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NDTV and others peddle fake news about ‘dominant caste’ stopping Dalit man from sitting on a horse: Read how a personal dispute between Dalits and OBCs led to the clash

Rukma Rathore
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NDTV and others peddle fake news about ‘dominant caste’ stopping Dalit man from sitting on a horse: Read how a personal dispute between Dalits and OBCs led to the clash

A wedding ceremony turned violent when the groom was attacked during the festivities in Chadrumana hamlet of Patan district in Gujarat. The instance which unfolded on 1st February (Sunday) was characterised as an attack on the Dalit groom by members of the dominant caste for his act of mounting a horse. NDTV framed the entire occurrence with caste implications in its report, “Dalit Groom Attacked With Swords For Riding Horse In Gujarat.”

Zee 24 Kalak similarly presented the issue from a caste perspective.

Part-time radio jockey and full-time propagandist Sayema also seized the opportunity to attack the Hindu general category, mocking “But upper castes face discrimination na?”

Another notorious member of the secular-liberal cabal further propagated the falsehoods to exploit the caste fault lines and remarked, “Corrections: Dalit groom attacked by Upper caste for breaking the caste barrier.” He even used the same to advocate for the controversial University Grants Commission (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations, 2026 which have been stayed by the Supreme Court.

Varun Grover, the failed comedian, decided to ridicule the incident as a “representation of social unity.”

Sanjay Hegde, a lawyer and supporter of Congress, amplilied the lies by adding, “Caste is a British concept” and used “Hindu Khatre Mein Hain” hashtag to belittle the plight of the Hindu community, a global community that has been under attack not only in neighbouring Islamic countries but also domestically in regions like Jammu and Kashmir and West Bengal.

One more member of this group labeled the act of a Dalit person riding a horse as a “rebellion against the Hindu caste hierarchy” and made a desperate effort to connect it with reservation. He insinuated that the upper castes despise it out of their dislike for the SC and ST communities and went on to involve the apex court in his absurd argument. “They don’t have fear of SC/ST atrocity act. Why? Because of Supreme Court of India.They are trying to dilute SCST act in every way,” he wrote.

Ali Shervani employed a gif of a man supporting a temple in hopes of exacerbating the caste divide and pit Hindu communities against each other in addition to deriding their faith.

However, the reality of the matter was soon revealed by the authorities who arrested 3 perpetrators and continue to search for the other 5. The conflict arose between members of the Dalit and Thakor communities. Notably, the latter is a part of the Koli caste in Gujarat and is classified as OBC (Other Backward Class). The Thakors are the largest among the state’s 146 recognised OBC castes. More importantly, the clash was sparked over DJ music during the wedding procession between the two sides who already have a “long-standing land dispute” and no casteist motive was found during the police inquiry.

The truth of the confrontation

A ras-garba event featuring the DJ music was held in the area close to the home of one of the accused, following the rituals. “During the investigation, we found that there was a death in the accused’s community and they had asked for the DJ to be stopped. The situation worsened as a result, and the two families came to a head. Three of the accused were found at the spot, and they have been detained,” informed Deputy Superintendent of Police (ST/SC Cell) Paresh J Renuka who is also an investigating officer in the case.

“When we inquired further, we found that there was no caste angle behind the incident. There is a long standing land dispute between the complainant and the accused. In 2022 also, a case under the Atrocities Act was registered following a clash between the same parties over land. Otherwise, wedding processions of Dalit community have been held peacefully in this village in the past too,” he highlighted.

The fresh heated argument turned into a physical altercation after which the groom’s father used the emergency number 112 to notify the authorities. A police squad arrived swifly at the location, managed the situation and dispersed the gathering. A complaint was submitted to the Patan Taluka Police Station in which Ganpatbhai Chavda mentioned that his son Vishal’s wedding procession arrived at the square of the Jogni Mataji temple in the village where garba was being played.

