામ પ્રયત્નો કરવા હું વચનબદ્ધ છું અને પરિવારની… pic.twitter.com/MRUYIGSfDb
“Those who claim to be messiahs of the tribal community are nowhere to be seen today,” Patel said. He accused certain leaders of remaining silent out of fear of losing their vote bank.
Without naming individuals, Patel questioned why some MLAs who frequently speak about tribal rights were absent when a tribal youth was killed by members of muslim community.
On 20 December, the Kheda Sessions Court in Nadiad, presided over by Judge Mukeshkumar Jayantilal Brahmbhatt, rejected a bail plea filed by Steven Bhanubhai Mekwan and Smitul Philipbhai Mahida in a religious conversion case that was reported in September this year.
The court held that a prima facie case of serious offences under the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) was made out. The court observed that releasing the accused at this stage could adversely affect the investigation and the safety of vulnerable witnesses. Both accused are currently lodged in Sub Jail, Bilodara.
Case details as recorded by the court
The case was registered in September this year at Nadiad West Police Station. The FIR in the matter was registered on the complaint of Akash Patel. In his complaint, Patel said he came across religious conversion activities being carried out by members of an organisation known as Restoration Revival Foundation. He added that these activities went beyond ordinary religious preaching and amounted to an attempt to induce people to convert to Christianity.
According to the FIR, when the complainant reached the spot after receiving information about a religious programme being conducted, he found that sermons were being delivered promising miracles, divine grace, improvement in personal life and salvation. These assurances were being used as inducements to persuade Hindus to adopt Christianity. He further stated in the complaint that when he questioned the activities, the accused persons attempted to induce him as well to change his religion.
Based on the complaint, the police initially registered a case under Sections 3(1) and 3(2) of the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act. Later, Sections 4(C) and 5(3) of the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act and Sections 54, 79(2), 3(4)(9) and 238(B) were also added to the FIR.
During the investigation, police found that the programme in question was attended by 59 people who had come from outside the district, and some were even from outside the State of Gujarat. The attendees claimed they had come to attend a seminar under the banner of the organisation being run by the accused. According to the investigating officer, nine of the attendees were minors. These minors were subsequently placed in a child protection home.
The police further found that one of the minor girls belonged to a Scheduled Tribe community and that her baptism ceremony was performed at the site in a water tank prepared for the purpose. The baptism, according to the findings of the police, was carried out without the consent of her father. Statements of the minor girl and her father were recorded, and caste related documents were submitted to support the allegation.
Furthermore, the police also relied on digital evidence recovered from mobile phones and other electronic devices seized during the investigation. The material suggested that similar religious conversion activities had been carried out prior to the registration of the FIR, in at least six batches. The police said that a majority of the persons who attended these activities belonged to tribal communities within Gujarat.
The police further found that the accused travelled across various districts of Gujarat and other states to conduct similar activities, which were part of the organisation’s efforts to carry out religious conversions by inducement and temptation.
According to the police, Steven is the President of the Restoration Revival Foundation and Smitul, who is a close relative, was responsible for managing the financial affairs of the organisation. During the investigation, police found that they raised funds worth Rs 15 crore. It was stated that evidence relating to financial transactions, foreign links and involvement of other organisations had been collected and formed part of the charge sheet.
Several persons linked to the nexus are absconding. Some of the absconding accused possess foreign passports. The prosecution informed the court that the accused were not fully cooperating with the investigation and were not disclosing complete details about the persons involved in their conversion nexus.
Arguments advanced by the defence
Counsel for the accused claimed that the complainant had no locus to file the complaint under the conversion law and claimed that only the person whose conversion had taken place could initiate such proceedings. The defence further contended that neither the FIR nor the statements recorded during the investigation disclosed any use of force, inducement or temptation by the accused.
The defence maintained that the activities carried out by the accused amounted to lawful religious preaching and prayer, protected under constitutional guarantees. It was also argued that the Restoration Revival Foundation is a registered trust with audited accounts, filings before the Charity Commissioner and regular income tax returns, and that allegations of illegal fund raising were baseless.
Prosecution’s opposition to bail
The prosecution, however, opposed the bail application and stated that the accused were the main conspirators in an organised religious conversion operation targeting minors and socially vulnerable groups. It was argued that the complainant himself was a victim, as inducement was allegedly offered to him.
