Over the past ten years, Uttar Pradesh’s budget story has seen a dramatic shift. A comparison between the 2016-17 budget presented by Akhilesh Yadav and the 2026-27 budget, which is the 10th budget of Yogi Adityanath, shows how the state’s political and economic thinking has shifted.
A budget is not just about numbers. It shows what a government wants to prioritise and how it plans to shape the future. Looking at the figures and schemes from both periods makes it clear that the approach has changed from limited expansion and subsidy-based support to large investments and system-building.
Budget size in 10 years
In 2016-17, the final budget of the Akhilesh Yadav government stood at around ₹3,46,935 crore. At that time, it was called the biggest budget in the state’s history. The government highlighted expressways, laptop distribution and rural schemes as its development model. However, a large part of the spending went into revenue expenditure and planned announcements.
In 2026-27, the Yogi Adityanath government presented a budget of about ₹9.13 lakh crore, nearly two and a half times more than a decade ago. The rise is linked not just to inflation but to big spending on roads, expressways, industrial corridors, energy and major infrastructure projects.
Capital expenditure alone is pegged at ₹2.52 lakh crore, which is around 22% of the total budget. The focus now is on building long-term assets rather than only announcing schemes.
Infrastructure: From rural roads to expressway network
In 2016-17, the Public Works Department (PWD) received ₹14,721 crore. This included ₹1,923 crore for rural road connectivity, ₹1,111 crore under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY), and ₹1,180 crore for rural bridges. Projects like the Bijnor-Meerut four-lane road and the Ganga Bridge were highlighted. The emphasis was largely on rural roads and basic connectivity.
In 2026-27, the allocation for PWD has jumped to ₹34,468 crore, while total capital outlay for roads and bridges stands at ₹38,343 crore, about 2.3 times more than in 2016-17.
₹1,050 crore has been set aside for four expressways: Ganga Expressway, Vindhya Expressway, Bundelkhand-Rewa Link Expressway and the Agra-Lucknow Expressway Extension. ₹3,000 crore has been kept for bridge maintenance and ₹200 crore for the Chief Minister’s Village Road Repair Scheme.
The Global Investors Summit is targeting ₹36 lakh crore in MoUs, with infrastructure as the biggest attraction.
Other infrastructure differences are also visible. In 2016-17, the Lucknow Metro was launched, plans for a bullet train were discussed, 40,000 solar streetlights were installed, and rural tanks and canals were constructed. In 2026-27, ₹50 crore has been provided for the Lucknow Metro extension, the bullet train project has seen updates, and ₹25,400 crore has been allocated for urban development, including ₹400 crore for smart cities and ₹800 crore for green roads.
Health: From basic care to medical expansion
In 2016-17, the Medical Health and Family Welfare Department received about ₹8,500 crore, which was around 2.5% of the total budget. ₹100 crore was set aside for mobile medical units in remote areas. Over ₹3,000 crore was allocated for rural health services under the NRHM. ₹500 crore was for repair and equipment in district hospitals, ₹200 crore for reducing infant mortality, and ₹300 crore for a malnutrition-free Uttar Pradesh. The state had 36 medical colleges at that time.
In 2026-27, the health budget has reached ₹37,956 crore, nearly 4.5 times higher and around 6% of the total budget.
₹1,023 crore has been allocated for 14 new medical colleges. ₹315 crore has been set aside for the Lucknow Cancer Institute and ₹130 crore for free treatment of serious diseases. The NRHM allocation has increased to ₹8,641 crore. ₹2,000 crore has been kept for Ayushman Bharat and the Chief Minister’s Jan Arogya Yojana, expected to benefit 49.22 lakh families.
Medical education has expanded sharply. MBBS seats have increased from 4,540 to 12,800, PG seats from 1,221 to 4,995, and medical colleges from 36 to 81, of which 45 are government-run.
Institutional deliveries have gone up from 3.474 million to 4.1 million. Mental health programmes are running in 75 districts, and disease tracking has been digitised through a surveillance portal.
Education and jobs
In 2016-17, education received around ₹28,000 crore, about 8% of the budget. More than ₹12,000 crore went to basic education. ₹5,000 crore was for secondary education, including 100 new Kasturba Gandhi Vidyalayas. ₹2,500 crore was for higher education. Around 1.5 million students received laptops. ₹300 crore was for the Chief Minister’s Meritorious Student Scheme and scholarships for 25 lakh students. ₹100 crore was set aside for Sanskrit schools.
In 2026-27, education’s share has risen to 12.4%, with an allocation of about ₹1.13 lakh crore, nearly four times higher.
57 new Chief Minister Model Composite Schools are being built, each with ₹25 crore for construction and ₹5 crore for equipment. ₹2,000 crore has been allocated for basic education infrastructure, ₹666 crore for Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, ₹479 crore for government higher secondary school buildings, and ₹454 crore for digital libraries in villages.
₹300 crore has been kept for the PM Shri scheme and ₹10 crore for smart classes in polytechnics. Higher education includes ₹600 crore under the Prime Minister’s Higher Education Mission, a scooty scheme for girls, ₹25 crore each for Sainik Schools in Gorakhpur and Lucknow, and ₹20 crore for Sanskrit scholarships.
On employment, 2016-17 had ₹4,500 crore under MNREGA and a target to train 5 lakh youth. ₹1,000 crore was provided as a loan guarantee for MSMEs.
In 2026-27, the Tech Yuva Samarth Yuva Yojana aims to create 10 lakh jobs. The ₹36 lakh crore MoUs from the Global Investors Summit aim to generate 20 lakh jobs. ₹1,000 crore has been allocated for a startup fund and ₹2,500 crore for skill development, targeting the training of 1 crore youth. IT parks and electronics hubs are being promoted, along with unemployment allowance schemes.
Agriculture: From subsidy support to modern farming
In 2016-17, agriculture got around ₹12,500 crore, about 3.6% of the budget. ₹1,200 crore went for irrigation pump subsidies, ₹800 crore for seeds and fertilisers, ₹2,500 crore for MSP procurement, ₹100 crore for Farmers Accident Insurance, ₹200 crore for rural cow shelters and ₹150 crore for the Chief Minister’s Farmer Accident Welfare Scheme.
In 2026-27, agriculture received nearly ₹1 lakh crore, around 11% of the total budget.
₹2,000 crore has been allocated for PM Kisan Samman Nidhi to benefit 2.5 crore farmers. ₹5,000 crore has been kept for Mukhyamantri Krishak Samriddhi Yojana. ₹3,200 crore is for crop diversification and horticulture. ₹500 crore has been set aside under the Drone Didi Yojana to provide 10,000 drones. ₹1,000 crore is for organic farming clusters in 50 districts.
₹2,500 crore is for cold chains and warehouses. ₹10,000 crore has been earmarked for MSP procurement to benefit 50 lakh wheat and paddy farmers. ₹4,000 crore has been allocated for animal husbandry and ₹800 crore for fisheries. Agricultural investment worth ₹10 lakh crore is being discussed through the Global Investors Summit.
Tourism: From limited promotion to global branding
In 2016-17, tourism received ₹800-1,000 crore, about 0.3% of the budget. ₹307 crore was for development of historical and religious sites. The Lucknow-Agra Expressway was linked to tourism growth. The Kumbh Mela and Sangam region were also developed. Tourist numbers were around 23 crore annually.
₹1,500 crore has been earmarked for Ayodhya and the Ram Temple development. ₹800 crore is for the Kumbh Mela and related infrastructure in Prayagraj. ₹200 crore has been set aside for helicopter tours and cruise tourism. ₹500 crore is for branding in 75 districts under ODOP 2.0. Tourism investment of ₹5 lakh crore has been announced through the Global Investors Summit.
Women: From assistance to wide coverage
In 2016-17, around ₹2,000 crore was allocated for women’s welfare, about 0.6% of the budget. ₹200 crore went to Kanya Vivah Sahayata Yojana. ₹300 crore was for nutrition schemes. ₹400 crore supported self-help groups. Around 10 lakh girls were targeted.
In 2026-27, more than ₹15,000 crore has been allocated for women and girls, about 1.6% of the total budget.
₹700 crore has been set aside for the Chief Minister Kanya Sumangala Yojana, targeting 25 lakh beneficiaries. ₹550 crore is for the Chief Minister’s Mass Marriage Scheme. ₹150 crore is for marriage grants for poor daughters of SC, ST and general categories, and ₹200 crore for backward class daughters.
₹971 crore has been allocated for Anganwadi workers’ honorarium. ₹170 crore is for working women’s hostels in seven cities. Scholarships include ₹968 crore for SC students, ₹900 crore for the general category, ₹365 crore for minorities and ₹2,825 crore for backward classes. Computer training and a free scooty scheme are also included.
A bigger economic vision
The biggest change between the two budgets is scale and ambition. The 2016-17 budget focused more on limited schemes and support. The 2026-27 budget talks about expressways, 81 medical colleges, higher capital spending, a ₹36 lakh crore MoU target, and the idea of building a trillion-dollar economy.
The message from the current budget is that spending is being linked to long-term assets and growth. Whether this shift fully delivers on its promises will depend on implementation, but the numbers clearly show that Uttar Pradesh’s budget thinking has moved from small steps to a much larger economic framework.
In 2024, the Delhi High Court dismissed a plea filed by the Waqf Board seeking protection for six mosques inside the Central Vista area undergoing redevelopment. This decision was made in view of the Central government’s submission in 2021, which stated that there were no plans to affect these structures at that time. However, the construction of one of these mosques is omitted in the new redevelopment plan.
A tender floated on 19th January 2026, by the Central Public Works Department (CPWD) for the redevelopment of Krishi Bhawan and Shastri Bhawan, reportedly makes no mention of the supposedly 100-year-old Qadeemi Masjid. This mosque is located in the open court within the Krishi Bhawan compound.
Also known as the ‘Krishi Bhawan Masjid’, the Qadeemi Masjid is a notified Waqf property reportedly listed in the Delhi administration gazette of 1970.
An Indian Expressreport says that while the tender does not place Qadeemi Masjid in the list of structures to be removed, the detailed drawings attached to the tender do not show the mosque at its current location in the proposed new building layout.
Operating under the Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA), CPWD floated a tender in January this year for the construction of Common Central Secretariat (CCS) buildings 4 and 5, at the site of the Krishi Bhawan and Shashi Bhawan. This project is estimated to cost around Rs 3,006.07 crore and take 24 months.
“The work shall be carried out within a designated land parcel currently housing the buildings of Shastri Bhawan and Krishi Bhawan, located at plot No.120 Dr. Rajendra Prasad Road, New Delhi, after dismantling the existing buildings,” the tender document states, adding that the bid is open till 13th February.
Earlier, a temple and a mosque situated on the premises of the erstwhile official residence of the Vice President at 6, Maulana Azad Road, were removed for the Central Vista redevelopment.
However, the omission of the Qadeemi Masjid in the detailed drawings is being framed by the mainstream media as the mosque’s future being under ‘threat’, suggesting that the mosque will be demolished.
Delhi HC had Waqf Board plea seeking protection of six mosques
Back in 2021, the Delhi Waqf Board filed a petition, through its counsel, Sanjoy Ghose, in the Delhi High Court seeking protection and preservation of the six mosques in the Central Vista area amid the redevelopment.