Afterwards, the armed offenders reached there and attacked him alongside hurling casteist slurs and intimidating him. A First Information Report (FIR) was filed against eight people under the applicable provisions of the Gujarat Police Act, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

According to the police, three individuals, Bakuji Thakor, Jivanji Thakor and a minor have been taken into custody while “the remaining five accused are absconding, and dedicated teams have been formed to trace and arrest them at the earliest.” They all are from the same family.

Meanwhile, more cops have been stationed in the area to prevent further escalation and impose law and order. Officials added, “The situation is under control and the investigation is ongoing from all angles.”

Conclusion

The news report published by NDTV was rife with inaccuracies and was soon exploited by the usual culprits to attack the Hindu community under the pretext of caste justice. The Dalit groom was subjected to an attack, but the fact is that it was not neither due to his caste nor carried out by general category Hindus. It was a matter of personal enmity as confirmed by the police.

Nevertheless, these anti-Hindu elements have consistently prevented the truth from taking precedence over their agenda and they will not allow it to do so at this time either. Every such episode presents a golden opportunity for them to not only promote their sinister narrative but also to create distrust and strife within Hindu society.

‘They preach democracy, they practise violence’: BJP MP Sadanandan Master recalls how CPI(M) cadres chopped off his legs for ideological defiance

Shraddha Pandey
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‘They preach democracy, they practise violence’: BJP MP Sadanandan Master recalls how CPI(M) cadres chopped off his legs for ideological defiance

The leftist political parties take delight in sermonising their ideological opponents about democracy, freedom of speech, and tolerance; however, they often do not practice what they preach. During his speech in the Rajya Sabha on 2nd February 2026, BJP MP Sadanandan Master narrated how the very Communist Party of India (Marxist) that blows the trumpet of democracy and tolerance, resorted to chopping off his legs three decades ago for his political ideology.

Displaying his artificial limbs before the parliament, MP Sadanandan Master said, “This is my two legs. I was a person with strong two legs, but below the knee, nowadays, I’m using artificial limbs. Why? Because the democracy, every time I’m hearing from the House, democracy, democracy, democracy. But those who are roaring about democracy, they committed an attack upon me 31 years ago.”

“In Kerala, CPIM leaders…according to their advice, the workers of CPIM, I was on the way to my home after the marriage of my sister was fixed. After discussing about the marriage of my sister, I was returning to my home, that time, in a bazaar, organised criminals caught me immediately after I get down from the bus. They (CPIM workers) caught my backside and put me down on the road, cut off my two legs. They were shouting Inquilaab Zindabaad. They were shouting about democracy,” added.

Calling out the CPIM’s hypocrisy, the Rajya Sabha MP continued, “Why I show this (artificial limbs) here is we had…you are intolerant…I want to show before the nation. I want to show to the people, I want to show to the members of parliament…what is democracy. You (CPIM) are always telling about democracy, you are always telling about tolerance, you are always telling about humanity but your commitment is based on political violence. Political violence is not good for democracy.”

CPIM MP John Brittas fumed over Sadanandan Master displaying his prosthetics inside the parliament, and raised a point of order, citing House rules prohibiting the bringing in of certain objects. However, the chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, told the CPIM leader that similar strictness should be applied when his party MPs display placards.

A shift from Communist to RSS ideology and the brutal price Sadanandan Master paid

Back in 1994, C Sadanandan Master was 30 years old, working as a teacher at the government-aided Kuzhikkal Lower Primary School at Perinchery, Mattanur municipality. Sadanandan, popularly known as “Maash” (Master), emerged as a Sangh among Communists, as he hailed from a family of Communists. Sadanandan Master’s father was an active member of the CPM while his elder brother was the in-charge of the student wing at the Zilla level.

Sadanandan himself was an active member of the Student Federation of India (SFI) till 1984, although he was involved in Sangh activities till school days. While Sadanandan became inclined towards communist ideology during his graduation days, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s idea of cultural nationalism stayed with him. What triggered his complete shift to RSS ideology was the ‘Bharata Dharshanangal’ article by Malayalam poet Akkitham. In 1984, Sadanandan Master joined the RSS.

