Home Blog Page 61

The Red Horrors: Remembering the 1990 Bantala case in West Bengal, when CPI(M) goons brutally gang-raped 3 female medical officers

Shriti Sagar
-
0
The Red Horrors: Remembering the 1990 Bantala case in West Bengal, when CPI(M) goons brutally gang-raped 3 female medical officers

36 years have passed since the horrific Bantala rape and murder case shook West Bengal, yet the brutality of that night remains one of the darkest chapters in the state’s history. On 30th May 1990, three women health officials and their driver were returning to Kolkata after completing a vaccination programme in Gosaba when they were attacked by local CPI(M) goons in Bantala, then a CPI(M) stronghold on the outskirts of Kolkata. What followed was an unimaginable act of brutality that continues to haunt Bengal’s collective memory even today.

The victims were Anita Dewan, Deputy District Extension Media Officer; Uma Ghosh, a senior official in the West Bengal Health Department; Renu Ghosh, associated with UNICEF and WHO programmes; and their driver Avni Naiya. Around 6:30 pm, their car was intercepted near a CPM party office in Bantala. Sensing danger, the driver did not stop and tried to escape. However, the speeding vehicle overturned while attempting to flee. Within moments, a larger mob gathered around the vehicle.

The horror of Bantala

The attackers dragged the women government officers out of the car and set the vehicle on fire. Driver Avni Naiya tried to protect the women, but the mob brutally assaulted him. Reports later revealed that his genitals were crushed and his body bore 43 injury marks. He succumbed to his injuries on 4th June 1990 at SSKM Hospital.

The three women officers were dragged into nearby paddy fields where they were gang-raped by the CPI(M) members. Anita Dewan died due to the brutal assault, while Uma Ghosh and Renu Ghosh survived with severe injuries. Reports from that time described shocking levels of brutality. During Anita Dewan’s post-mortem examination, the doctor fainted after discovering a one-foot-long metallic torch inserted into her private parts.

Police arrived nearly five hours later. The victims were shifted to the National Medical College in Kolkata, where doctors initially believed all three women had died before realising that two of them were still alive.

Following the incident in which the rapists were linked to the CPM, the then West Bengal Health Minister Prasanta Sur attempted to defend the culprits and said that the villagers had mistaken the women officers for child kidnappers and traffickers. Furthermore, the then Chief Minister Jyoti Basu said, “Such things keep happening!”

Later, the ex-Director of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), D Bandhopadhyay had claimed that Anita Dewan was the main target in the infamous Bantala gangrape case as she had collected evidence of misappropriation of funds by the CPM-led panchayats. Bandopadhyay said that in villages, CPM-led panchayats were misusing funds for rural development sent by UNICEF.

He added that Anita Dewan learned about this misappropriation of funds and when she collected necessary evidence from Gosaba, the communist goons attacked her when she was on her way back to Kolkata. He added that the goons torched the car in which all the evidence was also burnt to ashes.

Following the investigation into the case, six culprits in this infamous 1990 case were awarded life imprisonment. 

1990: A dark year for women in West Bengal

The Bantala case was not an isolated incident. 1990 can be considered as one of the darkest years for women’s safety in West Bengal under the CPI(M) regime.

Just days after the Bantala incident, between 6th and 8th June 1990, another horrifying case emerged from Singur police station in Hooghly district, where three policemen allegedly raped a young girl inside the police station itself. When local residents protested against the crime, police reportedly opened fire, killing one protester.

Then, on 18th July 1990, another brutal incident took place near Birati railway station in North 24 Parganas. A gang of smugglers and hooch operators attacked nearby shanties and gang-raped several women, many of whom were refugees from Bangladesh. In both Bantala and Birati rape case, local police stations, despite being located nearby, failed to act in time.

These incidents created a widespread perception that crimes against women were being ignored, downplayed or politically shielded during that period.

CPI(M) locals goons involvement

Over the years, allegations surfaced that CPI(M)-linked local goons were involved in the Bantala attack. Though courts mainly treated the case as a criminal matter, political allegations surrounding the role of local CPI(M) elements continued to dominate public discussions.

Former Asian Development Bank official D Bandopadhyay later claimed that Anita Dewan had been specifically targeted because she had gathered evidence regarding misuse of UNICEF rural development funds by CPM-controlled panchayats in Gosaba. According to these claims, the attackers destroyed the car to burn all documentary evidence collected by Dewan.

While some aspects of these claims remain debated and were never fully established in court, the allegations significantly shaped public perception of the case.

Senior CPI(M) leaders downplayed the heinous crime

One of the reasons the Bantala case remains politically sensitive even today is because of the statements made by senior CPI(M) leaders after the incident.

Then West Bengal Health Minister Prasanta Sur attempted to defend the incident by claiming that villagers had mistaken the women officers for child kidnappers and traffickers. The explanation was heavily criticised at the time as an attempt to dilute the seriousness of the crime.

Even more controversial was the statement attributed to then Chief Minister Jyoti Basu, who said, “E shob toh hoeyi thakey (Such things keep happening).” The remark triggered outrage across political and civil society circles, with critics accusing the Left government of showing shocking insensitivity toward rape victims.

For many in Bengal, these statements became symbols of how the administration tried to minimise or politically manage horrific crimes instead of ensuring accountability.

Convictions, but lingering questions

Following investigation and legal proceedings, six accused persons were sentenced to life imprisonment in connection with the case in 2003. The punishments never fully answered larger questions regarding political patronage, delayed police response and the atmosphere of fear prevailing at the time.

The Bantala case also exposed the dangers faced by frontline women workers who travelled to remote parts of the state for public health programmes. Anita Dewan, Uma Ghosh and Renu Ghosh were not political activists or public figures. They were health officials working to improve vaccination coverage in rural Bengal. 

From Bantala to RG Kar: Has anything changed?

More than three decades later, West Bengal still struggles with the same questions around women’s safety and political accountability.

After the CPI(M) regime ended, hopes were raised that the situation would improve under the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government. However, more incidents under the TMC era prove that the situation has not changed at all.

The 2024 RG Kar Medical College rape and murder case once again brought national attention to women’s safety in Bengal. The brutal rape and murder of a young doctor inside a government hospital triggered massive protests across the country and raised serious concerns about administrative failure, political influence and institutional silence.

The memory of Bantala returned during the RG Kar protests. The names and governments may have changed, but the anger over women’s safety, delayed justice, and political defensiveness continues to remain painfully familiar in West Bengal even after 36 years.

Mamata Banerjee claims her nephew Abhishek could have died after being hit by eggs: Read how the TMC supremo downplayed the murders of BJP workers in 2021 post-poll violence case as ‘small-time incident’

Dibakar Dutta
-
0
Mamata Banerjee claims her nephew Abhishek could have died after being hit by eggs: Read how the TMC supremo downplayed the murders of BJP workers in 2021 post-poll violence case as ‘small-time incident’

On Saturday (30th May), Trinamool Congress MP Abhishek Banerjee was egged and heckled by angry locals in Sonarpur in the South 24 Parganas district of West Bengal. The nephew of Mamata Banerjee, who had threatened BJP workers with post-poll violence before the election result, was seen wearing a helmet to brave incoming eggs from the public.

Trinamool Congress supremo, who built her career on street drama and political theatrics, created a hullabaloo at the Belle Vue Hospital in Kolkata after the facility refused to admit Abhishek Banerjee. As a matter of fact, doctors had ruled out any serious sign of physical injury. They informed that the TMC leader was fully conscious, oriented and had only minor bruises on his chest.

Mamata Banerjee and TMC attempted to capitalise on the incident by first dubbing the angry locals as ‘BJP-backed miscreants’ and claiming that ‘rulers became killers.’

Thereafter, the TMC supremo made an outrageous remark that Abhishek Banerjee could have been killed by eggs if he did not wear a helmet. “One local guy gave a helmet to him or else he would have been spot dead.” She also peddled conspiracy theories about the BJP government in Bengal not allowing a private hospital to admit her nephew with no serious injuries.

What Mamata Banerjee said about 2021 post-poll violence

While Mamata Banerjee is busy portraying this stray case of outburst of public resentment against her corrupt nephew as a ‘big incident’, the TMC supremo had, in fact, downplayed the 2021 post-poll violence in Bengal as ‘choto choto ghotona.’

For the unversed, more than a dozen BJP workers were killed, women were raped, and thousands had to suffer exodus at the hands of Trinamool Congress goons following the 2021 Vidhan Sabha election.