The six mosques in question included the Qadeemi Masjid, Masjid Zabta Ganj, Jama Masjid (Red Cross Road/Parliament Street), mosques/mazar on Sunehri Bagh Road, and one at the Vice President’s residence. The Delhi Waqf Board called these mosques its ‘heritage properties’.
In its plea, the Delhi Waqf Board has argued that the mosques in question were “more than ordinary mosques, and have a distinction attached to them.” They further claimed that “neither the British Government nor the Government of India have ever created any hindrance in the observance of religious practice” at these ‘preserved’ properties. It was also highlighted in the petition that all these Waqf properties are over 100 years old and have been in continuous use for Islamic purposes.
“It is not the case that the government buildings were built first and thereafter these properties came into existence; to the contrary, these properties were well in existence when the government buildings were constructed around them or in the vicinity,” the plea stated.
During the hearing on 1st December 2021, the Central government, represented by Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, assured the court that the Central Vista Redevelopment Project has not reached “anywhere near” the Waqf Board’s properties in question.
“It (redevelopment project) is a long-term plan. Kindly have it after three weeks. Nothing is happening to these properties. My learned friend (petitioner) can rest assured,” SG Mehta said back then.
While the Waqf Board wanted that SG Mehta’s assurance be taken on record, the single judge bench of Justice Sanjeev Sachdeva denied the request, stating that it has “full faith” in Mehta’s assurance.
In July 2024, the matter regained attention as the Delhi High Court dismissed the Waqf Board’s petition regarding the six mosques located in the Central Vista area.
Justice Purushaindra Kumar Kaurav had noted back then that the overall Central Vista Redevelopment Project was already approved by the Supreme Court. The Delhi High Court, however, granted liberty to the Waqf Board to approach it again “in case the petitioner realises any threat to the properties”.
The court asked the Delhi Waqf Board to withdraw its petition seeking protection and preservation of the six mosques, stating that there was no need to complicate the matter.
“Withdraw this petition. We do not want to complicate. As and when they take any action, you can come,” Justice Kaurav said.
Interestingly, the tenure of the last Waqf Board ended in 2023, and has since not been reconstituted.
Then-AAP MLA Amanatullah Khan’s threats against the demolition of mosques in the Central Vista
It must be recalled that the Central Vista Project had faced criticism and opposition in 2021 from anti-BJP political parties like Congress and Aam Aadmi Party, left liberal cabal, and Islamists alike. Propaganda campaigns were run to portray the project as an absolute waste of money, even as the reality suggested otherwise. Several petitions were filed with the motive of stalling the project, which were eventually dismissed by the courts.
Amidst the political storm and legal challenges, then-MLA from the ruling Aam Aadmi Party, Amanatullah Khan, had gone a step ahead and ‘warned’ Prime Minister Narendra Modi against demolishing mosques within the government premises under the Central Vista project. Until 2023, Amanatullah Khan was also the chief of Delhi’s Sunni Waqf Board.
In a letter to PM Modi, Khan, the AAP MLA from Okhla, voiced concern that people on social media have shared their fears that some mosques were “on the verge of being demolished” as a result of the project. Amanatullah Khan has a record of making anti-Hindu comments and orchestrating violence against Hindus, and threatened that any attempts to demolish the mosques inside the government premises under the Central Vista project, “will not be tolerated”.
“Zabta Ganj mosque at Mansingh Road, the mosque at Vice President’s residence and the mosque at Krishi Bhawan may face damage due to the Central Vista project. I will discuss the issue with PMO and Hardeep S Puri (Union Housing and Urban Affairs minister). No damage to these mosques will be tolerated,” he wrote in an X post.
Speaking to Indian Express, Amanatullah Khan claimed that the Central government gave assurance that the mosques situated in the Central Vista area would not be affected, and thus, it would be wrong if they were to demolish them now.
“The government had said in court that the mosques would not be affected. If they are now going to demolish it, it is wrong,” Khan said.
While there is no official confirmation if the Qadeemi Masjid will be demolished or not, the mainstream media’s framing of the absence of the structure in the tender’s design drawings is such that the Central government is somehow backtracking from its promise. However, the assurance given by the Solicitor General in the Delhi High Court back in 2021 was not a permanent or absolute commitment that the six mosques would never be affected by the Central Vista Redevelopment project. Thus, the Central government did not promise any eternal safeguard to the mosques.
On 9th November 2019, the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute, which was settled by the Supreme Court, brought closure to the debate regarding the disputed structure. However, the phantoms of Mughal tyrants continue to linger in this country owing to the highly communal political manoeuvres masquerading as ‘secularism’.
Now, the “suspended” All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir, who recently founded Janata Unnayan Party (JUP), has taken it upon himself to promote the politics of division and cater to his Muslim electorate. It seems that the only “janata” he is concerned with primarily are his fellow co-religionists as he seeks to fan the flames of communal discord by erecting a mosque named after Mughal ruler Babar to replicate the demolished contentious building at Ayodhya. The foundation stone of the mosque was laid on 6th December after which he set up the new party.
A new “Babri Masjid” in town
On 11th February (Wednesday), Humayun began building a mosque to resemble the “Babri Masjid” in Beldanga of the Murshidabad district. According to him, the work is going to be concluded in two years and will cost between ₹50 and ₹55 crore. The bricklaying took place in the afternoon and thousands of Muslims joined the construction crew.
“To those who are opposing, I would say step aside. People are free to follow their own religions and build temples, churches or whatever they wish. I will not oppose anyone in the name of Islam. My effort is for Islam to please Allah and perform my devotion, it is not about imposing anything,” he alleged and conveniently ignored that the issue is not the establishment of a mosque but rather his efforts to resurrect a settled religious dispute and provoke communal strife to satisfy his voter base.
However, he soon discarded his placated demeanour and revealed his true infamous self, warning, “There’s no force on earth which can stop the construction of this mosque. By the grace of God, we will finish its construction within two years. It will be built at a cost of 50-55 crore.”
The JUP head then declared that he would temporarily postpone the planned “Babri Yatra,” a 235-kilometre rally from Nadia’s Palashi to Itahar in the Uttar Dinajpur district in light of the current board examinations.
He stated, “I have been informed by Malda police that the Babri Yatra would inconvenience the examinees of Madhyamik exams. I have, hence, decided to postpone that event which was supposed to be held with a convoy of 100 cars. Instead, I will hold a march on foot from Palashi to Beldanga, the site of the under-construction mosque, with 50,000 people.”
Humayun claimed that West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee will lose votes as a result of his suspension over the mosque which is a monument associated with Muslim sentiment. “Mamata Banerjee made Muslims her votebank with false assurances and minorities have understood it. She suspended me as I announced the setting up of the Babri Mosque with people’s support,” he accused in an apparent show of purported disdain.
He added that she will be the former chief minister in 2026. “If I had remained in TMC, they would have benefitted from the construction and got more votes,” he outlined.
Humayun also elucidated the real motivation underlying the move and pointed out, “BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) has built the Ram Mandir and is getting benefits. It is increasing its vote bank in Bengal by speaking for Sanatanis, but I will not allow that to happen.”
Two sides of the same coin
Humayun, who commenced his political journey with the Indian National Congress, has been infamous for his actions, including threatening the Leader of Opposition, Suvendu Adhikari and declaring intentions to drown Hindus in the Bhagirathi River as they constitute only 30% compared to a 70% Muslim population. Notably, Murshidabad has already witnessed brutal attacks on Hindus by Islamists.
He later voiced that Mamata instructed him to make these communally charged statements to ensure the victory of former cricketer and TMC candidate Yusuf Pathan in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. His alarming anti-Hindu stance and hostile antics had no bearing on his career as he remained an integral part of the party and continued to consolidate the Muslim vote.
If Humayun’s assertions are to be taken seriously, the TMC supremo was behind his controversial comments. More importantly, she has never hesitated to express her favouritism towards Muslims, including the jihadi elements, overlooking the fact that she is the chief minister for the entire state and not just a particular community.
The hunger for Muslim votes is so intense that it has overflowed beyond the borders of Bengal and reached Bangladeshi infiltrators who are not only embraced but also facilitated by her administration. It is evident that these two leaders are aligned in their approach towards Muslim appeasement.
A devious strategy for the upcoming state assembly poll
Humayun and TMC leadership have experienced their own set of confrontations throughout the years, yet their common goal of securing the loyalty of Muslims to remain in power continuously bonded them, despite short-lived separations. Interestingly, he has been previously removed from the party but he always found a way back and has been accepted.
Therefore, he can once again rejoin TMC after effectively consolidating the votes of their preferred demographic, especially in relation to the “Babri” mosque before the assembly election in the state. There is clearly no substantial ideological or serious disagreement between the two sides as demonstrated by their past records. Hence, what is preventing him from returning to the TMC fold after serving his purpose while the drama surrounding his ouster turns out be a complete farce? Their history at the very least suggests the same.
“Who is Humayun Kabir? He is still with the TMC. This is their plan B. TMC is trying to get the Muslim votes from the back door and they will make him deputy chief minister. The region was divided once and that is how West Bengal was formed which is being turned into Bangladesh, they are making the entire environment into mini Pakistan. So against this all the Hindus of the country should unite,” BJP state president Shamik Bhattacharya charged.
The party has seemingly recognised the dubious plot crafted by TMC and Humayun who admitted that the mosque is intended to act as a counter to the unification of Hindus, additionally suggesting a covert conspiracy to enhance their Muslim voter base and trick the people.
Fear of Hindu consolidation
The nation has seen a robust saffron wave following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rise to power in 2014 with West Bengal being no exception. The state has experienced an extraordinary revival of Hindu identity in the past few years which is also evident from the fact that the BJP has managed to secure a significant number of seats in both the assembly and general elections.
Predictably, the development has created challenges for both the TMC and Humayun who have traditionally positioned themselves as advocates for the Muslim community. Mamta once infamously articulated her unabashed pandering to Muslims by stating, “Je goru doodh daye, tar lathi khete raji achhi. (I am ready to be kicked by the cow that gives milk).”
However, the Islamists have not only “kicked” the TMC government but also the entire state, particularly the Hindus. Moreover, a series of unfortunate events further escalated the isolation of the largest community, driving them to come together in search of an alternative. This is where the BJP intervened, supporting the victims and demanding justice while openly opposing the TMC. Thus, the Hindus started to find hope in the party which displeased the TMC, leading it to resort to political gimmicks of distancing itself from its notable Muslim face.
TMC government’s biased affection for Muslims fostered Hindu solidarity
The depraved Muslim catering of the TMC was highlighted when it decided to shield its hooligan Sheikh Shahjahan, a seasoned offender, implicated in various cases such as attacks on enforcement directorate officers, land grabbing and subjecting Hindu women to rapes in Sandeshkhali.
Sheikh persisted in oppressing Hindus but his party chose not to penalise him for his heinous offences and, in fact, helped in the growth of his criminal empire. He was eventually exposed and the TMC first took all possible measures to avoid arresting him but was forced to act due to the pressure from the people, the BJP and the judiciary.
Afterwards, it again implemented every tactic to protect him from the law, insisting on his innocence. The government’s endorsement of its leader surpassed all boundaries, compelling the Calcutta High Court to harshly criticise it for protecting him and harassing the locals.