The State further submitted that statements of minors and digital evidence clearly pointed to inducement-based conversions. The prosecution said that if the accused are released, it could lead to intimidation of witnesses, many of whom are minors or belong to SC and ST communities. Furthermore, it could jeopardise efforts to trace and arrest the absconding accused.
Observations of the sessions court
In the judgment, the court observed that a prima facie case of serious offences was made out based on the charge sheet, police papers and the affidavit of the investigating officer. It held that the filing of the charge sheet did not dilute the gravity of the allegations.
The judge noted the seriousness of the allegations, the involvement of minors, the alleged targeting of backward communities, the existence of absconding accused and the possibility of witness intimidation and evidence tampering.
Judgment
The court held that the offence constituted a social evil affecting vulnerable sections of society. The court further noted that if the accused are released, it could adversely impact the trial and the ongoing investigation. Hence, the court rejected the bail application filed by Steven Bhanubhai Mekwan and Smitul Philipbhai Mahida.
Speaking to the Indian Express, Public Prosecutor Dhaval Barot said, “We brought to the notice of the court that the FSL had retrieved some deleted data from the devices and a total of one lakh names have been recovered; it is a matter of probe as the accused were mostly motivated by the funds they were getting for completing large-scale conversions more than the religious reasons.”
We have opposed the bail as they can influence witnesses and tamper with evidence… Moreover, the other accused involved in the racket are yet to be apprehende,” he added.
On December 18, in Bhaluka Upazila, Mymensingh district, Bangladesh, a young Hindu garment factory worker named Dipu Chandra Das was brutally lynched by a mob over unverified allegations of blasphemy. Dipu was no political activist or leader, he was a poor factory worker who lived in a rented room in the Dubalia Para area of Square Master Bari and went to work in a garment composite unit every day to earn wages.
The videos that have emerged on social media after Dipu’s lynching are gory, unwatchable. In the evening, an enraged, frenzied mob started beating Dipu. A mob of dozens of men is seen kicking, beating and jumping on every part of a defenceless Dipu’s body. After crushing every bone in his body and beating him to death, the mob was yet to be satisfied. They dragged the body to a public square, a busy thoroughfare that some are reporting as the Dhaka-Mymensingh highway. There, they tied the lifeless body and hung it up, to beat it further. The mob continued to beat the corpse of Dipu, and when even that wasn’t enough spectacle, they poured some inflammable liquid on it, and burned it, rejoicing with ‘Naara-e-Takbir, Allah Hu Akbar’ slogans.
Imagine this happened in India and the victim was Muslim. National and international media, Left and human rights organisations would be demanding justice nonstop.
But the victim is Dipu Chandra Das a Hindu minority in Bangladesh so there is silence.
From the beating, dragging and burning, there was no police personnel visible. Nobody seemed to have tried to stop the mob. The mob seemed completely carefree, fearless of any consequence. The security apparatus in Bangladesh has long surrendered before the Islamist mob, the mob has been destryoing monuments of national identity, desecrating the very foundation of the cultural and historical roots of the nation, and the ruling apparatus has been watching, the caretaker regime whitewashing their acts.
The images are confusing. The scene unfolding looks more like a medieval affair, a frenzied mob beating a man to death with wanton impunity. But there are mobile phones, vehicles, and signs of modern civilisation. This is what has happened to Bangladesh.
This is Bangladesh in December 2025, lost to Islamist fanaticism
Anyone who has been following the news, would know that the incident, however shocking and scary, was not unexpected in Bangladesh. Incidents like this have happened before, because whatever law and order was there in Bangladesh was shattered after the government of Sheikh Hasina fell in August 2024. The mob ruled the streets, the mob killed and chased and burned Hindus, and the mob was given cover fire, and ample whitewashing by the farce of a ‘caretaker government’ that was installed to fool the world. Hundreds of Hindus have been raped, killed, dragged from their homes, beaten, threatened to quit their jobs, and brutalised in Bangladesh in the past 18 months, just for being Hindus.
It is not that the persecution was not happening before. It did, but despite its flaws, Sheikh Hasina was a bulwark against the absolute Islamist frenzy that has engulfed the country now. Her government, albeit with mistakes, held the Islamist powers at bay. That bulwark is gone, and chaos rules now.