But these atrocities and the outbreak of targeted political violence against rival party workers appeared trivial to Mamata Banerjee.  She suggested that those were ‘small-time incidents’ that supposedly occurred everywhere after elections.

In April 2023, she had claimed, “Koyekta choto choto ghotona ghote chilo election er por, samanno ghote thake sob jaigai (Some small-time incidents took place after elections. These happen all the time at other places).” 

She also lamented how the Centre sent several fact-finding teams to the State, which had supposedly led to the ‘arrest’ of several TMC workers in false cases. “If something happens in Bengal, then, it does not mean that the government is responsible,” Mamata Banerjee refused to showcase accountability.

 “Some incidents happened small-small (after elections) but the Centre sent all the teams (from Delhi). They arrested all of our boys and girls through agencies such as CBI, ED and Commissions,” Mamata Banerjee brazened out.

Back in 2021, she attempted to rationalise the post-poll violence by TMC goons as retribution for alleged torture by BJP and Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs).

 “Bengal is a peace-loving place. During the elections, there has been some heat and dust and calm. The BJP did a lot of torture, also the CAPF,” she had said while making a token appeal for ‘calm’.

The Spy Club: How Delhi Gymkhana Club became the favourite playground of CIA agents to steal top military secrets by trapping Indian officials

आशीष नौटियाल
-
0
The Spy Club: How Delhi Gymkhana Club became the favourite playground of CIA agents to steal top military secrets by trapping Indian officials

If someone wants to breach the national security of a nuclear-armed nation or an emerging global superpower, there is no need to drop bombs on its military bases. It is enough to simply obtain membership of that country’s most influential colonial-era elite club, where, as soon as evening falls, the country’s policymakers dissolve their security and dignity in pegs of Scotch.

These are stories based on real events. They show how an elite club located right in the heart of India’s capital, Delhi, remained a playground for foreign spies for decades. At the centre of this entire saga is the Delhi Gymkhana Club (DGC), which its influential members have been fighting hard to save with all their power.

Chapter 1: Lutyens Delhi’s ‘Drinking Den’ and the National Security Alarm

The year 2026 began with a major jolt for the Delhi Gymkhana Club. The Land & Development Office (L&DO) of the Government of India issued a strict order directing the 113-year-old club to vacate its premises. Behind this firm step were grave reasons – national security, strengthening defence infrastructure, and public interest.

The club is spread over 27.3 acres in an extremely sensitive and strategic area, located just a few metres away from the Prime Minister’s residence at 7 Lok Kalyan Marg. For the common public, it may appear to be merely a den of entertainment for the wealthy, but for the Government of India, it has always been a major national security risk.

In 2020, the Ministry of Corporate Affairs had given a very sharp statement in court regarding the club’s functioning, saying, “This club has turned from a gymnasium into a drinking den.” It had become a sort of ‘princely state’ where there was such unrestricted mingling of the country’s elite bureaucracy and foreign diplomats that it was sufficient to throw dust in the eyes of the security apparatus.

During the Cold War, the Delhi Gymkhana Club functioned as a contact zone where foreign spies operating under diplomatic cover could easily meet Indian generals and bureaucrats,  bypassing government rules forbidding contact with foreign nationals. They did so without coming under the scrutiny of government restrictions or intelligence agencies like the Intelligence Bureau (IB).

Chapter 2: T-72 Tank and the Magical ‘Drop’ at the Tennis Court

This incident dates back to 1978. The Indian Army had, for the first time, procured the then most modern and lethal T-72/T-72M tanks from the Soviet Union. This 41-ton steel behemoth had become a major mystery for the US Department of Defense (Pentagon) and the CIA. What exactly was it about this tank that had robbed America of its sleep? There were three main reasons:

  • Strong Front Armour (Glacis Armour): It was not merely a sheet of steel but a sloped protective shield made of multiple layers of high-carbon steel and polyurethane, which was considered extremely difficult to penetrate.
  • Laser Rangefinder and Auto-loader System: The tank could automatically measure target distance and load shells, enabling it to engage the enemy with great speed and eliminating the need for a fourth crew member.
  • 125mm Smoothbore Gun: In that era, this was counted among the world’s deadliest tank guns, capable of reducing enemy tanks to scrap metal within seconds. It fired kinetic energy rounds at 1,800 meters per second, several hundred meters per second more than Western tanks.

The Cold War was then at its peak, and the CIA was determined to acquire complete details of this tank, which was referred as ‘SOVMAT’ (Soviet military manuals) in intelligence parlance. They had even planned to bribe an Indian military officer to smuggle the tank across the border to Pakistan, but the attempt failed.

It was then that CIA’s cunning field agent Robert Baer, stationed at the US Embassy in New Delhi, stepped in. Baer has recounted this dangerous episode in detail in his famous 2002 autobiography See No Evil.

One of Baer’s Indian agents had stolen highly confidential T-72 manuals from an army locker, but there was a critical condition, the manuals had to be returned to the military safe within just two hours, before the sergeant’s duty changed and the theft was discovered. Baer fled with the duffel bag filled with the manuals and drove straight to the American Embassy. He asked his agent to meet him in two hours behind guest house number three at Delhi’s Gymkhana Club.

At the embassy, he copied the T-72 tank manuals, and hurried back to the club. Time was ticking away rapidly, with only 17 minutes remaining. However, he was followed by five cars, indicating that IB was tailing him. Showing great presence of mind, Baer drove his car straight through the gates of the Delhi Gymkhana Club. The IB vehicles followed close behind. Without stopping, Baer drove the car onto the narrow gravel pedestrian path running between the tennis courts, a route where the IB vehicles would not follow. The IB officers started to follow him on foot.

Without stopping the car, he quickly pulled the duffel bag with original manuals from the tennis bag and threw it towards the agent, who was hiding in the bushes near Guest House Number Three, behind the tamarind trees. The agent was waiting at the exact place where he was asked to be, and Baer saw that he picked the bag and walked away.

To confuse the pursuing IB officers, Baer then walked straight into the club’s bar. There, he sat down next to a highly respected and completely innocent-looking Indian gentleman dressed in a three-piece suit and ordered two double Scotches from the waiter.

When the panting IB officers burst into the bar, they found Baer engaged in serious conversation with the distinguished Indian. Their entire attention shifted to the innocent Indian gentleman, wondering what urgent matter had brought Baer to him in such haste. This little drama gave the CIA agent enough time to safely return the manuals to the army sergeant to bring it back to the locker.

As a result of this theft, in 1982 the CIA concluded from the manual that the early versions of the T-72 had limited night-fighting capability compared to their Western counterparts. The CIA immediately shared this strategic weakness with the US defence industry and its frontline partner, the Pakistani Army.

Chapter 3: Punjab Jungles, the ‘Back Door’ and Illegal Peacock Hunting

Rules for military officers were extremely strict. They could not meet foreign nationals directly and were required to report any such meeting to the government immediately. This made it almost impossible for the CIA to directly entrap military officers.

On page 75 of his book, Robert Baer wrote that he discovered a ‘back door’ in this rigid system. He learnt that Indian military officers had a great passion for hunting.

Baer then created a hunter’s identity for himself, purchased a military jeep with civilian number plates, and set up camp in the jungles of Punjab. There, he met an influential Indian military officer named ‘Singh’, who was strongly opposed to Indo-Soviet friendship. Their friendship grew deep. On weekends, they began illegally hunting India’s national bird, the peacock, in the Punjab jungles and even inside the private estate of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

Baer gifted Singh an expensive Italian Browning double-barrel shotgun. Later, the CIA Station Chief in New Delhi, ‘Wild Bill’, was also included in these hunting expeditions, and ‘Singh’ was fully recruited. Unwittingly, Singh then passed on all sensitive information regarding Indian Soviet military equipment and defence vulnerabilities to the CIA.

Chapter 4: Honeytrap and the Bitter Reality of the Madras Cafe

The CIA’s elite network was not confined to Delhi or Punjab alone. In the mid-1980s, when the Sri Lankan civil war was at its peak, K.V. Unnikrishnan was the head of RAW’s Madras station.

During his posting in Colombo, Sri Lanka, the CIA cleverly trapped Unnikrishnan in a honeytrap using an air hostess. They recorded compromising photographs and videos of him, after which a prolonged blackmail operation began that inflicted deep wounds on India’s national interests.

Unnikrishnan worked for the CIA for nearly two years. He handed over complete files containing India’s most secret policies, including training given to Tamil militants (LTTE) and the Indian government’s strategy regarding the Sri Lankan peace accord.