The TMC government has likewise shown a pattern of inaction towards criminal and radical Muslims who have consistently unleashed violence in the name of agitations such as the anti-Citizen Amendment Act and rejection of the Waqf Amendment Act which offered additional opportunities for Muslim mobs to perpetrate attacks on Hindus.
During the violence in Murshidabad last year, the authorities not only behaved like silent spectators but also declined to respond to repeated pleas for assistance from distressed Hindus. Furthermore, a TMC councillor played a key role in the targeted assaults on the marginalised community whose properties were set ablaze, forcing them to flee their homes with their women and children.
As previously explained, the Muslim affinity for Mamata is not confined to the borders of Bengal or India which is repeatedly exemplified by her deceitful objection to the CAA, National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Special Intensive Revision (SIR) initiatives. She not only endorses the presence of these Muslim intruders in the country but is also fighting for their nonexistent and unlawful right to vote which contradicts the tenets of democracy and the Constitution.
On the other hand, she exhibits no sympathy for the minority Hindus of Bangladesh as merely a march against the atrocities committed against them triggered a brutal crackdown from her police administration.
Mamata, who is viewed as a feminist icon by liberals, has often displayed a remarkable indifference towards Hindus, including victims of rape which had been proven by Sandeshkhali and RG Kar Medical College occurrences where the family of the murdered doctor voiced its dissatisfaction with the investigation.
The chief minister is also notorious for her outrageous statements sanitising rape and advising girls to stay indoors to prevent sexual assault. Her administration has similarly portrayed stunning negligence in its inquiry after such instances.
Additionally, the aforementioned instances are only the tip of the iceberg because Mamta and her party’s distorted desire to pacify Muslims at the expense of Hindu lives and dignity has massively contributed to the consolidation of Hindu voters alongside the rise of the BJP as a formidable political entity in the state.
Conclusion
Given the circumstances and the approaching pivotal election in the state, the TMC and Humyana appeared to have joined hands to fortify their Muslim vote bank with the mosque serving as a crucial underpinning. He might have been shown the door because Mamata wanted to preserve her waning “secular” image and mislead the Hindus. However, the two colluded as she was apprehensive that her party could suffer a shocking defeat at the hands of the BJP due to the consolidation of Hindu voters. The current supposed rivalry between the two and the strong statements against each other could be a component of the game plan.
Today, Audrey Truschke is among the most controversial foreign academics commenting on Indian history, having acquired widespread notoriety in a relatively short span. She is one of the most vocal public defenders of Aurangzeb, repeatedly arguing that his negative portrayal in India is the result of political imagination rather than historical reality. In multiple interviews and public discussions, she challenges the popular characterisation of Aurangzeb as a religious tyrant and instead presents him as a pragmatist whose actions must be understood within the norms of pre-modern empire-building. Recently, she went to Pakistan and gave an interview to Aeon, a Pakistani Podcaster. This article examines her claims through her statements and arguments on the podcast.
Redefining “success”: When expansion is treated as achievement
At the very beginning of her argument, Truschke frames Aurangzeb as the “most successful” Mughal ruler by foregrounding territorial expansion, emphasising that he added nearly a quarter more land to the empire and ruled over a larger population than any other pre-modern Indian monarch. While these claims might seem true, they rest on an impoverished definition of success that treats conquest as a self-justifying achievement. What remains conspicuously unexamined is the cost of this expansion, which includes the decades of continuous warfare, fiscal depletion, administrative overreach, and the systematic erosion of provincial governance. After his death, the Mughal state began unravelling almost immediately. By isolating territorial scale from its consequences, this framing converts imperial overstretch into accomplishment and reduces “success” to mere acreage, while excluding durability, legitimacy, and state capacity from the historical assessment.
The ‘not a religious tyrant’ claim: Dilution through context
After presenting Aurangzeb as a “successful” ruler, Truschke goes on to argue that he has been wrongly portrayed as a religious tyrant. According to her, his negative image is exaggerated, shaped by British colonial writing, and amplified today by Hindutva politics. While challenging colonial exaggerations is valid, the problem arises in what follows. In pushing back against one extreme, she creates another, where well-documented actions such as temple destruction, the re-imposition of jizya, restrictions on Hindu religious practices, and punitive measures against Shia groups are repeatedly explained away as practical or political decisions rather than part of a broader religious policy.
This downplay becomes difficult to sustain when one looks at indigenous Mughal-era sources themselves. Court chronicles such as Maʾāsir-i-ʿĀlamgīrī, written by Saqi Must‘ad Khan during Aurangzeb’s reign, explicitly record the 1669 imperial order directing provincial governors to act against the “schools and places of worship of the infidels,” followed by the destruction of major temples at Banaras and Mathura.Similarly, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab by Khafi Khan is hardly a hostile work or documents the re-imposition of jizya and the suppression of non-Islamic practices as part of imperial policy. Even Mughal court histories authored by Hindu officials, such as ‘Futuhat-i-Alamgiri’, acknowledge temple demolitions and religious regulations, despite being written under imperial patronage. These records predate British colonial rule and cannot be dismissed as colonialinventions.
This way of interpreting Aurangzeb’s actions quietly shifts the debate. Instead of examining how Islam played an important and consistent role in his rule, the discussion is shifted to explaining each controversial act one by one as a special situation. When every action is treated as an exception, the overall pattern disappears. The events are not denied, but their importance is steadily reduced. What finally emerges is an image of Aurangzeb as just another power-hungry medieval ruler, rather than a king whose reign clearly marked a turn towards stricter Islamic policy compared to earlier Mughal emperors.
At the same time, the argument changes the nature of the debate itself. The focus moves away from Aurangzeb’s policies and towards the motives of those criticising him. Dissenters are portrayed as driven by modern political agendas, while the defence is framed as objective scholarship.
Colonial propaganda argument: From correction to overcorrection
Audrey Truschke’s justification of Aurangzeb is based in large part on the assertion that his unfavourable reputation is a product of British colonialism. Colonial historians selectively accentuated Mughal brutality to justify imperial control. However, acknowledging colonial distortion does not automatically invalidate the underlying historical record.
The problem arises when this corrective effort turns into overcorrection. Truschke’s argument frequently implies that because the British amplified Aurangzeb’s cruelty, the foundational evidence itself must be treated with suspicion. This overlooks the fact that long before British historians wrote about Aurangzeb, Mughal-era Persian sources recorded temple destruction, religious decrees, and the re-imposition of jizya as matters of state policy. Texts such as Maʾāsir-i-ʿĀlamgīrī and Muntakhab-ul-Lubab were composed by court historians during or immediately after Aurangzeb’s reign. These were not colonial fabrications but internal records of the Mughal state.
Although they may have influenced tone and focus, colonial writers did not create the events. One distortion is replaced by another when colonial mediation is used as an excuse to completely ignore indigenous facts. Erasing unfavourable primary sources because they contradict a preferred narrative is not the same as historical rectification.
Temple destruction as ‘politics’: Where the explanation breaks
Truschke frequently contends that Aurangzeb’s destruction of temples was situational and political, connected to uprisings or threats to imperial authority rather than religious motivations. Political motivations certainly played a role in several cases, but as a general model, this argument falls apart.
Over several decades, Aurangzeb demolished temples in Banaras, Mathura, Maharashtra, and the Deccan. It is difficult to link many of these incidents to immediate uprisings. More significantly, even throughout protracted military engagements, Aurangzeb has not ordered the destruction of any mosques against competing Muslim powers. One would anticipate comparable acts against Islamic places of worship if temple destruction were only a political tactic. They are noticeably missing.
Furthermore, a number of documented instances transcended devastation and descended into symbolic religious humiliation. According to Persian chronicles, idols taken from temples were positioned beneath the steps of mosques so that worshippers would trample them. Political expediency alone is insufficient justification for such actions. Devastation stops appearing random and begins to resemble policy when it persists over time, is repeated across regions, and is accompanied by overt religious symbolism.
Court praise and ‘Hindu officials’: The problem of court sources
The existence of Hindu officials and court records written by Hindus endorsing Aurangzeb is another recurrent point in Truschke’s defence. She contends that this disproves allegations of religious persecution. This is flawed because the nature of court sources is not understood.
Neither Muslim nor Hindu chroniclers of the Mughal court were impartial observers. They were totally dependent on imperial patronage for their jobs, earnings, and safety. In court histories, praise indicates closeness to authority rather than freedom of speech. Knowing that deviating from imperial expectations could result in either professional or personal destruction, a Hindu official working in the Mughal government wrote under tight restrictions. Therefore, using court praise or Hindu participation in the state as proof of religious tolerance confuses proximity to power with genuine social harmony.
Dara Shikoh vs Aurangzeb: A false comparison that hides real differences
Truschke rejects the common comparison that presents Dara Shikoh as more open or pluralistic and Aurangzeb as rigid or orthodox. She argues that neither was “secular” and that both used religion for political purposes. While it is true that modern ideas of secularism cannot be applied to pre-modern rulers, this does not mean the two were the same in practice.
Dara Shikoh supported the translation of philosophical texts, engaged seriously with non-Islamic traditions, and encouraged intellectual exchange across religious lines. Even though his worldview remained Islamic, his approach to culture and governance was relatively open. Aurangzeb, on the other hand, reduced religious flexibility, prioritised Islamic law in state policy, and rolled back several accommodative practices followed by earlier Mughal emperors.
These distinctions remain even if one accepts that neither ruler satisfies contemporary secular norms. Important differences in how they governed and how religion influenced their policies are flattened when both are treated as merely “political users of religion”.
Conclusion: Nuance cannot become neutralisation
The issue about Aurangzeb isn’t about whether history should be nuanced. The question is whether nuance should be utilised to clarify the record or to gradually dilute it. Audrey Truschke describes herself as addressing colonial misconceptions and present political exaggerations. That remedial impulse is, in principle, valid. However, rectification does not imply selective reductionism.
Territorial growth cannot be considered unquestionably successful while administrative collapse is ignored. Repeated temple demolitions cannot be permanently reframed as independent political activities when they occur across regions and decades. Jizya re-imposition cannot be dismissed as pragmatism because it formalised religious differentiation inside state policy. Court appreciation cannot be confused with civilisational endorsement. And dismissing modern secular designations does not eliminate significant religious disparities among Mughal princes.
The primary sources of his own era record decisions that shaped the Mughal Empire in lasting ways – politically, legally, and religiously. Recognising those realities is a historical responsibility. Nuance is valuable, but when it consistently bends toward reduction, it ceases to illuminate and begins to obscure.
At the foothills of the Girnar mountain in Junagadh, the Bhavnath Mahadev Temple is not merely a place of worship; it is a living centre of Sanatan consciousness flowing uninterrupted for thousands of years. On one hand, the Girnar range has been a sacred land of penance for sages and seers; on the other, Bhavnath Mahadev stands as the pole star of that spiritual energy which makes this land truly Shiva-filled.
While the fair held here on the occasion of Mahashivratri attracts the general public, the temple’s history, its architecture, and the Puranic traditions associated with it form a vast narrative in themselves. Located just a few kilometres from Junagadh in Gujarat, its significance extends across the country, especially during the Mahashivratri fair, often referred to as the ‘Mini Kumbh’.