However, Sadanandan Master’s drift from Communist ideology to that of the Sangh did not sit well with the leftists, who preach tolerance to others but resort to violence against ideological opponents. Initially, the CPIM workers tried to persuade Sadanandan Master to sever ties with the Sangh and return to the Communist fold; however, when he refused to do so, the CPIM workers stooped to their violent tactics.

On 25th January 1994, Sadanandan Master was returning from his uncle’s house in the evening after discussing the arrangements for his sister’s wedding, which was to take place on 6th February. As he got down from the bus and started walking towards his home, some people grabbed him from behind, pinned him to the ground and started beating him. They were CPI(M) goons who not only brutally beat him up but also chopped off both his legs. This monstrosity was committed against Sadanandan not only to teach him a ‘lesson’ for ditching the Communist ideology but also as a warning-cum-threat to all those contemplating quitting the Communist fold.

However, Sadanandan Master braved the Communist brutality and, instead of leaving RSS or returning to the Communist ideological fold, Master devoted his life to the Sangh and national service.

In 2016, Sadanandan contested the assembly election on the BJP ticket from the Koothuparamba constituency, which is infamous for political murders against the LDF leader K K Shailja. At that time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had saluted Sadanandan Master for his courage and ideological commitment.

Sadananda also served as the state vice-president of the National Teachers Union in Kerala. He also edits the magazine Deshiya Adhyapaka Vartha and is part of the Bharatiya Vichara Kendram, an RSS-affiliated intellectual group. 

In July 2025, President Droupadi Murmu nominated C Sadanandan Master to the Rajya Sabha. From contributing to public life and education, from Kerala’s Thrissur to the Rajya Sabha, Sadanandan Master continues to epitomise courage and serve as a living example of how leftist-communist intolerance cripples not only political opponents but democracy itself.

The Communists not only commit political violence but also elevate the perpetrators of such crimes to the status of ‘heroes’. In August 2025, the CPIM organised a celebratory farewell for eight party workers convicted for attacking BJP Rajya Sabha MP Sadanandan Master.

Visuals of CPIM workers raising party slogans, cheering cadres, and offering garlands to the convicts outside the Thalassery sessions court and later in Mattannur, Kannur, stirred outrage back then. This blatant display of moral bankruptcy and celebration of violence took place in the presence of Mattanur MLA and former Health Minister KK Shailaja.

While C Sadanandan Master survived to tell the Communist brutality he was subjected to, the CPIM has a history of violently silencing political rivals and deserters. Over the last few decades, numerous BJP-RSS workers and leaders have been killed in political violence committed by Communist cadres in Kerala.

The cost of mixing life insurance and investment in India

OpIndia Staff
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The cost of mixing life insurance and investment in India


In India, life insurance products are often expected to perform dual roles, providing financial protection while also generating long-term returns. This has led to the popularity of combo products such as endowment plans and unit-linked insurance plans, which combine life insurance with an investment component. These products typically involve multiple cost elements, including mortality charges, fund management charges, allocation charges, and commissions. Because of this layered cost structure, keeping protection and investment separate is widely recognised as a more cost-efficient approach, especially when the objective is pure risk cover.

Life Insurance and Investment operate on different financial principles

Life​‍​‌‍​‍‌ insurance helps dependents to be safe from the financial consequences of an unexpected loss of income. The effectiveness of the insurance lies in the certainty of a defined payout for a defined risk period. On the other hand, investment products are centred on growth, compounding, and performance over time.

The fact that these objectives are governed by different financial rules means that there are often compromises when they are combined in a single product. Insurance-linked investments focus on guarantees and stability, whereas standalone investments focus on capital growth and efficiency. When these objectives are brought together, the outcomes for each function may differ from what they achieve when addressed separately.

Cost components in Life Insurance products with Investments

Information provided in insurer benefit illustrations and regulated product brochures shows that life insurance products with an investment component typically involve multiple cost layers.