The CIA passed this sensitive information to the Sri Lankan government, which later caused heavy military and human losses to the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). By the time IB’s counter-intelligence wing arrested him in Mumbai, massive damage had already been done. He was subsequently dismissed from service and sent to Tihar Jail. Unnikrishnan had confessed to the high treason.

This incident was depicted in the movie Madras Café.

Chapter 5: Other Favourite Haunts of Spies and the Karachi Connection

National security agencies had not only the Delhi Gymkhana Club on their radar. Several other elite venues of this culture were also favourite spots:

  • Delhi Golf Club: Spread over 170 acres in the heart of Lutyens Delhi, this golf club has long served as an informal meeting point for retired generals, intelligence chiefs, and bureaucrats. Here, through ‘soft cultivation’, foreign diplomats would extract national policy secrets over games.
  • Jaipur Polo Ground (Delhi): Located right in front of the Prime Minister’s residence, this ground was a major centre where sports and power intersected. The Modi government recently took strong action here on national security grounds.
  • Karachi Gymkhana Club (Pakistan): Like its Delhi counterpart, this colonial-era club located in the heart of Karachi was used by American and Western diplomats to influence local officials and military personnel and build intelligence networks through social networking.

In addition, bungalows in elite Lutyens Delhi areas such as Golf Links have always remained primary centres of intelligence surveillance. Former RAW officer Malay Krishna Dhar revealed in his book Open Secrets how, during Rajiv Gandhi’s government, even Rashtrapati Bhavan was bugged to record the tensions between President Giani Zail Singh and the Home Minister.

However, it is not that India never adopted such tactics. Dhar writes that liquor was often used as a tool to extract information from militants in Manipur and even from a police constable.

Exploiting this lax elite security system like the Gymkhana, in 2004, RAW Joint Secretary Rabinder Singh, with the help of CIA agent David Vakala, successfully escaped to America via Kathmandu on a fake passport. He had escaped after he was discovered acting as a double agent for the CIA. This incident has been described in detail by former RAW Special Secretary Amar Bhushan in his well-known book Escape to Nowhere.

Why are these Elite Clubs Sensitive for National Security?

Why have elite clubs like the Gymkhana remained the biggest ‘soft targets’ for foreign powers? There are three main strategic reasons:

  1. No Fear of Protocol: In a government office, there are strict rules for meetings with foreign diplomats, but on the green lawns of the Gymkhana or Golf Club, with a glass of Scotch in hand, diplomats and defence officials freely share sensitive security policies without any written permission.
  2. Soft Cultivation: Foreign agencies gradually make officers indebted to them by using personal hobbies such as tennis, polo, golf, or hunting. It starts with borrowing golf sticks or gifting guns and often ends in treason.
  3. Strategic Proximity: All these elite clubs are located right next to the Prime Minister’s residence and sensitive defence headquarters in the heart of Delhi. Allowing unrestricted movement of foreign nationals in such sensitive areas without security audits is suicidal for any country.

This is precisely why, in 2026, the Indian Government took this major decision to terminate the lease of this colonial-era privileged safe haven and have it vacated. After all, for any sovereign nation, national security is far more important than the entertainment and drinking parties of a few chosen elites. No privilege can be greater than the country’s security.

This article is a translation of the original article published in Hindi

Who is Ashok Ozha? The AAP leader seen with Kejriwal, Bhagwant Mann and Sisodia, now arrested in the fake ‘IB call’ case

OpIndia Staff
-
0
Who is Ashok Ozha? The AAP leader seen with Kejriwal, Bhagwant Mann and Sisodia, now arrested in the fake ‘IB call’ case

What began as a political controversy over alleged intimidation of AAP workers in Gujarat has now taken an unexpected turn, with the investigation leading directly back to the party itself. AAP leaders, including Arvind Kejriwal, Gopal Italia, and Durgesh Pathak, had publicly alleged that party workers were receiving threatening phone calls from individuals claiming to be officers of the Intelligence Bureau (IB). The issue was amplified on social media, with questions raised about the alleged misuse of government agencies against political workers.

However, as the police investigation progressed, the narrative changed dramatically. The very case that AAP leaders had used to target the government and administrative machinery has now resulted in the Vadodara city president of the party, Ashok Ozha, being named as an accused.

Notably, Ashok Ozha is not an obscure figure within the Aam Aadmi Party. He has been associated with the party in Gujarat for several years and played an active role in its organisational expansion across the state. Throughout the period when AAP was attempting to establish itself as a major political force in Gujarat, Ozha was frequently seen alongside the party’s top leadership and enjoyed direct access to senior leaders.

Arvind Kejriwal with Ashok Ozha

Photographs and records from various party events show Ozha in the company of AAP national convenor Arvind Kejriwal, Gujarat leaders Isudan Gadhvi and Gopal Italia, Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, senior leader Manish Sisodia, and several other prominent faces of the party. He was also actively involved in organisational work and reportedly travelled to Delhi on multiple occasions to coordinate party activities.

Ozha with Gopal Rai and Bhagwant Mann

Ozha’s proximity to the party’s top leadership was not limited to occasional appearances. He was regularly present at key organisational events and maintained close working relationships with senior leaders. He was often seen with Gopal Rai, who previously served as AAP’s Gujarat in-charge, and was considered an influential organisational figure within the state unit.

Ozha with Manish Sisodia and Manoj Sorathiya

He also shared close ties with several Gujarat AAP leaders, including state president Isudan Gadhvi, Gopal Italia, and Manoj Sorathiya. Numerous photographs and public appearances over the years reflect his deep integration within the party structure.

What is the controversy?

The controversy began when several AAP leaders claimed that party workers and office-bearers in Gujarat were receiving suspicious phone calls from individuals introducing themselves as officers of the Intelligence Bureau (IB).

The issue gained significant attention after former Delhi MLA and AAP leader Durgesh Pathak publicly alleged that party workers in Gujarat were being contacted from a particular mobile number by a person claiming to be an IB officer.

Soon afterwards, Arvind Kejriwal himself raised the matter on social media. He claimed that one of the party’s workers had received such a call and further stated that he personally dialled the number in question. According to Kejriwal, when he asked whether the caller was from the IB, he received an affirmative response. However, after identifying himself as Arvind Kejriwal, the caller allegedly disconnected the call.

Kejriwal subsequently questioned under what law the Intelligence Bureau could conduct verification of citizens travelling from one state to another for political activities. Other AAP leaders echoed similar concerns, portraying the episode as evidence of political surveillance and harassment. The issue quickly evolved into a broader political controversy, with allegations that a government agency was targeting opposition workers.

The matter eventually reached the police after Anand-based AAP worker Keshav Chauhan reported receiving a similar call. A complaint was registered with the Anand Cyber Crime Police Station, which initiated an investigation using call records, mobile data, and technical evidence.

The first breakthrough came when investigators traced the controversial phone number to Nitin Dobariya, a resident of Anand. During questioning, Dobariya allegedly admitted that he had made the calls at the instruction of Vadodara AAP president Ashok Ozha and had, on some occasions, falsely identified himself as an Intelligence Bureau officer.

Following this revelation, police expanded the investigation and questioned Ozha. According to findings that subsequently emerged, the episode was not linked to any government agency or political rival but instead stemmed from internal factionalism and organisational rivalries within the Aam Aadmi Party.

Reports suggest that discontent had surfaced within sections of the Gujarat unit after senior Delhi leader Durgesh Pathak was assigned a more active role in the state. Investigators reportedly believe that Ozha feared growing intervention from the central leadership could weaken his influence within the local organisation.

According to the investigation, the alleged fake IB-call operation was orchestrated to create pressure on certain leaders and shape internal power dynamics within the party.

The development has turned the controversy on its head. What was initially projected by AAP’s top leadership as an example of alleged state intimidation has now led to the arrest of one of the party’s own city presidents and his associate. The same case that was used to raise questions about government agencies has ultimately exposed what investigators describe as an internal political tussle within the party itself.

The Hindware-Google trademark dispute explained: Why the Delhi HC held Google liable for trademark infringement and how the ruling could reshape digital marketing in India

Shriti Sagar
-
0
The Hindware-Google trademark dispute explained: Why the Delhi HC held Google liable for trademark infringement and how the ruling could reshape digital marketing in India

In a landmark judgment that could change the way online advertising works in India, the Delhi High Court has ruled against Google in a trademark dispute filed by bathware company Hindware. The Court held that allowing competitors to use the trademark “HINDWARE” as a keyword in Google Ads amounted to trademark infringement and unfair commercial exploitation of the company’s brand reputation.