Girnar and the Shaiva tradition: Vedic-Puranic context
In ancient texts, Girnar is referred to as ‘Revatak’ or ‘Revatachal’. The Prabhas Khand of the Skanda Purana describes the Girnar region as an extremely sacred land of Shiva. The Shiva Purana states that wherever penance and self-restraint reach their highest peak, Shiva resides, and Girnar is one such sacred seat of austerity.
According to local belief, the Shiva Linga of Bhavnath Mahadev is swayambhu, self-manifested, meaning it was not installed by human hands but appeared on its own. This is why he is worshipped as ‘Bhavnath’, the Lord of Creation. The Girnar region has long been a confluence of Jain, Vaishnava, and Shaiva traditions, but the unbroken Shaiva stream visible here finds its centre in Bhavnath Mahadev.
The legend of the Bhavnath temple is described in the Prabhas Khand of the Skanda Purana and in the Vastrapath Kshetra Mahatmya. According to the Purana, Lord Shiva once left Kailasa and came to Earth, choosing Girnar (Revatachal or Ujjayant Parvat) for his penance. Unaware of this, Goddess Parvati set out in search of him. When the gods and Parvati performed penance, Shiva manifested here in the form of Bhavnath as a swayambhu Linga. It is believed this divine manifestation occurred on the full moon day of the bright fortnight of Vaishakh. Thereafter, Goddess Parvati also took her seat on Girnar in the form of Ambika.
Another well-known legend says that when Shiva and Parvati were travelling through the sky in a celestial chariot, one of Parvati’s divine ornaments (or garment) fell near Mrigi Kund. Because of this, the region became sanctified as ‘Vastraputa Kshetra’, and the Shiva Linga manifested here. This account is also recorded in the book Gujaratna Lokotsavo ane Melapublished by the Gujarat Government’s Information Department (pp. 12–13).
The Skanda Purana describes Girnar as a confluence of Shiva, Vishnu, and the Goddess. Shiva established his seat here, Parvati resided as Ambika, and Vishnu dwelt as Damodar at Damodar Kund. In this sense, the Bhavnath temple is like a spiritual triveni sangam, where the grace of all three deities is believed to flow.
Historical and Puranic background
The Bhavnath temple is not considered a human construction but the result of Shiva’s divine manifestation. The Puranas place it in ancient times, and some local traditions trace it back to the era of the Mahabharata (around 5,000 years ago). There are two Shiva Lingas here: a smaller swayambhu one and a larger one, which, according to legend, was installed by the immortal Ashwatthama.
Girnar is believed to be the abode of eighty-four Siddhas. The Navnaths, 84 Siddhas, 64 Yoginis, and 52 Viras are said to have their seats here. Folklore holds that immortals like Ashwatthama, the Pandavas, Gopichand, and Bharthari come to bathe in Mrigi Kund on the midnight of Mahashivratri and then visit Bhavnath for darshan, moving among the ascetics during the Bhavnath Kumbh fair in the guise of sadhus.
The areas around the temple, such as Sudarshan Lake (from the Mauryan period, 3rd century BCE), are ancient, but the temple itself is considered even older. Over time, it fell into disrepair and underwent several phases of renovation and restoration, including strengthening after the 2001 earthquake.
Historians believe the present structure took shape in the medieval period. The Junagadh region was ruled by the Mauryas, Guptas, Chalukyas (Solankis), and later the Chudasamas. Especially between the 10th and 12th centuries, many Shiva temples were built in Gujarat under the Solanki rulers. The architectural style of the Bhavnath temple also reflects the Solanki era, particularly in its stone carvings and the design of the sanctum.
Although epigraphic evidence is limited, local tradition and regional historians agree that the temple’s मूल form is ancient and has been preserved through successive restorations over different periods.
Architectural style
The architecture of the Bhavnath Mahadev temple does not aim at grand spectacle but reflects the gravity of penance and spiritual discipline. The sanctum is relatively small and houses the Shiva Linga. The shikhara follows the traditional Nagara style, representative of North Indian temple architecture. Its stone construction, restrained ornamentation, and harmony with the natural surroundings are its defining features.
Here, architecture serves not merely aesthetic purposes but spiritual focus, as if the entire structure is designed to draw the seeker inward on a journey of inner contemplation.
Naga Sadhu tradition and spiritual mystery
The very mention of Bhavnath Mahadev evokes the image of the Naga sadhus’ midnight procession on Mahashivratri. Considered custodians of the Shaiva akhara tradition, the Naga ascetics regard this place as a centre of exceptional spiritual power. It is believed that on the night of Mahashivratri, Shiva himself roams the Girnar region. This tradition is not merely a religious event but a symbol of the unbroken continuity of the Sanatan ascetic tradition.
In Junagadh’s cultural identity, Bhavnath Mahadev occupies a central place. This is not just a site of worship but also a space of social and cultural interaction. For centuries, it has been a meeting point for seekers, pilgrims, and saints. Situated at the foothills of Girnar, the temple remains as alive today as it was centuries ago.
When we look at Bhavnath Mahadev, we do not see just a temple. We see a tradition that stretches from the hymns of the Vedas to the narratives of the Puranas. This temple shows that Indian spirituality is not confined to texts alone but is also inscribed in geography itself. The winds that strike the peaks of Girnar seem even today to repeat the same message, Shiva is eternal, and so is his tradition. Bhavnath Mahadev stands as the living symbol of that very eternity, steadfast, serene, and infinite.
An occult practitioner identified as 70-year-old Kamruddin, also known as ‘Baba’, has been arrested in connection with the triple murder case in Delhi. Three people were poisoned with laddus during a so called “Dhanvarsha” ritual by Kamruddin. During the preliminary investigation, Delhi Police found that Kamruddin had already been booked last year in Uttar Pradesh in a separate murder case and was also named in a 2014 murder case in Rajasthan.
OpIndia accessed case files of the 2025 UP murder case, which revealed that he was denied bail twice by the sessions court in Firozabad. In that case, the modus operandi was similar to the current case of triple murder in the national capital.
Kamruddin poisoned two Hindus in Firozabad, UP
During the probe, Delhi Police discovered multiple murder cases across states where Kamruddin is an accused. One such case was registered at Makkhanpur Police Station in Firozabad district of Uttar Pradesh in 2025. The case was registered under Sections 103(1) and 123 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). He was earlier booked in a 2014 murder case as well. That particular case was registered under Sections 143, 363 and 302 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) in Dholpur, Rajasthan.
Furthermore, during research Opindia found that he was booked under Section 304, culpable homicide not amounting to murder, at North Police Station in Firozabad as well. However, details of that case, and the Rajasthan case were not available at the time this report was published.
OpIndia accessed the orders passed by the Sessions Court in Firozabad in the dual murder case. The documents showed that his bail application was rejected twice, first on 18th June 2025 and again on 18th August 2025.
What happened in the Firozabad case
The FIR in the UP case was lodged by Ram Singh, a resident of Nagla Gokul in Firozabad district. He alleged that his elder brother Ramnath and a relative named Pooran were close friends and had been visiting Kamruddin’s residence for some time. Kamruddin claimed to perform occult rituals and had taken a substantial amount of money from Ramnath and Pooran under the pretext of occult practices. When they demanded their money back, he allegedly bore a grudge.
Source: UP Police
On 8th May 2025, Kamruddin called Ramnath and Pooran to his house and promised that through a special occult ritual he would help them recover buried treasure. The complainant stated that Kamruddin used his influence and trust to administer some poisonous substance during the ritual and instigated them to commit suicide.
Source: UP Police
Ramnath and Pooran reportedly spent the entire day at his house. When their family members went searching for them, they allegedly saw Kamruddin performing rituals and persuading the two men towards self harm. Attempts were made to take them away, but Kamruddin allegedly did not allow them to leave.
The next morning, on 9th May 2025, the bodies of Ramnath and Pooran were found inside the boundary wall of a closed glass factory. Two glasses, laddus, lemons and other ritual items were found near the bodies, along with a motorcycle belonging to one of the deceased.
थाना मक्खनपुर क्षेत्र में 2 व्यक्तियों के शव मिलने की सूचना पर पुलिस द्वारा मौके पर पहुँचकर शवों को पोस्टमार्टम हेतु मोर्चरी भिजवाया गया । प्रथम दृष्टया किसी जहरीले पदार्थ के सेवन करने से मृत्यु होंना प्रतीत हो रहा के सम्बन्ध में ASP ग्रामीण द्वारा दी गयी बाइट @dgpup@Uppolicepic.twitter.com/mUIhTbdNtz
Post mortem reports in the Firozabad case noted that the immediate cause of death could not be ascertained and the viscera was preserved for chemical analysis. However, the court recorded that there was supporting material in the case diary and statements under Section 180 of the BNSS that indicated the accused had allegedly administered a poisonous substance and instigated the victims.
On 18th June 2025, the Additional Sessions Judge, Firozabad, rejected his first bail application. The court observed that he was specifically named in the FIR and the allegations involved administering poison through occult rituals and abetment to suicide. Considering the gravity of the offence and the material on record, the court held that there was no sufficient ground to grant bail.
Source: Firozabad Sessions Court
Subsequently, after the filing of the charge sheet, Kamruddin moved a second bail application. On 18th August 2025, the Sessions Judge, Firozabad, again rejected his plea, noting the seriousness of the crime, the evidence collected during the investigation and the earlier rejection on merits.
Source: Firozabad Sessions Court
The court emphasised that without expressing any opinion on the merits of the case, the nature and gravity of the allegations did not justify his release on bail.
Delhi triple murder and the dhanvarsha promise
On 8th February, a PCR call alerted Paschim Vihar East Police Station about three people lying unconscious inside a white car near the Peeragarhi flyover in Outer Delhi. The victims, identified as Laxmi, Shiv Naresh and Randhir, were rushed to Sanjay Gandhi Memorial Hospital, where doctors declared them brought dead.
Police recovered liquor bottles, cold drink bottles, empty glasses, sweets, personal belongings and documents from the vehicle. While there were no visible external injuries, families of the deceased ruled out suicide and expressed suspicion, prompting a deeper probe.
Technical analysis of call data records and location tracking revealed that the three had been in contact with Kamruddin, who allegedly promised them financial gain through occult rituals. Investigators found that he boarded their vehicle in Loni, Ghaziabad, and later exited it before abandoning the car at the spot where the bodies were discovered.
According to police, Kamruddin lured the victims with promises of “Dhanvarsha”, asked them to arrange Rs 2 lakh in cash along with liquor and cold drinks for the ritual, and then fed them laddus mixed with poison during the journey back to Delhi. After they fell unconscious, he allegedly took the cash and fled.
During questioning, he reportedly confessed to the crime and admitted that an accomplice named Salim had introduced him to one of the victims.
On 11th February (Wednesday), an occultist was taken into custody for killing two men and a woman by giving them poisoned laddus as part of a ceremony that promised them a windfall called “dhanvarsha.” The murder mystery is resolved with the arrest of Kamruddin, also known as Baba, who lived in Uttar Pradesh’s Firozabad, days after the bodies were discovered dead in a car on the Peeragarhi flyover of Outer Delhi.