The visuals and circumstances of the brutal lynching of Dipu Das are almost a repeat of what happened with Sri Lankan national Priyantha Kumara in Sialkot, Pakistan in 2021.
The lynching of Priyantha Kumara in Sialkot, Pakistan in 2021
On December 3, 2021, in Sialkot, Punjab province, Pakistan, a mob of hundreds of locals, primarily factory workers and supporters of the hardline Islamist group Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), brutally lynched Priyantha Kumara Diyawadanage, a 49-year-old Sri Lankan factory manager at Rajco Industries.
Kumara, a Sinhalese Buddhist who had lived and worked in Pakistan for over 10 years, was preparing the factory for a visitor delegation. He asked workers to remove some posters from the walls and machinery to facilitate cleaning. Some of the posters had Islamic verses written on them and quotes from TLP leaders. When workers refused, he reportedly removed the posters himself and disposed of them. This simple act of ‘cleaning’ was seen as ‘blasphemy’.
Priyantha Kumara was burned as a crowd of hundreds cheered in Sialkot, Pakistan in 2021
The mob first gathered, and chased Kumara to beat him. He fled to save his life as his pleadings to reason failed. The mob then dragged Kumara from the factory roof, where he had run to save his life, beat him severely with sticks and stones, broke all his bones, killed him, and then set his body on fire in the street. The ‘kafir’ was first beaten to death, then burned as a spectacle to entertain and satisfy the mob. Videos of the attack showed the crowd chanting slogans, the same slogans the killers of Dipu Das raised on December 18, 2025, raised by hundreds of people blinded by the same religious fury.
"Kaafir ke bacche ne Quran ki ayatein dustbin mein fainki hain (son of kaafir has thrown verses of Quran in dustbin)," a man is heard saying in the crowd that killed & burnt a Sri Lankan identified as Priyantha Kumara, in Pakistan's Sialkot. Priyantha was manager of RajCo factory pic.twitter.com/RRR3pGDaGz
The scenes were eerily similar in their horrific brutality, a chilling reminder of the depravity and hatred seemingly ‘normal’ people are capable of.
The unsettling similarity between Dipu and Priyantha is not limited to just how they were lynched and by whom, the allegations against them were similar too. Flimsy accusations of ‘blasphemy’, baseless rumours of ‘insult to Islam’ and ‘Insult to the Islamic prophet’.
Reports from Bangladesh say Dipu didn’t even commit any ‘insult’. He had apparently tried to argue that all religions are equal and all Gods are the same. December 18 was the ‘World Arabic Language Day’, and Dipu reportedly made some trivial remarks. Some coworkers took that as ‘offensive’, and that one spark, one accusation of ‘Insult to Islam’ was enough to gather a mob that wanted to spill his blood.
Incidents of violent mob lynching over flimsy accusations of blasphemy are nothing new in Pakistan. In the lawless Islamist hellhole, even a false rumour to settle personal grudges is enough to send a man to jail for ‘blasphemy’. The country punishes blasphemy by death, and rumours and verbal allegations are often enough for courts. The Islamist mob, however, is not satisfied with the prolonged process of what passes as law in those lands; they want the Kaafir killed then and there, in a violent manner where the mob cheers and enjoys the killing.
Bangladesh has come a full circle
Bangladesh sacrificed lakhs of lives and went through a lot of pain to free itself from the grip of Pakistan. Freedom fighters laid down their lives, a bloody war was fought, and an entire generation risked everything they had to gain that freedom and make the nation a democratic, secular country. However, demography writes a nation’s destiny, more than laws, constitution and governments.
Bangladesh has come a full circle, it has lost whatever it had gained. The economy is in shambles. The geography was never in their favour anyway, and the political powers that could have kept the religious fanatics at bay are gone. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is gone, his house, which stood as a symbol of the bloody struggle for freedom, is gutted. His daughter has been exiled.
Stripped of the hard-fought progress, the semblance of modernity and democratic governance, and the minority populations pushed to the brink of extinction, what is left now in Bangladesh is just chaos, anarchy and a lawless bloodlust of fanaticism that won’t stop till it engulfs the whole country.
Between 2025 and 1971, 54 years have passed. Bangladesh has become the very oppressor it fought to free itself from. Demography has changed its destiny and turned the country into Pakistan.