Delivering its verdict on 22nd May, Justice Mini Pushkarna imposed a ₹30 lakh penalty on Google and permanently restrained the tech giant from allowing the use of “HINDWARE” and similar trademark-related combinations as advertising keywords within its AdWords system.

The 163-page judgement [pdf] also directed Google to stop auctioning Hindware’s trademark and ordered the company to pay the damages within eight weeks.

The ruling is being viewed as one of the most important judgments in India’s digital advertising space because it directly addresses how trademarked keywords are used in search engine advertising and whether platforms like Google can escape liability by calling themselves “intermediaries”.

What was the dispute between Google and Hindware?

The case began after Hindware, formerly known as HSIL Ltd, discovered that rival sanitaryware companies were bidding on its trademark “HINDWARE” through Google Ads.

According to Hindware, whenever customers searched for “Hindware” products online, advertisements of competing brands started appearing prominently in search results. The company argued that this practice diverted potential customers and unfairly benefited competitors by exploiting the goodwill attached to the Hindware brand.

The dispute was part of two commercial suits filed during 2013 and 2014 against Google entities, along with rival companies including Grohe India, Cera Sanitaryware and Omkara Infoweb.

Hindware told the Court that keyword combinations such as “Hindware Sanitary”, “Hindware Sanitaryware” and similar phrases were being purchased by competitors to redirect online traffic.

The company argued that Google was not merely a passive platform but an active commercial participant because it suggested keywords, conducted auctions, ranked advertisements and earned revenue from every click generated through those ads.

Hindware also pointed out that its trademark had already been recognised as a well-known trademark by the Delhi High Court and that the company had been using the mark since 1991.

What Google argued in court

Google strongly opposed the allegations and argued that keywords are invisible backend tools that users cannot directly see.

The company claimed advertisers independently selected the keywords and created advertisements, while Google merely operated a neutral advertising platform.

Google also attempted to shield itself under Section 79 of the Information Technology Act by claiming intermediary protection.

“Since users can neither see nor otherwise perceive the keywords provided by the advertiser, such use of trademarks as keywords, being imperceptible or invisible to consumers, cannot be said to amount to ‘use’ under the Trade Marks Act,” Google argued before the Court.

The company maintained that it played only a technical role and therefore could not be held responsible for trademark infringement committed by advertisers.

Court rejects Google’s intermediary defenc.e

The Delhi High Court, however, rejected Google’s argument completely.

Justice Mini Pushkarna held that Google was actively involved in the AdWords ecosystem through keyword suggestions, ad ranking systems, monetisation mechanisms and advertising auctions.

“The present issues are decided in favour of the plaintiff (Hindware) and against the defendants (Google),” the Court ruled.

The Court said Google could not continue earning money from trademark-linked searches while simultaneously claiming it had no responsibility for the resulting infringement.

“Google cannot be permitted to shrug off responsibility by making available a tool that leads to infringement, and then turning around to claim that the said tool was not mandatory,” the judgment stated.

An excerpt from the judgment

The Court further observed that Google actively monetised trademark searches and therefore could not seek safe harbour protection as a passive intermediary.

“It has been admitted by Google that it allows use of trademarks as keywordtoto seek out users interested in the goods or services covered by the registered trademark,” the Court noted.

An excerpt from the judgment

The bench added that Google’s advertising programme actively encouraged advertisers to use trademarked search terms.

“The Ads Programme of Google encourages the users to use various search terms, including trademarks as keywords for display of the advertisements to the target audience,” the Court observed.

Invisible keyword use is also trademark infringement, says the Court

One of the most significant aspects of the judgment was the Court’s finding that even invisible use of trademarks as keyword triggers amounts to trademark infringement under Indian law.

The Court compared keyword advertising to unlawful meta-tagging practices and held that redirecting online traffic using hidden trademark usage could still manipulate consumer behaviour.

“It is clear that the use of the mark as meta-tags was held to be infringement of trademark,” the judgment stated.

The Court added that invisible use of a trademark to divert traffic from the trademark owner’s website to a competitor’s website would qualify as “use in advertising” under Section 29 of the Trade Marks Act.

An excerpt from the judgment

“Google suggests, offers, and sells words, including trademark terms, as keywords to advertisers. This active offering and selling of trademark terms to advertisers is not mere internal use of the trademark term, and is clearly a commercial use,” the Court observed.

This part of the judgment is particularly important because it establishes that even backend keyword use, which users cannot directly see, can still violate trademark rights if it commercially exploits brand reputation.

Settlements with rival companies

During the long legal battle, rival companies, including Grohe India, Cera Sanitaryware and Omkara Infoweb, settled their disputes with Hindware through mediation and consent decrees.

After those settlements, the litigation continued only against Google India and Google LLC. Although the Court described the matter as one deserving “nominal damages”, it still awarded ₹15 lakh in each of the two suits, bringing the total compensation to ₹30 lakh.

“Accordingly, this Court awards nominal damages of Rs. 15,00,000/- (Rupees Fifteen Lacs only) each in the present suits, totalling to Rs. 30,00,000/- (Rupees Thirty Lacs only) in favour of the plaintiff,” the court said. 

An excerpt from the judgment

The court also clarified that the amount was not meant to compensate the actual losses and said, “The aforesaid amount shall be paid by the defendants, i.e., Google LLC/Google India, jointly and severally, within a period of eight weeks. The said amount has been awarded not towards the actual loss or damages suffered by the plaintiff, but as a minimal compensation in the light of the finding of this Court regarding infringement by the defendants.”

Why this verdict matters for India’s digital marketing industry

The judgment is now being viewed as a possible turning point for India’s digital advertising ecosystem.

Competitor keyword bidding has become a common strategy across industries, including e-commerce, fintech, travel, food delivery, banking and direct-to-consumer brands. Companies regularly bid on rival brand names so their advertisements appear whenever users search for competitors online.

Following the verdict, several industry leaders and marketing experts said the judgment could completely reshape performance marketing strategies in India. Vijay Shekhar Sharma reacted to the verdict on X and wrote, “Competitor keyword bidding on your brand name is now legally actionable in India.”

Prashant Puri, Co-founder and CEO of AdLift, told MoneyControl that the judgment addressed a long-standing concern among brands. “For years, brands have raised concerns that competitors could bid on their trademarked names, effectively using brand equity built over decades to intercept high-intent customers at the final stage of their purchase journey,” he said.

Puri also explained how many companies were forced into “defensive spending”, where they had to purchase advertisements on their own brand names simply to stop competitors from hijacking traffic. “One brand bidding on another’s name often forces companies to spend defensively on their own trademarks, increasing auction competition and costs,” he explained.

Could Google’s ad business model face changes in India?

The ruling may also create serious challenges for Google’s advertising business in India.

Trademark-linked searches represent some of the most commercially valuable searches in digital advertising because users searching for a brand often have very high purchase intent.

According to industry estimates, branded keywords often generate significantly higher conversion rates than generic advertisements. The judgment now raises questions about whether Google will need to redesign parts of its advertising system in India if more trademark owners begin filing similar cases.

Several brands across sectors like finance, consumer goods, electronics and travel may now seek legal protection against competitors using their trademarks as advertising triggers.

Nithin Kamath also reacted to the verdict and pointed out that competitor ads had appeared alongside searches for Zerodha for many years. “Even today, if you search for Zerodha, you will see search results from competitors. This has been happening for well over a decade,” Kamath wrote.

Despite those concerns, the Hindware judgment is likely to become a landmark precedent in India’s digital economy. It signals that Indian courts are increasingly willing to treat trademark-linked search advertising as a serious intellectual property issue rather than merely a technical advertising practice.

For brands, advertisers, regulators and tech platforms alike, the ruling may now force a complete rethink of how digital marketing works in India’s rapidly expanding online economy.

From Narendra Modi Stadium to SVP Sports Enclave: Read how Ahmedabad is building a world-class ecosystem to become India’s sports capital

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
-
0
From Narendra Modi Stadium to SVP Sports Enclave: Read how Ahmedabad is building a world-class ecosystem to become India’s sports capital

On 28th May, Union Home Minister Amit Shah reviewed preparations related to the 2030 Commonwealth Games, the 2036 Olympics, and other major international sporting events planned for Ahmedabad. During the meeting, he once again said that work is moving quickly to develop Ahmedabad as India’s sports capital.