Three people were found unconscious inside a white automobile in Peeragarhi, after which cops rushed to the scene and found out that they were dead. The trio was identified as Laxmi (40) and Shiv Naresh (42), who were in the back seat, while Randhir (76) was in the driver’s seat.
#WATCH | Delhi: As per Sachin Sharma, Additional DCP, Kamruddin alias 'Baba' has been arrested by Delhi Police in connection with the bodies of three people found in a car on Peeragarhi flyover.
“The case came to light on 8th February (Sunday) when a PCR (Police Control Room) call was received at Paschim Vihar East Police Station regarding three people, including a woman lying unconscious inside a car,” informed Deputy Commissioner of Police (Outer) Sachin Sharma.
“All three were shifted to Sanjay Gandhi Memorial Hospital, where doctors declared them brought dead. During inspection of the vehicle, police recovered liquor bottles, cold drink bottles, empty glasses, mobile phones, cash, helmets, jackets, Aadhaar Cards and other personal belongings and documents,” he stated.
How the case was solved
The authorities opened an investigation when the family members voiced scepticism about the deaths, even though they had ruled out suicide. The bodies showed no immediate indications of external damage either. Hence, the case was granted top priority for investigation.
Both Randhir and Shiv, real estate brokers from the Baprola area of Najafgarh, were acquainted, but their relatives expressed that they had never heard of Laxmi. On the other hand, her family provided the first hint to the police and conveyed that she was in contact with a “godman.”
According to a thorough technical examination that included location monitoring and call data records, Kamruddin had communicated with the deceased and had promised them cash benefits through rituals. The investigators uncovered that they had been to Loni in Ghaziabad just a day prior to the tragedy. They went back to the place on the day of their deaths and continued to communicate with the offender.
The police unearthed that a fourth person joined them as they were travelling back to Delhi. It subsequently emerged that this man was Kamruddin. They highlighted that he entered the car in Loni and then left it where the corpses were located.
The police uncovered that the three were driving back to Delhi and there was another person in the vehicle. “Further analysis established that the person was Kamruddin, who had boarded the vehicle in Loni and later abandoned it at the place where it was found,” Sharma added.
How victims were lured and murdered
Kamruddin was nabbed and interrogated. He made an initial effort to deceive investigators but was unable to deliver adequate responses. During further questioning, he confessed to having an accomplice named Salim who introduced him to Laxmi around two months ago. She later brought Randhir and Shiv Naresh to him.
Afterwards, he persuaded them to perform a rite for “Dhanvarsha” and requested that they set aside 2 lakh in cash for the ceremony, along with cold beverages and alcohol. Kamruddin then gave them poisoned sweets and took their cash.
“He prepared laddoos mixed with poison and accompanied the three in their car. During the journey, he persuaded them to consume liquor, cold drinks and sweets. After they started feeling unwell and eventually lost consciousness, he took the cash and fled, abandoning the vehicle,” Sharma outlined.
“He was apprehended following a detailed technical and field investigation. He was involved in a well-planned conspiracy to eliminate the victims and rob them of cash and valuables,” the official mentioned. The police stated that there is circumstantial and technical proof that he was in the car at the time.
Kamruddin’s dark past and more murder cases
According to police, the perpetrator ran an occult centre in both Loni and Firozabad. Their inquiry revealed that he had used rituals to entice unwary individuals in the name of unexpected cash gain. He would first win the trust of his victims, influence them and then kill them with poison put into laddus. Afterwards, he robbed them of their money and jewels. Police mentioned that he has a history of committing horrible acts and is a habitual offender.
“He lured people by making promises of quick money, claiming that he could multiply wealth through occult practices and tantric rituals. He projected himself as someone who could double or even triple money through tantrik methods,” revealed an officer.
The culprit had been involved in two murder cases. “He was earlier booked in 2014 under sections 143, 363 and 302 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) at Raja Khera Police Station in Dholpur in Rajasthan. He was also named in another First Information Report (FIR) in 2025 under sections 103(1) and 123 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) at Makhkhanpur Police Station in Firozabad in Uttar Pradesh,” Sharma underscored and remarked, “We are now examining whether he may have targeted others using similar tactics.”
A case has been filed by the police at the Paschim Vihar East Police Station, and an additional probe is underway to find any potential collaborators alongside forensic analysis to identify the precise nature of the poison. They conveyed that some of Kamruddin’s previous clients had either disappeared or passed away in dubious ways.
The Judicial Magistrate First Class Court in Gujarat’s Mansa convictedThe Wire columnist and OCCPR partner journalist Ravi Nair under Section 500 of the IPC in a criminal defamation case filed by Adani Enterprises Limited (AEL). In continuation of the practice of elevating accused or convicted liars, rioters, and terror enablers to the status of heroes and martyrs, the leftist cabal is hailing Ravi Nair a ‘martyr’ who has been ‘silenced’ for writing against Adani.
However, contrary to the victimhood narrative the leftist media is spinning, Ravi Nair was convicted for peddling lies against the Adani Group.
Ravi Nair peddled lies about Adani Enterprises: The allegations
The case arose from a complaint by Adani Enterprises, the flagship firm of the Adani Group, in 2021, which accused Ravi Nair of posting and circulating a series of tweets that the company said were false, malicious and damaging to its reputation. According to the company, the posts were aimed at eroding public trust and shaking investor confidence in the conglomerate.
Through its counsels S V Thakkar and K P Raichura, the AEL alleged that between October 2020 and July 2021, accused Ravi Nair published defamatory content, particularly a series of tweets against the complainant on his X handle @t_d_h-nair, in addition to articles published on the anti-Adani website “Adani Watch”.
The AEL alleged that Ravi Nair breached the boundary of fair criticism or personal opinions to pass off “scandalous, false, misleadıng, derogatory, and defamatory content as ‘facts’. The complainant attached the details of the series of tweets Ravi Nair published against the Adani Group, along with their engagement statistics such as likes, retweets, and quote tweets.
The AEL argued that the narrative concocted by Nair through his tweets in question portrayed the Adani Group as “beneficiaries of undue political patronage, manipulators of laws and policies, and entities engaged in unethical, illegal, or improper business practices.”
It was further alleged that several tweets published by the accused suggest that environmental laws were “tweaked or diluted to facilitate Adani-backed projects, that public assets such as ports and airports were transferred to Adani entities through misuse of governmental agencies, and that the Adani Group enjoys preferential treatment from the Central Government.”
The Adani Enterprises also alleged that the content published by Nair suggested that the Adani Group was involved in corruption, coercive land acquisition, financial impropriety, regulatory violations, and even human rights abuses.
In addition to the tweets, the complainant also brought to the court’s attention the articles published by Ravi Nair in the website “www.adaniwatch.org”, alleging that under the garb of investigative reporting, these articles peddled “unverified and defamatory material intended to harm” the Adani Group’s reputation, particularly in the eyes of international investors and institutions.
The complainant further alleged that, despite claiming to be a journalist, Ravi Nair did not exercise due diligence or journalistic standards, and published defamatory material against AEL “willfully” and “deliberately”. It was further alleged by the complainant that the accused Ravi Nair neither sought to verify facts, rely on credible sources, nor sought clarification from Adani Enterprises.
Highlighting the continuity, frequency, and thematic consistency of the tweets published by Ravi Nair, the complainant alleged that Ravi Nair’s actions were a part of “a deliberate and coordinated campaign to malign the complainant company and the Adani Group.” The AEL contended that the actions of the accused ‘journalist’ resulted in serious injury to the reputation and goodwill of the Adani Group.
The complainant prayed before the court that the accused Ravi Nair be tried and, upon proof of guilt, be convicted for the offence punishable under Section 500 and/or other relevant provisions, the court deemed fit. The legal representatives of Adani Enterprises presented three witnesses and documentary evidence, including the tweets and articles they deemed defamatory.
Prosecution Witness number 2, Brijesh Sureshbhai Gosai, who works as a Deputy Manager in the Adani Group’s Corporate Communication Department, deposed that during his routine social media search for monitoring digital media, Gosai came across the tweets published by accused Ravi Nair about the Adani Group.
Gosai said that Nair’s tweet “falsely” claimed that only Gautam Adanı and Mukesh Ambani were the maın players in the CNG and LPG market, while in reality, there are several other major players like Torrent Gas in the CNG market.
The PW-2 opined that the tweet dated 7th October 2020, was “sarcastic, misleading and likely to adversely affect the reputation of the Adani Group in the minds of readers.”
About tweet number 54 dated 20th October 2020, Gosai said that it alleged that environmental laws were twisted or broken to facilitate the Adani Group projects; however, these allegations were “false, as environmental laws are equally applicable to the Adani Group and the general public, and the success of the Adani Group is due to its efficiency and quality.”
In addition, the PW-2 stated that the “Adani Watch” article was of a defamatory nature and did not specify which environmental laws were ‘violated’. About a tweet dated 15th January 2021, Gosai said that Ravi Nair claimed that there was misuse of government agencies in handıng over the management of Mumbai Airport to the Adanı Group.
Similar deposition was made by PW-3 Maheshkumar Dosabhaı Vadhare, who worked as a Production Coordınator in the Adanı Group from 2018 to 2021, thereafter as Deputy Manager from 2021 to 2025, and is presently working as an Associate Manager.
Arguments presented by the counsel of Ravi Nair
The advocate representing the leftist propagandist, disputed the maintainability of the defamation suit and contended that the complainant company was not a “person aggrieved” as the alleged defamatory material refers only to “Adani Group” and occasionally to “Gautam Adani”, “neither of whom is before the Court, and Adani Enterprises Limited, which has filed the complaint, is nowhere specifically named in the impugned tweets or articles.”
It was further contended that the authorisation relied upon by the complainant was “fundamentally defective”. The defence argued that no valid Board Resolution has been brought on record to show that the Board of Directors consented to the institution of the present complaint, and the alleged authorisation by the Company Secretary and Joint President (Legal) cannot substitute a decision of the Board as per the law.
The defence also raised a question over territorial jurisdiction, arguing that jurisdiction can arise only where the offence is committed or where its consequence ensues, and the prosecution has failed to establish either.
In addition, the defence argued that the very foundation of defamation is missing, as the prosecution has failed to demonstrate which exact part of the tweets constitutes a defamatory imputation. Further, it was submitted that the mere description of the tweets in question as “false” or “misleading” does not amount to defamation unless accompanied by intention or knowledge to harm reputation.”
The defence also argued that the complainant did not furnish any documentary evidence indicating that defendant Ravi Nair’s tweets caused a loss of reputation of the Adani Group in public, nor does it indicate that any of the Adani Group’s shareholders, investors, or third party was influenced or misled by the content in question. A similar argument was made in the context of Nair’s tweets affecting the foreign investors of the Adani Group.
The date of viewing of the allegedly defamatory content by the PW-1 was also disputed by the defence, which argued that no screenshots were contemporaneously taken, nor the links to articles referred to in the tweets examined, nor were the authors of those linked articles arraigned as accused, rendering the prosecution “selective and incomplete”. It must be noted that during cross-examination, PW-1 had admitted to not taking the screenshot of the content deemed defamatory by the prosecution.
It was further contended that criticism based on material available in the public domain, after reasonable verification, falls within the protection of the law.