Allocation charges in early years

In several life insurance products with savings or investment components, especially ULIPs, a portion of premiums in the early years may be absorbed by acquisition and distribution-related costs. 

Mortality charges deducted periodically

In life insurance products that include a savings or investment component, part of the premium is used to cover life risk. As this cost generally increases with age, the portion available for savings or investment may reduce over time.

Fund management and administrative charges

In market-linked products, ongoing fund management and policy administration charges are applied, which can reduce the final returns over time.

Surrender penalties and lock-in periods

There are policies that, when exited within the first 5–7 years, might charge you a surrender fee; thus the payout could be less than the total premiums ​‍​‌‍​‍‌deposited.

How separating Protection and Investment changes the outcome

The main advantage of using term insurance purely for life cover is that the cost of protection is significantly lower. For many working professionals, it is possible to secure a high level of life cover through a term plan at a much lower cost compared to combination policies that offer the same coverage along with savings or investment features.

Such a cost-effective situation offers the possibility of the remaining savings being invested in growth-oriented investment options independently. If the periods are long enough, even under conservative return assumptions, the greater investable portion and the compounding effect would go on to generate significantly larger results.

Apart from this, such a split also makes it easier to understand, as insurance performance is not mixed up with investment performance.

Why some still choose combination products

Even​‍​‌‍​‍‌ though there is a cost difference, combination products are still preferred for behavioural reasons:

  • Preference for forced savings structures
  • Aversion to market-linked volatility
  • Desire for a single-product solution

These reasons may align with some risk preferences, but they can come with differences in long-term financial efficiency.

Why Term Insurance is often used only for Protection

Term insurance is often used only for protection because it is designed to stay simple and focused. Its purpose is clear: to provide financial support to a family if the earning member is no longer around, without combining protection with savings or investment features.

By keeping protection unmixed, term insurance avoids added complexity and higher costs. Premiums go entirely toward life cover, making it possible to secure higher coverage at more affordable rates. The benefits are also clearly defined, which helps families understand what support is available and rely on it when needed.

This clarity and focus are what make term insurance a widely preferred tool for pure financial protection.

Conclusion

Mixing​‍​‌‍​‍‌ life insurance and investment in India usually results in tangible costs such as higher charges, lower investible allocation, and potentially lower long-term returns after accounting for charges, compared to equivalent standalone investment instruments. Life insurance is a protective tool against financial loss. Investments are geared towards capital growth. Employing Term Insurance solely for protection and using independent instruments for growth enables each objective to be met in its own way, without ​‍​‌‍​‍‌compromise.

Modi govt boosts Defence sector spending by 15% after successful execution of Operation Sindoor, Intelligence Bureau budget increased by over 50%

Shraddha Pandey
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Modi govt boosts Defence sector spending by 15% after successful execution of Operation Sindoor, Intelligence Bureau budget increased by over 50%

The Modi government presented the Union Budget for the fiscal year 2026-27 on 1st February 2026, with Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announcing a massive hike in defence spending. India’s successful military action, Operation Sindoor, against Pakistan in May 2025, shaped national security priorities. Building on the success of Operation Sindoor, the Modi government allocated an all-time high of Rs 7.85 lakh crore for the defence sector, marking a historic 15% hike.

Success of Operation Sindoor, defence budget increase and a renewed resolve to strengthen national security

In the four-day military action in May 2025, in response to the Pakistan-sponsored Islamic terror attack in Pahalgam, Indian forces dismantled terror infrastructure deep inside Pakistan, rendered several of their airbases defunct, destroyed Pakistan’s Chinese air defence systems, and inflicted massive damage. When Pakistan dared to strike back, India’s indigenous air defence systems effectively thwarted the hostile neighbour’s drones and missiles. Operation Sindoor not only demonstrated the effectiveness of indigenous systems but also helped India further bolster its military readiness by filling the gaps.