Usually, such statements are seen as political promises that may or may not become reality. But Ahmedabad’s case appears different. Over the last few years, the city has witnessed the construction of world-class sports infrastructure, large-scale investments in sporting facilities, and several projects designed specifically to support future international competitions.

From the Narendra Modi Stadium in Motera to the Veer Savarkar Sports Complex in Naranpura, from new sports facilities across different neighbourhoods to major events such as the Khel Mahakumbh and National Games, Ahmedabad’s sports journey is no longer limited to a few isolated projects. Instead, an entire sports ecosystem is taking shape.

Today, sports are becoming a major part of Ahmedabad’s identity, just as industry and business once were.

A city that has reinvented itself before

Ahmedabad has a long history of changing and expanding its identity. Decades ago, it was known across India as the “Manchester of India” because of its textile mills. The textile industry played a huge role in the city’s growth and economy.

As time passed, Ahmedabad evolved into one of India’s major centres for trade, manufacturing, finance, and modern urban development. It became the economic powerhouse of Gujarat and developed a strong reputation for business and entrepreneurship.

Now, the city is entering another phase of transformation. This new chapter is not centred on factories or trade. Instead, it focuses on sports, youth participation, international competitions, tourism, and world-class infrastructure. Looking at the developments that have taken place during the last five to six years, it is becoming increasingly clear that Ahmedabad is trying to build a unique identity around sports.

How the sports city vision started

The year 2022 became a turning point in Ahmedabad’s sports journey. That year, Gujarat hosted the National Games, bringing athletes, coaches, officials, and sports enthusiasts from across the country. The event generated fresh excitement about sports throughout the state.

During the National Games, Amit Shah stated that Ahmedabad would become the world’s largest sports city in the future. At that time, many people considered the statement ambitious. However, the speed at which sports-related projects have moved forward since then has made that vision look far more realistic.

The National Games also highlighted an important reality. Hosting large sporting events requires much more than stadiums. A city needs training facilities, athlete accommodation, transport systems, medical support, recovery centres, practice venues, and modern urban infrastructure.

Several projects that were already underway in Ahmedabad received fresh momentum after the National Games. From that point onward, the idea of turning Ahmedabad into a sports capital became more visible and more structured.

Narendra Modi Stadium: The symbol of Ahmedabad’s sports ambition

If one structure represents Ahmedabad’s sports transformation, it is undoubtedly the Narendra Modi Stadium in Motera.

Narendra Modi Cricket Stadium

With a seating capacity of more than 100,000 spectators, it is the largest cricket stadium in the world. But its importance goes beyond numbers and records.

The stadium has helped place Ahmedabad on the global sports map. It has hosted major international cricket matches, ICC tournaments, World Cup games, and other large sporting events that attracted visitors from across India and abroad.

The stadium has shown how sports can contribute to a city’s image, economy, tourism sector, and international recognition. It has been demonstrated that sports are not only about competition and entertainment. They can also become a tool for branding a city and attracting investment.

For Ahmedabad, the Narendra Modi Stadium was not the final goal. It was the starting point of a much larger vision.

SVP sports enclave: the heart of the sports city project

While the Narendra Modi Stadium opened the door, the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (SVP) Sports Enclave is being viewed as the centrepiece of Ahmedabad’s long-term sports strategy.

Spread across more than 236 acres in Motera, the project is much more than a sports complex. It is being developed as a complete sports city designed to support future international events, including the Commonwealth Games and the Olympics.

The Sports Enclave will include an aquatics centre, indoor arenas, tennis facilities, athlete accommodation, training centres, and several other modern sports amenities. The idea is to create a complete ecosystem where athletes can train, compete, stay, recover, and improve performance without needing to move between different locations.

Many successful Olympic cities around the world have adopted this model. Ahmedabad is trying to build something similar by integrating multiple sports facilities within a single large campus.

SVP Sports (Image via TOI)

One of the most important aspects of the Sports Enclave is that it combines sports development with urban planning. Instead of constructing isolated stadiums, the city is building an interconnected sports ecosystem. This approach makes the project one of the most important pillars of Ahmedabad’s sports vision.

Veer Savarkar Sports Complex turns vision into reality

Large plans and announcements often take years to become visible on the ground. The Veer Savarkar Sports Complex is one project that has helped turn Ahmedabad’s sports vision into reality.

Built at an estimated cost of around ₹825 crore, the complex is considered one of the largest and most modern sports facilities in India. It includes swimming facilities, indoor sports infrastructure, training areas, and several other amenities designed for athletes.

Veer Savarkar Sports Complex

When the complex was inaugurated in September 2025, Amit Shah said that Ahmedabad was moving steadily toward becoming a sports capital. The statement carried weight because the infrastructure was already standing before people’s eyes.

Unlike projects that exist only on paper, the Veer Savarkar Sports Complex demonstrates how large-scale investment in sports infrastructure is becoming a reality in Ahmedabad.

Sports infrastructure is expanding across the entire city

Building a single stadium or one large sports complex is not enough to become a sports capital. For sports to become part of a city’s identity, facilities must be available across neighbourhoods so that children and young athletes can easily access them.

This is where the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) has played an important role. Over the last few years, the civic body has focused on expanding sports infrastructure throughout the city.

Plans are underway to develop 10 new sports complexes and 27 new playgrounds. These facilities are being spread across areas such as New Wadaj, Ranip, Nikol, Naroda, Vatva, Sarkhej, and several other localities.

The goal is to ensure that sports opportunities are not limited to premium or central areas. Instead, sports infrastructure should be available to residents in different parts of Ahmedabad.

According to AMC data, the city already has numerous gymnasiums, tennis courts, skating rinks, sports centres, and recreational facilities. The new projects are expected to strengthen this network even further.

This broader expansion is important because a sports capital is not defined only by international tournaments. It is also defined by how easily ordinary citizens can participate in sports.

Khel Mahakumbh: Creating athletes along with infrastructure

Sports infrastructure alone cannot create a sports culture. Stadiums and complexes need athletes, and athletes need opportunities to compete and develop their skills. This is where Gujarat’s Khel Mahakumbh has played a major role.

For years, the event has provided a competitive platform for millions of students and young participants across the state. It has encouraged grassroots participation and helped identify sporting talent from different regions.

The importance of Khel Mahakumbh lies in the fact that it complements infrastructure development. While Ahmedabad is building world-class facilities, programs like Khel Mahakumbh are helping create the next generation of athletes who will use those facilities.

The combination of infrastructure and grassroots participation is what makes a sports ecosystem sustainable in the long run.

Sports Zone and the Changing City

Ahmedabad’s sports strategy is not limited to stadiums and training centres. Urban planning is also being shaped around sports. One important example is the Sports Precinct Corridor project.

This planned 7-kilometre corridor connecting different parts of the city with the SVP Sports Enclave is not simply a transportation project. It is designed to make sports a visible and permanent part of Ahmedabad’s urban identity.

Many leading sports cities around the world have dedicated sports districts where sporting activities influence public spaces, city design, tourism, and community life. Ahmedabad is trying to adopt a similar model.

By integrating sports into urban planning, the city hopes to create an environment where sports become a regular part of everyday life rather than something limited to major events.

International events are strengthening Ahmedabad’s position

Hosting international competitions is another important requirement for any city that wants to become a sports capital.

In recent years, Ahmedabad has made significant progress on this front as well. The city has hosted events such as the Asian Aquatics Championships and demonstrated its ability to manage large international sporting competitions. Looking ahead, Ahmedabad is also preparing to host the World Police and Fire Games in 2029.

Asian Aquatics Championship, Ahmedabad

Such events bring multiple benefits. They improve infrastructure, strengthen event-management capabilities, expose local athletes and officials to international standards, and increase global visibility.

Every successful event helps Ahmedabad move one step closer to its long-term goal of becoming a globally recognised sports destination.

Preparing for the Commonwealth Games and Olympics

Perhaps the most ambitious part of Ahmedabad’s sports journey lies in its plans for future mega-events.

Preparations related to the 2030 Commonwealth Games and the 2036 Olympics are already influencing infrastructure development in the city. These preparations involve much more than sports venues. They include transportation networks, athlete housing, public spaces, urban development, logistics systems, and various support facilities needed to host international competitions.

When viewed together, projects such as the SVP Sports Enclave, athletes’ village, aquatics infrastructure, sports precinct developments, and citywide sports facilities clearly show that Ahmedabad is planning not just for the next few years but for the coming decades.