Further, the counsel representing Ravi Nair contended that the complainant has failed to establish beyond a reasonable doubt that the accused authored or published the tweets in question. The defence argued that just because the tweets appear on a particular Twitter handle, authorship cannot be presumed in criminal proceedings without strict proof.
Pertinently, the defence submitted that mere falsity or incorrectness of a statement does not amount to defamation, and that the prosecution witnesses have failed to read or reproduce the alleged defamatory statements accurately in their depositions. The defence accused the complainant of giving their own interpretations and conclusions.
On reputational or financial loss supposedly suffered by the complainant company, the defence argued that the AEL “failed to produce any material whatsoever to show that the tweets or articles caused any actual damage.”
It was also contended that the complainant produced no evidence of a decline in market capitalisation, loss of contracts, withdrawal of investments, or adverse regulatory action. In addition, the defence argued that bald assertions of reputational harm cannot sustain a conviction in the absence of corroborative material.
The defence also emphasised that Nair’s tweets were in “good faith” since they were based on “research done from articles”, and that since the authors of the articles deemed defamatory by the complainant are not implicated in the present case, the defendant should be the benefit and the complaint be dismissed.
Arguments presented by Adani Enterprises
The Adani Group’s advocate submitted that the argument of the Nair’s advocate rests on peripheral and circumstantial aspects such as the location of the complainant, the laptop allegedly used, or the absence of a hotel bill, whereas the complainant himself has categorically stated that when he came across the objectionable tweets he was at Mansa, and mere denial without any contrary evidence cannot dislodge the complainant’s version.
The AEL further contended that while the defence was deliberately diverting attention to share price fluctuations and absence of financial loss, “the injury caused by defamation is not limited to immediate economic loss but includes damage to goodwill and reputation, which cannot always be quantified monetarily or reflected instantly in market prices.”
During the proceedings, the territorial jurisdiction became an issue; however, the counsel appearing for the Adani Enterprises submitted that complainant and PW-1 Anshul Rajendraprasad Saini, came across Ravi Nair’s “defamatory” tweets on 27th July 2021 while he was at Navrang Hotel in Mansa, Gandhinagar in Gujarat, for company related work. At that time, Saini worked at the communication department of Adani Enterprises. He was authorised by the AEL to institute and prosecute the present complaint on the company’s behalf.
It was also argued that the defence’s contention about territorial jurisdiction was “wholly baseless”, as merely questioning the absence of a hotel bill cannot negate the complainant’s sworn testimony.
The AEL advocate submitted that PW-1 deposed that he accessed and read Ravi Nair’s “defamatory” tweets against the Adani Group when he was at a hotel in Mansa while on official work. Thus, under Section 179 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, jurisdiction is attracted at the place where the consequence of the offence ensues, and in cases of defamation through electronic publication, the consequence ensues where the defamatory material is read and reputational injury is caused.
It was also emphasised that the accused has not disputed authorship of the tweets posted from his Twitter handle @t_d_h_nar and that the defence has merely raised technical objections without challenging the genuineness of the electronic evidence.
Countering the defence’s argument that no financial loss was caused, the complainant company stated that proof of monetary loss is not a sine qua non for the offence of defamation, and that “injury to reputation is itself the gravamen of the offence and that reputational harm cannot always be quantified in financial terms.”
In response to the defence’s plea of good faith and public interest, the AEL argued that “reckless allegations, insinuations, and sarcastic commentary without due verification cannot be protected under the guise of good faith or public interest.”
Moreover, the complainant company emphasised that the continuity and frequency of Ravi Nair’s tweets demonstrated a deliberate and sustained attempt to malign the Adani Group rather than a bona fide expression of opinion.
Court observation
The court rejected the defence’s challenge to the suit’s maintainability and the complainant, Adani Enterprises Limited, being a “person aggrieved”. The Judicial Magistrate, Damini Dixit, cited a previous Supreme Court observation that to satisfy the requirement of being a “person aggrieved”, it is not necessary that the complainant must be named verbatim in the defamatory publication. It suffices that the complainant is clearly identifiable, either expressly or by necessary implication.
“Applying these settled principles to the present case, this Court finds that the complaint, as well as the evidence on record, consistently asserts that the complainant company is the flagship and principal entity of what is popularly and commercially known as the “Adani Group” The publications relied upon by the complainant repeatedly refer to business activities, infrastructure projects, financialdealings, regulatory matters, and governmental interactions associated with “Adani” or “Adani Group” These references are not vague or abstract, but relate to identifiable commercial enterprises operating in the public domain,” the court said, adding that “it would be artificial and contrary to common sense to hold that imputations against the “Adanı Group” do not concern the complainant company.”
Regarding the defence’s argument of no reputation loss to Adani Enterprises, the judge highlighted that the Supreme Court has earlier recognised that the reputation of a company is “not confined to its registered name alone, but extends to the commercial identity by which it is known in the public domain.”
The court found the argument of defence that only a Director of the company could maintain the complaint is “devoid of substance”. “Section 199 CrPC does not mandate that the complaint must be instituted personally by the highest officer of the company. A company, being a juristic person, necessarily acts through authorised representatives. Once it is shown that the complaınt is instituted on behalf of the company by a duly authorised person, the requirement of Section 199 stands satisfied,” the court stated.
On the defence’s argument on territorial jurisdiction, the court stated that the complainant company maintained throughout the proceedings that PW-1, who first noticed the defamatory content by Ravi Nair, was at a hotel in Mansa (Gandhinagar, Gujarat) for official work. The court did not heed the defence’s attempt to discredit PW-1’s version merely due to an absence of hotel receipts, travel bills, etc.
“However, at the stage of determining territorial jurisdiction, the Court is not required to insist upon proof of jurisdictional facts with the same degree of strictness as required for proving guilt,” Judicial Magistrate Damini Dixit stated and emphasised that the court was “satisfied that the alleged consequence of the offence ensued within its territorial jurisdiction.”
Moving further court addressed the complainant, presenting electronic records of the alleged defamatory content, and the defence’s challenge to the admissibility and proof of such electronic evidence due to the complainant’s supposed failure to establish the source, device, and authenticity of the electronic records.
Regarding this, the court said, “The complainant has produced a certificate under Section 65B of the Evidence Act, which has been exhibited on record. PW-1 has deposed that the tweets and articles were accessed on an electronic device and that the printouts produced correspond to what was displayed on the screen at the relevant time.”
The court said that the law requires compliance with the substance of Section 65B, not a hyper-technical description of hardware specifications. The court further emphasised that the accused person, Ravi Nair, did not dispute that the Twitter handle from which the tweets were published belongs to him, nor was it claimed that the tweets and articles relied upon are fabricated or manipulated.
Regarding the admissibility of the electronic evidence submitted by the complainant, the court said, “The court is satisfied that the electronic evidence relied upon by the complainant has been brought on record in substantial compliance with the requirements of law and is admissible for consideration.”
While the accused leftist ‘journalist’ contended that since the alleged defamatory tweets and articles pertained to various subject matters and were published on different occasions, the court found that the publications relied upon by the complainant “cannot be viewed in isolation.”
The court noted that despite the fact that the tweets and articles in question pertain to different events and were published over a period of time, they “consistently target the complainant company and its group by alleging unethical conduct, manipulation of laws, misuse of governmental machinery, environmental violations, and financial impropriety.”
“In the present case, the publications disclose continuity of purpose and design, and cannot be said to be wholly independent or unrelated,” the court noted.
Regarding the core issue of defamation, the court highlighted the evidence on record to note that “the publications attribute conduct to the complainant company which, if believed, would lower its moral and commercial standing in the estimation of the public, investors, regulators, and business partners.”
Contrary to the defence’s argument that the content in question was mere reporting of facts, the court found that the imputations were “not confined to neutral reporting of facts. They go beyond mere narration and contain assertions suggesting cronyism, manipulation of statutory processes, lack of integrity, and unethical business practices. Such allegations, when published without substantiation, have a direct bearing on the reputation of a corporate entity operating in the public and financial domain.”
On the defence’s “fair criticism” and “expression of opinion” argument, the court stated that the Indian law provides its citizens the freedom of expression and fair criticism, expressions of opinion “cease to enjoy protection when they are presented as assertions of fact, particularly when they impute dishonesty or illegality without verification.”
Dismissing the defence’s ‘expression of opinion’ argument, the court noted that the manner in which the content against the Adani Group was published and promoted by Ravi Nair indicated that it was not a case of speculative commentary but rather a deliberate attempt at convey factual wrongdoing by the AEL.
“A careful reading of the publications shows that they are couched in a manner calculated to convey factual wrongdoing rather than speculative commentary. The language used is not tentative or exploratory, but declaratory and accusatory. An ordinary reader is likely to understand the imputations as statements of fact affecting the integrity and credibility of the complainant company,” the court noted.
Moreover, the court dismissed the defence’s ‘no financial loss’ argument, stating that “reputational harm is not always susceptible to mathematical measurement…. Viewed in totality, the publications form part of a sustained narrative portraying the complainant company in a disreputable light.”
Explaining the legal technicalities of defamation and reputation, the court noted that the Adani Group is a corporate entity active in various sectors, including infrastructure and energy, etc, and operates in a highly regulated environment and depends on public confidence, investor trust, and regulatory goodwill.
“Any imputation suggesting illegality, manipulation of laws, undue political influence, environmental wrongdoing, 6r financial impropriety is not a matter of mere opinion when directed against such an entity Such imputations strike at the very foundation of its reputation and business standing,” the court stated.
The court further cited some of the tweets made by the accused against the Adani Group.
In one tweet dated 7th October 2020, Ravi Nair wrote, “When it comes to Natural Gas, thete are two Major Private Players in India Mukesh Ambanı wants to be the number one LPG supplier in Indra and Gautam Adanı wants to be numero uno of the CNG market What a transparent move! Wah wah.”
In another tweet dated 26th November 2020, the accused ‘journalist’ wrote, “”When it comes to Adani group, Govt knows how to bend laws and rules to fit in PM Modı’s favorite crony Adani group is a bubble It will burst sooner than later and lot of public sector banks and scores of small investors will be doomed.”
Similarly, in a tweet dated 5th February 2021, Nair wrote, “Who Is this Adani? Adani had a documented history of corruption, bribery, abuses and human rights across the world It was also facing further criminal investigations for alleged involvement in multi-billion-dollar fraud in India.”
Citing other such tweets by Ravi Nair, the court noted that the content in question is not merely descriptive r interrogative, rather, “the imputations are framed in a manner that conveys assertions of fact rather than speculative opinion.”
“Expressions suggesting that laws have been “tweaked” to favour the complainant, that governmental agencies have been misused for its benefit, or that the complainant’s growth is attributable to political patronage, are not value-neutral statements They convey a clear suggestion of unethical or unlawful conduct,” the court said, adding that there is a subtle but crucial difference between fair criticism and defamatory imputation.
On the defence’s claim that the publications in question were part of public discourse and journalistic commentary, the court reiterated that the law “draws a clear line between responsible critique and reckless imputation.”
The court also noted that the medium of publication is irrelevant and that the publication of defamatory content on social media has the potential to reach a vast and diverse audience, including investors, regulators, and international stakeholders. The court noted that, given the vast and diverse audience social media platforms have, the probability of reputational harm is “significantly amplified”.
“When imputations of a serious nature are made through such platforms, the author cannot feign ignorance of their likely consequences Viewed cumulatively, the publications relied upon by the complainant disclose a pattern of imputations that go beyond isolated remarks or casual commentary They create a narrative portraying the complainant company as an entity thriving through illegitimate means and improper influence Such a portrayal, if accepted by readers, would unquestionably lower the complainant’s reputation in the estimation of right-thinking members of society,” the court stated.
All excerpts taken from the relevant court order.
The court noted that while the accused claimed to have made the publications after due research and in good faith, “he has not led any independent evidence to establish the truth of the imputations contained in the publications. No documentary material, official record, or verified data has been produced to substantiate the serious allegations made against the complainant company.”
“Good faith is not a matter of mere belief or assertion, it requires demonstrable prudence, verification, and restraint prior to publication, particularly where the imputations are grave and capable of causing serious reputational harm The record does not disclose any material to indicate that the accused undertook verification of facts, sought clarification from the complainant, or exercised caution commensurate with the seriousness of the allegations The language of the publications is categorical and accusatory, rather than tentative or exploratory,” the court added.
The court also rejected the defence’s challenge to the trustworthiness of the witnesses presented by the complainant, stating that “employment with a complainant company, by itself, does not render a witness untrustworthy.
“In the present case, the prosecution witnesses have deposed prmarily with regard to their access to the impugned publications, the nature of the imputations contained therein, and the impact of such publications on the complainant company Their evidence is broadly consistent on material particulars and does not suffer from contradictions that go to the root of the prosecution case,” the court stated, adding that the prosecution witnesses may have an interest in the outcome of the proceedings; however, that sone is not sufficient to discard their testimony.
The court concluded that the complainant provided sufficient oral and documentary evidence to successfully establish the essential foundational facts necessary for constituting the offence of defamation.
“The fact of publication, as well as access to such publications, has been established through the consistent testimony of the prosecution witnesses and the electronic record The defamatory character of the publications becomes evident upon a plain reading of the contents of the tweets themselves. It demonstrates that the accused has attributed to the complainant company and its group serious allegations of illegality, corruption, manipulation of laws, abuse of governmental machinery, financial impropriety, and unethical conduct,” the court stated.
“The imputations are not expressed tentatively or as matters requiring verification, but are stated categorically as assertions of fact Such statements, when published on a platform accessible to the public at large, are clearly capable of lowering the reputation of the complainant company in the estimation of investors, regulators, business partners, and right-thinking members of society Furthermore, these publications do not confine themselves to criticism of governmental policy or expression of opinion They directly impute discreditable conduct to the complainant company and portray its business growth as the product of corruption, cronyism, and illegality,” the court ruled.
The court further stated that far from being a fair comment or a permissible opinion, the content published by accused Ravi Nair “squarely falls within the mischief contemplated under Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code, being imputations made concerning the complainant company with knowledge or reason to believe that they would harm its reputation.”
According to the court, the publications in question “were not confined to abstract policy criticism, but attributed discreditable conduct to the complainant company itself.”
Highlighting the frequency, categorical tone, and dissemination through social media, the court noted that the accused “had knowledge, or at least reason to believe, that such imputations would cause harm to the reputation of the complainant company.”
The court also found that the accused failed to submit any material to justify the imputations on grounds of truth, good faith, or public interest.
“In these circumstances, the ingredients of the offence of defamation, as defined under Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code and punishable under Section 500 thereof, stand duly proved. The accused Mr Ravı Naır is held to be guilty of the offence under Section 499, punishable under Section 500 of the IPC,” the court ruled.
The court also stated that, given the fact that the accused claimed to be a journalist, he “cannot be heard to plead ignorance of the impact, reach, and consequences of statements published through digital platforms.”
The court decided not to give the convict the benefit of probation, noting that the accused is a mature individual fully cognizant of the legal implications of his actions.
“Granting leniency through probation would undermine the deterrent effect of the law and send a message of impunity to others in similar positions of trust Therefore, keeping in mind the social implications of a middle-ground sentence ensures that the offender realızes the consequences of their actions while signaling to the public that such violations will be met with firm judicial resolve,” the court order dated 10th February 2026 stated.
The court convicted and sentenced Ravi Nair to simple imprisonment for a term of one year and imposed a fine of Rs 5000/- under section 255(2) of the Criminal Procedure Code.
Leftists hail Ravi Nair a ‘martyr’ even as the court found him guilty
In what could be deemed an expression of distrust in the judiciary, the left liberal coterie is elevating Ravi Nair to the status of a martyr. In this vein, advocate Prashant Bhushan wrote on X, “This order is totally unfair & wrong. Ravi Nair is one of the finest investigative journalists in the world. He never wrote anything against Adani which was not true or unjustified. But should we be surprised?”
This order is totally unfair & wrong. Ravi Nair is one of the finest investigative journalists in the world. He never wrote anything against Adani which was not true or unjustified. But should we be surprised? https://t.co/XfxPmhHa1T
Meanwhile, a pro-Congress troll expressed solidarity with Nair and wrote, “In absolute solidarity with Ravi Nair @t_d_h_nair Adani is a big time fraud and one day all his sins will be accounted for, today he has the government and courts in his pocket, tomorrow he won’t. Also, this is a paid PR post by Adani , he is literally paying sell outs like Jaiky Yadav to mock a journalist doing independent journalism. Never be this blind for money that like sanghis, you lose the sense of what is decent and what is not.”
Similarly, leftist propaganda outlet, The New Minute’s editor, Dhanya Rajendran, wrote, “Ravi Nair’s conviction is nothing to celebrate, even for his detractors. The misuse of criminal defamation poses a real threat to everyone, especially journalists. What was the case about? What were his tweets? What did the judge say?”
Ravi Nair’s conviction is nothing to celebrate, even for his detractors. The misuse of criminal defamation poses a real threat to everyone, especially journalists.
What was the case about? What were his tweets? What did the judge say? Read the story. https://t.co/2VqdzhWT1F
This ‘martyrdom’ claim is nothing but a repeated pattern of painting accused and convicted individuals aligned with the leftist ideology as ‘victims’ of the ‘system’. From 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid, to now leftist propagandist Ravi Nair, the left liberal media and the extended ecosystem have a penchant for celebrating those convicted of wrongdoing as long as they belong to their ideological fold, even as facts and courts state otherwise.
On Wednesday, February 11, Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi launched a scathing attack against the Modi government over the India–US trade deal. But as has been the case with him, it was rich in drama but poor in credibility.
Accusing the Centre of “selling Bharat Mata” and “compromising national interests,” Gandhi has once again chosen theatrical outrage over substantive argument, leaning on insinuation rather than evidence. His speech in Parliament mixed sweeping claims with emotive slogans, but offered little by way of concrete proof that India’s interests have, in fact, been bartered away.
Gandhi argued that the government itself admits the world is entering a turbulent phase, marked by the decline of a unipolar order, rising geopolitical conflict, and the weaponisation of energy and finance, yet is allegedly allowing the United States to dictate India’s energy and financial choices. He went on to claim that if America says India cannot buy oil from a particular country, then India’s energy security is being “dictated externally.” From this premise, he leapt to the conclusion that the government has “sold” the country.
This is a serious charge. It is also one made without any documentary evidence, without citing the actual text of the trade framework, and without explaining which specific clauses amount to a surrender of sovereignty. Instead, Gandhi relied on insinuations of “pressure,” spoke of “fear in the Prime Minister’s eyes,” and even dragged in references to the sealed “Epstein files”, a claim that has no demonstrable connection to India’s trade negotiations. This is not scrutiny; it is political theatre.
He further claimed that tariffs have jumped from an average of around 3% to 18% and that US imports into India could rise from $46 billion to $146 billion, portraying this as an “absurd” one-sided concession. But trade negotiations are not conducted in slogans. Tariff lines, quotas, minimum import prices, and safeguard clauses matter, and without placing the full set of negotiated terms on the table, Gandhi’s numbers function more as scare figures than as a serious economic critique.
More importantly, for the Congress party to posture as the guardian of national interest is an exercise in historical amnesia.
Nehru was against building capacity in India’s intelligence infrastructure in China
As historian Paul M. McGarr documents in his 2024 book Spying in South Asia: Britain, the United States, and India’s Secret Cold War, the Congress leadership itself has a long and uncomfortable record of decisions that weakened India’s strategic autonomy. McGarr notes that Jawaharlal Nehru actively resisted building a robust, geographically diffused intelligence infrastructure, particularly with respect to China. Nehru argued that expanding intelligence capabilities in a closed society like China was beyond India’s capacity and not worth the effort. This reluctance to invest in strategic capacity proved disastrous when China went to war with India in 1962, brutally exposing the costs of moral posturing combined with strategic neglect.
Excerpt from McGarr’s book
That was not merely an error of judgment; it was a structural failure of statecraft, one that left India blind at a critical moment in its history.
McGarr’s work is even more damaging for the Congress when it turns to the era of Indira Gandhi. Citing Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s 1978 memoir ‘A Dangerous Place’, McGarr records that the CIA intervened in Indian politics at least twice, funnelling money to the ruling Congress party to prevent the election of communist governments in Kerala and West Bengal. In one instance, according to Moynihan, CIA funds were passed directly to Indira Gandhi in her capacity as Congress party president.
Tashkent Agreement: Lahore and Sialkot could have been India’s, but Congress gave it away
That habit of converting battlefield advantage into negotiating-table surrender did not begin or end with the Cold War intrigues described by Paul McGarr. It had already been institutionalised by the Congress party in 1966 with the Tashkent Agreement, one of the most consequential strategic blunders in independent India’s history.
On 10 January 1966, after India had decisively outperformed Pakistan in the 1965 war, the Congress government agreed to return all territories captured by the Indian Army, including strategic gains in the Lahore sector and the vital Haji Pir Pass in Kashmir. These were not symbolic pieces of land; they were hard-won positions secured with blood and sacrifice. Indian troops had reached the Ichhogil Canal, Lahore’s last defensive barrier, and had seized Haji Pir, the key infiltration route into Kashmir.
Militarily and diplomatically, India was in a position of strength. Yet, under international pressure and guided by a Congress foreign policy reflex that prioritised “process” over power, New Delhi chose to hand back its leverage and restore the status quo ante, as if the war had never been won.
The consequences of that decision still haunt India. By returning Haji Pir Pass, the Congress government reopened the very routes that Pakistan would later use to push infiltrators and terrorists into Kashmir, laying the groundwork for decades of insurgency, bloodshed, and attacks that culminated in horrors like Pulwama.
The Tashkent Agreement did not buy lasting peace; it bought Pakistan time, legitimacy, and strategic breathing space despite its defeat. Ayub Khan returned home with nothing lost, while India returned home having converted victory into moral posturing. This was not statesmanship; it was strategic self-harm. When Rahul Gandhi today accuses others of “selling India,” he is speaking for a party whose own record includes giving away battlefield gains at Tashkent and, earlier, internationalising Kashmir in 1948, decisions that weakened India’s hand for generations. Against that backdrop, Congress’s sudden discovery of nationalist outrage over a trade negotiation sounds less like principle and more like historical denial.