A City building a new identity

When all the developments are viewed together, a clear picture emerges.

The world’s largest cricket stadium, the massive SVP Sports Enclave, the ₹825 crore Veer Savarkar Sports Complex, citywide sports infrastructure projects, plans for 10 new sports complexes and 27 playgrounds, grassroots initiatives like Khel Mahakumbh, international sporting events, and preparations for future Commonwealth Games and Olympic ambitions are all connected pieces of a much larger vision.

This is no longer a story about a few standalone sports projects. It is the story of a city trying to build an entire sports ecosystem.

Ahmedabad’s journey is still underway. Several projects remain under construction, and many goals are yet to be achieved. But the direction is now clear. Over the last few years, the city has moved beyond being known only for cricket or commerce.

Today, Ahmedabad is steadily building a reputation as a city where sports, youth development, international events, and modern infrastructure come together. That is why the idea of Ahmedabad as India’s sports capital is no longer just a slogan. It is becoming a reality that is taking shape year after year.

Norwegian propagandist Helle Lyng endorses The Wire: How foreign ‘activists’ and India’s left-wing media collaborate to push anti-India narratives

Shriti Sagar
-
0
Norwegian propagandist Helle Lyng endorses The Wire: How foreign ‘activists’ and India’s left-wing media collaborate to push anti-India narratives

Fresh controversy has erupted online after pro-China propagandist and Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng publicly endorsed far-left propaganda portal The Wire, a platform notorious for spreading misinformation and pushing politically motivated narratives against India. The endorsement has once again triggered discussion on how India’s left-liberal media ecosystem uses foreign commentators and publications to amplify propaganda targeting India’s democratic institutions and leadership.

The latest controversy began after The Wire posted on X on Friday, 29th May, to celebrate 11 years of its existence, despite being marred with fake news and disinformation like the Tek Fog and Meta controversies. Sharing the post, Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng wrote, “I cannot recommend The Wire enough. Will be relying on them for reading about India moving forward.”

The post quickly attracted attention because Lyng herself had become a controversial figure earlier this month after she attempted to publicly heckle PM Modi during his visit to Norway.

Who is Helle Lyng, and why did she suddenly become famous?

Helle Lyng, who works with Norwegian publication Dagsavisen, was largely unknown outside a limited social media circle until 18th May, when she tried to confront PM Modi during a joint India-Norway statement event.

At the time, Lyng had barely 800 followers on X, and her account had remained inactive for months. However, after she shouted questions at PM Modi regarding alleged “human rights violations” in India, clips of the incident rapidly went viral across Indian opposition circles and left-liberal social media networks.

Screengrab via X

As PM Modi walked away after the joint statement without taking questions, Lyng shouted, “Prime Minister Modi, why don’t you take some questions from the freest press of the world?” She later proudly posted online that she had not expected him to answer.

Soon after, several opposition leaders and anti-Modi commentators amplified her videos. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi shared the clip and wrote, “When there is nothing to hide, there is nothing to fear.”

Screengrab via X

TMC MP Mahua Moitra and propagandist Rana Ayyub also praised Lyng’s actions. Rana Ayyub posted, “Indian democracy on display as Prime Minister Modi visits Norway.”

The Indian Embassy in Norway later pointed out that the event was never meant to be an open press conference. It was a joint statement by the Prime Ministers of India and Norway, while a separate media briefing by Ministry of External Affairs officials had already been scheduled later in the evening.

Lyng comes out of the woodwork to express her sudden interest in India

Interestingly, Lyng’s own publication had rarely focused deeply on India earlier. Most of its coverage on India revolved around routine global developments such as tariffs, trade or earthquakes. Yet suddenly, during PM Modi’s visit, the publication aggressively pushed stories questioning India’s democracy and political system.

Critics also pointed to Lyng’s social media activity, noting that she had recently purchased X Premium verification in May 2026, just before the controversy exploded online. It clearly proved that the viral campaign around her was not organic and carefully amplified for political messaging. She had barely posted about India on her social media accounts before suddenly developing an intense interest in the country’s politics and democracy, fuelling speculation about who or what might be driving her newfound activism on Indian affairs.

Screengrab via X

MEA officials firmly responded to Lyng’s allegations

The Indian Embassy in Norway later invited Lyng to attend the official media briefing organised by the Ministry of External Affairs. During the interaction, Lyng again attempted to corner Indian officials with loaded questions regarding democracy and human rights.

However, MEA Secretary Sibi George firmly responded and repeatedly reminded her not to interrupt while he was answering.

“You asked me a question, let me answer it,” George said.

When Lyng continued interrupting, he added, “Please don’t interrupt me. This is my press conference.”

George defended India’s democratic credentials by pointing to India’s constitutional framework, massive voter participation and the country’s global contributions during the Covid pandemic and G20 presidency.

“We are proud that we are a civilisational country of 5,000 years old,” he said.

He also criticised those who form opinions about India through selective reporting and “ignorant NGOs.”

“People read one or two news reports published by some godforsaken, ignorant NGOs and then come and ask questions. Don’t worry about it. We are proud to be a democracy,” George remarked.

By the time George completed his detailed response, reports suggested that Lyng had already left the room.

The Wire’s long history of peddling fake news and narrative building

Lyng’s endorsement of The Wire has also revived criticism of the publication’s own journalistic track record. Over the years, The Wire has repeatedly faced accusations of publishing misleading reports, half-verified claims and politically charged narratives targeting the Indian government and Hindu organisations.

The platform often prioritises narrative-building over factual reporting, especially in sensitive communal or political issues. The publication has previously faced legal notices, defamation cases and public rebuttals over several controversial reports.

One of its most high-profile controversies involved a report targeting Jay Shah, son of Home Minister Amit Shah. The report led to a ₹100 crore defamation case against The Wire.

In another major editorial failure, the platform published an investigative piece alleging significant financial misconduct by Union Minister Piyush Goyal regarding his investments with the Piramal Group, claiming he kept the PMO completely in the dark. The Piramal Group immediately issued an official statement calling the report ” completely “baseless” and “devoid of merit.” Independent media watchdogs later dismantled the financial premises of the report, exposing significant structural irregularities in the writing. The portal targeted Goyal again in a piece written by Rohini Singh regarding a defaulting company named Shirdi Industries, but basic fact-checks revealed that the corporate loans in question were taken years before Goyal ever assumed public office.

The Central Board of Excise and Customs (CBEC) had also publicly criticised The Wire in the past over what it described as “factually and legally incorrect” reporting regarding the Adani Group.

The platform has also repeatedly faced criticism for the conduct and reporting style of some of its associated journalists and commentators.

The publication also has a predictable routine of prioritising narrative-building over objective reporting, especially when it involves heinous crimes committed by members of the Muslim community. For years, the organisation has consistently worked to whitewash such incidents, often flipping the script to portray the perpetrators as victims and the actual victims as the aggressors. 

This pattern is not new; from downplaying the 2002 Godhra carnage and the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots to the brutal murder of Kanhaiyalal in Udaipur, The Wire has a track record of framing reactionary Hindu outrage as a greater threat than the Islamist attacks that caused the outrage in the first place. 

Questions over coordination and global narrative-building

The latest endorsement by Helle Lyng has once again raised broader questions about how certain international propagandists, so called journalists and sections of leftist Indian media like The Wire and Newslaundry, frequently amplify anti-India narratives together.

During the Norway controversy, Lyng’s content was rapidly promoted by opposition politicians, left-liberal influencers and media figures who are often critical of PM Modi and the BJP government.

Questions were also raised over the visible coordination between some Indian journalists and Lyng during the Norway visit. While Lyng shared videos involving the Hindu journalist Suhasini Haider, Haider also amplified Lyng’s clips online.

Screengrab via X

Such incidents show how global anti-India ecosystems increasingly rely on selected Indian media platforms to reinforce narratives portraying India as authoritarian or anti-democratic.

Outlets like The Wire and some similar digital platforms frequently become reference points for foreign commentators who wish to target India at the Global stage.

The controversy surrounding Lyng’s endorsement has therefore gone beyond a simple social media post. It reflects a larger ecosystem where foreign commentators, opposition politicians, activist journalists and ideological media platforms work together to create global narratives against India’s image and institutions.

Cow head severed, Hindu boy slaughtered and more: Read about 9 incidents of communal violence by Muslims during Bakrid 2026

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
Cow head severed, Hindu boy slaughtered and more: Read about 9 incidents of communal violence by Muslims during Bakrid 2026

The Islamic ‘festival’ of Eid-ul-Adha or Bakrid in India was celebrated across the country on 28th May by slaughtering goats and other permissible animals. The celebration of bloodshed, however, was in some places claimed blood of Hindus as well.