Blunder of returning 93,000 PoWs to Pakistan: Throwing away India’s strongest bargaining chip
The pattern repeated itself even more starkly after India’s greatest military victory: the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Under Indira Gandhi, India not only broke Pakistan in two and created Bangladesh, it also took 93,000 Pakistani prisoners of war, one of the largest surrenders since the Second World War. This was an extraordinary strategic asset. New Delhi had in its custody the bulk of Pakistan’s eastern army, its officers, and its command structure.
At that moment, India held overwhelming leverage to press Islamabad on its most critical outstanding disputes, foremost among them Pakistan’s illegal occupation of parts of Jammu and Kashmir, and to secure the return of 54 Indian soldiers and airmen who had been captured by Pakistan and were officially listed as “Missing in Action” since 1971.
Yet, in a move that defies strategic logic, the Indira Gandhi government rushed to return all 93,000 Pakistani POWs under the Shimla Agreement without first securing the repatriation of those 54 Indian servicemen nor extracting a binding settlement on Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Decades later, the fate of those Indian soldiers remains unresolved.
Evidence has repeatedly surfaced over the years, reports in international and Pakistani media, eyewitness accounts, references in books such as Bhutto: Trial and Execution, and testimonies from former prisoners, that at least some of these Indian POWs were held in Pakistani jails like Kot Lakhpat in Lahore. Even Benazir Bhutto admitted in 1989 that Indian POWs were in Pakistani custody, a claim later walked back by Pervez Musharraf. But diplomatically, India had already thrown away its strongest bargaining chip.
If Rahul Gandhi is serious about talking of “selling the nation,” he might want to begin by explaining why a foreign intelligence agency was allegedly financing his party to shape India’s domestic political outcomes. That looks far closer to a textbook case of compromising national sovereignty than negotiating a trade framework between two sovereign states.
One could even argue, using Rahul Gandhi’s own favourite phrase, that this was the real “vote chori”: external money being used to tilt India’s democratic outcomes in favour of the ruling Congress. Yet, on this record, there is no apology, no introspection, only selective outrage aimed at the present government.
There is a deeper irony here. Rahul Gandhi claims that India today is being “choked” by external pressure. But the historical record shows that it was under Congress governments that India’s strategic capacities were underbuilt, its intelligence apparatus constrained, and, if McGarr and Moynihan are to be believed, its ruling party even entangled with foreign intelligence funding for partisan political ends.
None of this means that the current government’s trade negotiations should be beyond scrutiny. They should not be. Any agreement with the United States must be judged clause by clause, sector by sector, and interest by interest. But scrutiny requires facts, documents, and arguments, not insinuations about “fear in the eyes” or unrelated references to international scandals.
Rahul Gandhi’s speech was heavy on rhetoric and light on evidence. Coming from a party with such a chequered record on strategic autonomy and national security, the moral grandstanding rings especially hollow. Before accusing others of “selling India,” the Congress would do well to answer uncomfortable questions about its own past, questions that history, and now serious scholarship, refuses to let disappear.
The Yogi Adityanath government of Uttar Pradesh presented its 10th budget for the fiscal year 2026-27 during the legislative assembly session on 11th February (Wednesday). The budget represented the largest allocation by the government so far, with a focus on women, youth and farmers.
It exceeds ₹9.21 lakh crore (9,12,696 crore), reflecting a 12.9 per cent increase compared to the previous budget. Finance Minister Suresh Khanna remarked that there has been a spike in per capita income.
Khanna talked about sectoral allocations and emphasised that the state’s development plan continues to prioritise health and education. “The allocations for education and health are 12.4 and six per cent of the total budget, respectively. Furthermore, the amount allocated for agriculture and allied services is nine per cent of the total budget,” he declared. It demonstrated the government’s steady commitment to infrastructure improvement, rural and capital investment, alongside agricultural expansion. The minister also pointed out their significance in boosting economic growth.
According to him, the leadership remains entirely devoted to debt control and fiscal management. The fiscal deficit limit for the fiscal year 2026–2027 has been fixed at 3% in compliance with the 16th Central Finance Commission’s recommendations. The centre has accepted the limit, which will continue to be in force until 2030-31.
Skill development and job generation
Khanna maintained that the development of human capital, especially among young people, will be a major factor in the state’s long-term progress in addition to infrastructure. He added that individuals who possess technical skills or trade knowledge are less likely to experience unemployment, and hence, the government will give preference to the implementation of extensive training along with skill-building programs in mission mode that are focused on creating jobs.
VIDEO | Lucknow: UP CM Yogi Adityanath and state finance minister Suresh Khanna, holding the Budget Tablet in red sleeve, arrive at state Assembly ahead of state Budget presentation.#upbudget
Together with formal education, efforts will be undertaken to improve skill sets in youth. The minister guaranteed that additional skill development centres would be opened around the state and that the capacity of the current centres would be increased. The plan would encourage private sector participation by launching skill development and job placement centres throughout various districts using the public-private partnership (PPP) model. The facilities specifically designed for women will be built to promote their involvement in the workforce.
The government aims to create employment opportunities for 10 lakh youngsters in the state. According to Khanna, agreements have been reached to establish 200 defence firms through the Defence Industrial Corridor initiative, which would require a proposed investment of ₹35,280 crore and create an estimated 53,263 direct jobs.
From farmers to females and students: A people’s budget
The minister highlighted that ₹10,888 crore is for agricultural schemes. The UP-AGREES (Uttar Pradesh Agriculture Growth and Rural Enterprise Ecosystem Strengthening) scheme, which is funded by the World Bank will launch an agri-export hub to expand farmer incomes and agricultural exports. The government also wants to facilitate business operations by supporting industries with streamlined licensing and registration procedures under the Jan Vishwas reform framework.
UP govt is also putting greater attention on renewable energy sources, and ₹637 crore have been set aside for farmers to convert their diesel pump sets to solar pump sets, while ₹1500 crore is for the PM Kusum (Pradhan Mantri Kisan Urja Suraksha Evam Utthan Mahabhiyan) Yojana.
A substantial portion of ₹25,500 crore allotted for rural development will go to the MGNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and Viksit Bharat GRAM G (Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission) drive. ₹26,514 crore is for urban development
Notably, an estimated ₹18,620 crore is recommended for programs pertaining to the development of women and children which is an 11% jump from 2025-26. ₹37,956 crore is given for medical, health and family welfare.
₹14,997 crore has been put for medical education. ₹1,023 crore is tabled to create 14 new medical colleges. ₹130 crore has been reserved for the provision of free treatment for incurable diseases, and ₹315 crore has been set aside for the Cancer Institute in Lucknow.
₹65,926 crore has been devoted to the energy sector with major sums assigned to renewable and other energy sources as well as irrigation and flood control. Moreover, around ₹2,867 crore has been designated for Ayush (Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha and Homoeopathy), ₹8,000 crore for the National Rural Health Mission and ₹2,000 crore for the Ayushman Bharat National Health Protection Scheme.
Focus on MSMEs, infrastructure and more
An amount of ₹3,822 crore has been dedicated to micro, small and medium-sized businesses (MSMEs). The government also launched a credit card program specifically designed for women to offer interest-free loans for small business ventures for their financial independence.
Khanna conveyed that ₹2,059 crore has been made available for electronics and IT projects. On the other hand, a sum of ₹225 crore is for the UP AI (Uttar Pradesh Artificial Intelligence) campaign. A Digital Entrepreneurship Scheme will be created by the state to encourage innovation, new ventures and technology-based enterprises.
₹27,103 crore will be given to industrial and infrastructure development. ₹34,468 crore has been earmarked for the building, enlargement and upkeep of roads and bridges. The declaration of the high-speed rail lines between Varanasi and Siliguri and Delhi and Varanasi was warmly received by the state.
The development of important historical sites like Sarnath and Hastinapur is also endorsed by the budget. There are also plans for 10,000 tour guides to receive vocational training, dorms for female students and trauma units in district hospitals.
Labour shelters for migrant workers, accident benefits for unorganised workers registered with e-Shram, mobile health vans for construction workers and the formation of the Uttar Pradesh Employment Mission to enhance employment prospects both domestically and abroad found space in the budget.
Furthermore, the projected budget is ₹1,243 crore for residential buildings and ₹1,374 crore for non-residential police buildings. Khanna likewise announced that the financial assistance for the weddings of girls is going to be raised from ₹50,000 to ₹1 lakh. Furthermore, tablets and smartphones are being distributed under the Swami Vivekananda Yuva Sashaktikaran Yojana costing ₹2,374 crore. Additionally, new initiatives worth ₹43,000 crore have been introduced.
The minister highlights Uttar Pradesh’s achievements
The cabinet minister also outlined the accomplishments of the government and mentioned that Uttar Pradesh is seeing a dramatic surge in investment and leads the nation in agricultural output. He informed, “The state government successfully hosted the fourth Global Investors Summit in February 2024. So far, MoUs (Memorandum of Understanding) valued at around 50 lakh crore have been executed, which are anticipated to generate approximately 1 crore jobs.”
“The state has witnessed all-round development during the previous and current tenures of our government, including strengthening law and order, expanding infrastructure, industrial investment, employment generation, women’s empowerment, youth skill development, farmer prosperity and poverty alleviation,” he further highlighted.
Lucknow | While presenting the State Budget 2026-27, Uttar Pradesh Finance Minister Suresh Khanna says, "The state has witnessed all-round development during the previous and current tenures of our government, including strengthening law and order, expanding infrastructure,… pic.twitter.com/6Wrpr7BQ1C
“The state’s GSDP (Gross State Domestic Product) for 2024-2025 (quick estimates) is estimated at ₹30.25 lakh crore, reflecting a 13.4 per cent increase over the previous year. The state’s per capita income is estimated at ₹1,09,844, which is more than double the per capita income of ₹54,564 in 2016-2017. Per capita income is projected to reach ₹120,000 in 2025-2026. We have succeeded in lifting approximately 60 million people out of multidimensional poverty in the state. The unemployment rate has fallen to 2.24 per cent,” Khanna stated.
Khanna outlined that the government has made record sugarcane payments worth over ₹3,04,321 crore, which is ₹90,802 crore more than the entire amount made during the preceding 22 years. The price of sugarcane shot up by ₹30 per quintal for the crushing season of 2025-2026, granting farmers an extra ₹3,000 crore. He mentioned that farmers were paid ₹2,512 crore for wheat during the 2025-26 rabi marketing year, while above ₹9,710 crore was spent on paddy purchases and ₹595 crore was given for buying millets in the 2025-26 kharif season.
“Only those who immerse themselves in toil can sparkle like stars in the heavens,” the minister expressed while lauding the government and triggered a rousing applause. The budget is centred on infrastructure development, but it also seeks at elevating expenditure in social welfare programs to foster prosperity for all sections of society.
The budget came after the publication of Uttar Pradesh’s first economic survey. It revealed that the state’s economy has more than doubled in the last eight years from ₹13.30 lakh crore in 2016-17 to over ₹30.25 lakh crore in 2024-25. Khanna illustrated Uttar Pradesh’s fast-growing economic trajectory by assuring that it is expected to reach ₹36 lakh crore in the current fiscal year.