From tensions in Mira Road housing society over Muslim bringing Qurbani goats inside, court petitions seeking permission for the slaughter of cows, which Hindus revere, to full-fledged violence in Nuh, Bakrid this year witnessed communal tensions in some places and clashes between rival groups in others. OpIndia has brought to its readers a compilation of all major such incidents of violence on Bakrid 2026.

Blood was spilt on the streets of Hindu colonies in Hyderabad on Bakrid, outrage erupted

While social media was replete with greetings and messages calling Bakrid a festival of ‘humanity’, ‘compassion’ and ‘sacrifice’, several videos of the aftermath of Qurbani of innocent animals showed a contrary reality. A disturbing video from Telangana’s Hyderabad surfaced on social media on 27th May, showing blood flowing on the streets of Musheerabad after animal sacrifices on the occasion of Bakrid.

Blood of the slaughtered animals flowing on the streets not only showed the sheer lack of sense of hygiene but also came across as a deliberate act of asserting intimidating dominance over local Hindus. Clearly, what’s a sacrifice for Muslims became stress for Hindus, and yet the local police took no strict action.

MP: Communal tensions flare up in Ratlam after the discovery of a severed cow head on Bakrid

In Madhya Pradesh’s Ratlam, a severed cow head was found on Bakrid, triggering protests by local Hindu rights organisations. Hindu activists blocked the road and demanded action against those behind cow slaughter, giving a seven-day ultimatum to the police.

The police detained some people after an initial investigation. Meanwhile, Hindu activists alleged that such incidents have occurred earlier as well and raised concerns that slaughtering cows indicates a deliberate attempt to stoke communal tensions.

MP: Meat thrown outside a Hindu home in Ujjain on Bakrid

Outrage erupted in Madhya Pradesh’s Ujjain on 28th May, after a piece of meat was found outside the home of a Hindu family. Local Hindus demanded action against those harassing Hindus on Bakrid.

Snehlata Gupta, a resident of Gandhinagar, said she had cleaned outside her house as usual that morning. When she returned a short while later, she saw pieces of meat lying in a polythene bag near the gate. Seeing this, she immediately alerted her neighbours. In no time, a crowd gathered and informed the police about the matter. The investigation is underway.

Qurbani of Hindus on Bakrid? Hindu youth stabbed to death by Muslims in UP’s Ghaziabad

In Uttar Pradesh’s Ghaziabad, a Hindu youth was stabbed to death by Muslims with a knife, leaving him severely injured on Bakrid. The horrific anti-Hindu crime was committed by Muslim men in the Navneet Nagar area. The victim’s family alleged that the Muslim attackers hurled religious slurs against the Hindu boy and said that they will slaughter the Hindu boy as ‘Qurbani’ on Bakrid. The Hindu youth was rushed to a nearby hospital; however, he succumbed to his wounds.

“It’s Bakrid, let’s slaughter him today,” the accused said, as per the account of the victim’s family. Following the incident, members of several Hindu organisations and local residents gathered at the Khoda police station and staged a protest. The police have arrested the Muslim accused, and further action is underway.

Maharashtra: Ruckus in Kalyan over closure of Durgadi Temple on Bakrid

On the occasion of Bakrid, communal tensions heated up in Maharashtra’s Kalyan, after the closure of the Durgadi Fort and the Durga Mata Temple due to Bakrid namaz. Several Hindu organisations, joined by both rival factions of the Shiv Sena as well as local BJP leader Mahesh Patil held a protest, calling the suppression of the Hindu community’s faith to accommodate that of Muslims is intolerable.  

The protesters contended that preventing the ringing of bells and darshan at the temple violated the rights of Hindu devotees. This tradition of ringing bells at the Durga Mata Temple is 40 years old, and began during the 1986 “Ghantanad Movement”.

A heavy police force was deployed to maintain law and order.

UP: Muslim man chased and beaten outside mosque in Bhadohi for asking questions about Sharia on Bakrid

In Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi, a Muslim youth named Intekhab Alam was assaulted by a mob comprising 25 to 30 of his co-religionists outside a mosque on Bakrid. His crime? Asking questions about the Islamic Sharia.

The incident unfolded in the Ghosia town of the Aurai police station area. Victim Intekhab was coming out of the mosque after offering namaz when he was chased and thrashed by a Muslim mob. He was attacked after the mosque’s Hafiz dog whistled some Muslim men over the 34-year-old victim, for asking Sharia-related questions. The attackers first hurled verbal abuses and heckled him, and soon assaulted him with sticks and iron rods, the police said.

UP: Hindu man attacked by Muslim village head in Hardoi in Bakrid

On Bakrid, a Hindu man named Sanjay Rathour was brutally attacked with sharp weapons by village head Sharif Siddiqui and his nephews Javed, Junaid and Chhote while he was working in his field. The Muslim attackers fled the spot, leaving the Hindu man in severely injured condition.

The Hardoi Police confirmed the incident and said that a case has been registered and necessary action is being taken.

“In the referenced case, an FIR has been registered at Hariyawan Police Station under the relevant sections. Other statutory proceedings are underway,” the police said.

Haryana: Two rival Muslim groups clash in Nuh

A dispute between two villages in Haryana’s Nuh district escalated into violence after Bakrid prayers on Thursday (May 28, 2026). In Nizampur village, an old dispute related to Panchayat elections escalated into a heated argument between two groups, which then escalated into stone-pelting, lathi-charge, and axes. Six people were injured in the incident.

The second incident occurred in Singar village, where two groups clashed over an old rivalry. About six people were injured here as well. A total of 12 people were injured in both incidents, with one person in critical condition being referred to a medical college. Police increased surveillance in both villages and reported the situation under control.

UP:  Hindus catch Gada Khan cooking meat inside Durga temple on Bakrid, police arrest the accused

In Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district, an outrage erupted after a Muslim man was caught cooking meat inside the Durga Temple premises on Bakrid (28th May). The Muslim accused has been identified as Gada Khan, a resident of Rajasthan.

Upon receiving information, Narsingh Vahini activists, along with Kartik workers, arrived at the scene and staged a protest. The Nauchandi police station arrived at the temple premises and recovered meat. The police have taken the accused Gada Khan into custody.

Centre considering IAF deployment for NEET UG question paper transportation: The questionable move shows deep distrust in the current exam administration

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
Centre considering IAF deployment for NEET UG question paper transportation: The questionable move shows deep distrust in the current exam administration

Days after the NEET UG paper leak scandal rocked the nation, the Central government is reportedly planning to deploy the Indian Air Force (IAF) for the transportation of the question paper of the NEET UG reexam on 21st June.

On 28th May, a high-level meeting involving Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, Defence Minister Rajnath, Communications Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia, and others was held, wherein the ministers discussed using IAF aircraft and logistics for the secure transportation of NEET UG question papers from printing presses to exam centres across the country.

The rationale behind involving the IAF is the goal of tackling multifaceted challenges, particularly the paper leak that led to the cancellation of the original NEET UG exam held on 3rd May.

Post Department earlier, IAF now: Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan on why defence forces will likely be involved in NEET UG exam

Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan has confirmed the role of IAF in assisting with transportation to ensure a “foolproof” NEET exam is being considered. The minister says that this is a part of a broader “whole-of-government” security push involving central agencies, the Home Ministry and state police.

“In previous examinations, there was a major role for the postal department, the Home Ministry, and state governments. We have taken their help earlier and will continue with a whole-of-government approach to ensure smooth, free, and fair examinations,” Pradhan said. Minister Pradhan cited logistical and security factors, and monsoon weather conditions, for using the IAF for transportation of question papers to exam centres.

“The work earlier done by the postal department will now also be supported by the Indian Air Force so that question papers reach their destinations on time, considering all factors. The government is serious and fully prepared to conduct free and fair examinations,” Pradhan said. A final decision in this regard is expected to be taken by the Prime Minister’s Office in the coming days.

The proposal to use the defence forces to transport question papers indicates that the govt has lost trust on the current system used for the task. It has been found that the papers were leaked at multiple points during the entire transit from printers to exam centres, and it is not easy to fix this problem soon. Therefore, the govt is considering the use of IAF for the upcoming re-NEET in June.

Meanwhile, politics has intensified on the matter, with many opposition leaders alleging that the idea of involving the IAF in conducting exams, which should be handled by civilian authorities, reflects the government’s failure and incompetence.

Social media debate is also divided, with many criticising the move as reducing the IAF to a ‘courier service’. Meanwhile, those in support of the move argue that with defence forces involved, the possibility of a paper leak will be near dead.

Should IAF be used for facilitating a foolproof NEET UG re-exam?

The busting of the NEET UG 2026 exam paper leak came as a monumental disappointment for 22 lakh aspirants who appeared for the high-stakes exam. The cancellation of the NEET exam by the National Testing Agency (NTA) on 12th May burdened lakhs of aspirants with going through the same exhausting preparation process they had undergone for a year. Students are already frustrated with a year of their efforts going in vain; the Central government and NTA cannot afford to disappoint the candidates once again.

Apparently, it is for this reason that the Central government is considering what obviously comes across as an extreme measure, involving the IAF.

The idea carries several merits. The Indian Air Force’s stringent protocols, secure air transport, and oversight would reduce tampering risks during transit, especially during such tight timelines and the monsoon season, as defence logistics are hardened against breaches.

A direct involvement of armed forces would deter leak mafias from attempting any misadventure during transit. If Indians trust anyone as much as they trust God, it is the Indian Armed Forces. Thus, their presence would restore public confidence.

However, the Indian Air Force is for national defence. Their job is to defend Indians from the enemies of the nation. The forces have time and again contributed to rescue missions during natural disasters and other emergencies. However, a paper leak, although a very serious issue, is not a national emergency warranting IAF’s intervention. Involving defence forces in a strictly civilian matter is the last resort.

Diverting IAF aircraft and personnel for exam papers transportation comes across essentially as an admission by the Education Ministry that it is incapable of conducting leak-proof exams. Such dramatic, quick fixes might get the government through this one exam; however, deploying the IAF for NEET or any such exams would violate their dignity.

Is the Education Ministry admitting that civilian institutions, postal, police, and especially the NTA are incompetent for these basic tasks? Would the Ministry not be turning education into a national security spectacle? Can’t law enforcement authorities provide appropriate logistical support for the question paper transportation during the monsoon season?

Most importantly, the NEET UG 2026 paper leak did not happen only during the transportation of the question paper; the rot lies within the exam-conducting authorities and processes.

The origin of the paper leak was a Nashik printing press. The leak was an insider job involving professors, NIA-linked individuals and a coaching nexus in Rajasthan. Question paper copies are alleged to have been accessed and copied pre-distribution. The leak happened at the source; the question paper was circulated and sold as a ‘guess paper’ through Telegram and other online mediums. It is not that a group of gun-yielding men intercepted vehicles transporting question papers, took the papers and fled.  

When GPS, CCTV, biometrics and other such measures could not prevent a paper leak due to insider complicity, why does the government think involving IAF for paper transportation will fix everything? How will IAF fix the rot within the exam-conducting bodies? Will IAF officers replace NTA insiders?

Intentions aside, the armed forces are meant to protect the country and its honour, not do damage control for the government in civilian matters. Yes, the Central government has announced a complete CBT transition from next year to prevent leaks in the NEET exam; however, the examination process in India needs reform, a complete overhaul, not diversion of the resources of the armed forces into such civilian matters.

The Impact of Wearables on Health Insurance Premiums in India  

OpIndia Staff
-
0
The Impact of Wearables on Health Insurance Premiums in India  

India’s wearable devices market, already among the top 3 globally, is projected to expand at a CAGR of 23.17% in the coming years. If this number makes you think of it as just another trend, you are missing the point. The wearable market is beginning to shape how health status and progress are understood. That’s not all. PWC highlights that over 80% of Indians now use at least one wearable or health app to track various fitness-related goals. And that’s a big plus for health insurance companies.

The use of wearable devices gives insurers leverage over real-world data. Here’s what this means: They no longer need to rely on static inputs (age, medical history, and one-time disclosure) to determine the premiums. That model is now being backed by observable behaviour. As this development deepens, we are set to witness a massive change in the way insurers assess, price, and even engage with risk, for the better.

Why is static underwriting losing its edge?

Traditional underwriting was designed when real-time health data didn’t exist. Health insurance companies had no option but to depend on snapshots, medical tests, declarations, and records. Let’s talk about how this practice is headed for a change.

The limitation of a one-time health assessment

Insurers can rarely rely on a single medical to capture how a person’s health evolves. Someone may pass all tests today but develop poor lifestyle habits in the future. And just like that, an individual with minor health flags may actively improve their condition through a consistent routine. Static underwriting fails to account for this movement. It freezes risk at one point in time, while actual health keeps changing.

The growing demand for dynamic pricing

Policyholders are now becoming more aware. Many expect fair pricing instead of broad categorisation. They question why two individuals of the same age pay similar premiums when their lifestyles are completely different. This demand for personalisation is pushing insurance companies to tap into models in which pricing is shaped by an individual’s medical history and behaviour.

And that’s where wearables and health apps enter the equation.

How are wearables turning lifestyle into measurable risk?

Wearables have done one thing that insurance has struggled with for decades: they’ve made everyday health behaviour visible and quantifiable, raising awareness among a massive number of people.

Earlier, insurers relied on self-declared habits such as being a non-smoker or having an active lifestyle. These factors were surface-level details and lacked traceability, leading to misinterpretation.

Now, wearable devices provide measurable indicators:

  • Daily step count and activity intensity
  • Resting heart rate trends
  • Sleep duration and consistency
  • Calories burned and movement frequency

These metrics create a clearer picture of how a person actually lives, not how they describe their lifestyle. In addition, insurers prefer consistent performance over sudden spikes, even if they are not sustained. Regular movement, stable sleep cycles, and gradual improvement are the patterns that strongly indicate long-term health outcomes.

Health apps are filling the gaps that wearables cannot

While wearables monitor physical metrics, health apps capture the context (what those numbers mean). Here’s how they complement wearables:

Creating a more compatible health profile

Health apps are not limited to heart rate and steps. They track behaviours and decisions that influence health outcomes.

  • Diet logging and nutritional patterns
  • Medication adherence
  • Mental wellness tracking
  • Appointment histories and follow-ups

When combined with wearable data, this creates a more all-in-one view of an individual’s health.

Closing the loop between data and action

Data doesn’t change the outcome unless it’s acted upon. Health apps play an important role in nudging behaviour. Reminders for medication, personalised health tips, and consultations help people stay on track. This allows health insurance companies to manage the risk.

How insurers are actually using this data

The idea of linking wearables to insurance often sounds futuristic, but it is already happening in controlled, structured ways.

Incentives instead of penalties

At this stage, insurers are cautious. They are not aggressively penalising unhealthy behaviour based on wearable data. Instead, they are rewarding healthy practices with:

  • Discounts on renewal premiums
  • Wellness points are redeemable for benefits
  • Access to improved coverage benefits

This approach encourages adoption without creating resistance.

What this means for policyholders

This isn’t a one-sided shift. It changes how people interact with their own health insurance policies. Health behaviour starts influencing financial decisions. Everyday habits like walking regularly, maintaining sleep discipline, and following medication schedules can directly or indirectly impact premiums. This creates a tangible relationship between lifestyle and financial benefit.

The challenges insurers need to solve

The model is promising, but it comes with its own set of complexities. Here’s what needs attention:

Standardising data measuring practices

Variations in sensors, algorithms, and usage patterns can affect reliability.

Health insurance providers must standardise the framework to ensure the data they use is consistent and credible.

Avoiding over-dependence on metrics

Health cannot be measured based on a few numbers. While wearables provide signals, they do not give complete medical assessments. Insurers must avoid overinterpreting data or making decisions based on incomplete insights.

Balancing engagement without intrusion

There is a fine line between helpful nudges and constant monitoring. If users feel watched rather than supported, adoption will ultimately drop. The experience needs to remain optional, transparent, and user-controlled.

Wrapping up

Wearables and health apps are not dramatically disrupting the health insurance space overnight. They are steadily setting new standards for how risk can be understood and priced. They introduce a layer of continuous insight that traditional models never had access to. Insurers can leverage this to improve predictions and potentially reduce claims, while policyholders can use it as an opportunity to secure better premiums through everyday behaviour. Not to mention, the shift is still evolving, particularly in sensitive areas like critical illness insurance, where accuracy and fairness matter deeply. But one thing is clear: insurance is no longer confined to forms and medical tests.

1...606162...7,651Page 61 of 7,651