For the financial year 2026-27, the Modi government presented the highest-ever defence budget. The defence allocation stood at ₹7.85 lakh crore (approximately $86 billion), marking a 15.9% increase over the 2025-26 budget estimates of ₹6.81 lakh crore.  This accounts for about 2% of India’s estimated GDP for the year and around 14.67% of the Central government’s total expenditure. This year, defence received the largest budget allocation among all ministries, reflecting the Modi government’s focus on bolstering national security and defence in a volatile world and rising regional threats.

Modernisation of the Indian Armed Forces remains a central focus of the Defence Ministry. The Central government says that in the current geo-political scenario, a quantum jump in the modernisation budget is a “strategic imperative”. 

If we look at the capital outlay breakdown, of the ₹2.19 lakh crore, ₹1.85 lakh crore is allocated for capital acquisition, marking a 24% hike, focusing on new lethal weapons, aircraft, aero engines, ships, submarines, missiles, drones, artillery, and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), etc.

The Central government has consistently been working for the modernisation of the armed forces, and during FY 2025-26, up to 3rd quarter, the Defence Ministry concluded contracts worth ₹2.10 lakh crore. In addition, the MoD also gave Acceptance of Necessity approval for more than ₹3.50 lakh crore. 

In a major boost to the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative, about 75% of this amount is earmarked for domestic procurement.

Out of the total allocation made to the Ministry of Defence (MoD), a share of 27.95% is for capital expenditure, 20.17% for revenue expenditure on sustenance and operational preparedness, 26.40% for revenue expenditure on pay and allowances, 21.84% for Defence Pensions and 3.64% for civil organisations.

“Through such earmarking of funds, domestic players have been reassured about their investment and their increasingly greater role in capability development of the Armed Forces. Enhanced allocation for Capital Acquisition, especially for domestic industries, will have long term positive impact on the national economy and will lead to the development of many ancillary industries, creating job opportunities in the country,” the MoD said.

The Defence Budget 2026-27 has provided for ₹3,65,478.98 crore for spending under revenue heads, marking a 17.24% increase from the allocation for Budgetary Estimates 2025-26.

Of the ₹3,65,478.98, ₹1,58,296.98 crore has been allocated for operation and sustenance-related expenditure, and the remaining for salary and allowances. This is meant to facilitate procurement of operationally important stores, spare parts, etc., in addition to ensuring maintenance of vital platforms and catering for their day-to-day requirements.

The Central government has also focused on the development of border areas. To provide better infrastructure in border areas, the Modi government has made a higher allocation to the Border Roads Organisation (BRO). The budgetary allocation to BRO under Capital for BE 2026-27 has been enhanced to ₹7,394 crore from ₹7,146.50 crore for FY 2025-26. 

Besides weapons procurement and immediate modernisation of the armed forces, the Central government has also prioritised Research and Development (R&D). In this direction, the budgetary allocation to the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has been increased to Rs 29,100.25 crore in FY 2026-27 from Rs 26,816.82 crore in FY 2025-26. Out of this allocation, a major share of Rs. 17,250.25 crore is allocated for capital expenditure.

It must be recalled that India is proceeding towards a ₹3.25 lakh crore worth mega deal with France for the procurement of 114 Rafale jets. If the deal is cleared, under a government-to-government agreement, most of the jets would be manufactured in India, with 30% Indian content. This percentage is likely to rise up to 60% during production. The proposal also includes the provision of 12 to 18 Rafale jets in fly-away condition to meet India’s immediate operational requirement since the indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) is still in the developmental stage.

If all goes well, this deal would take the number of Rafales in the Indian services to 176, including the 36 fighter jets already inducted by the IAF, and the 26 Rafale-Marine jets ordered for the Indian Navy. India’s trust in French Rafales stems from the fighter jets’ effective performance during Operation Sindoor.

Besides Rafale, India is also in advanced technical talks with Russia for a potential licensed production of fifth-generation Su-57 stealth fighter jets in India, and obtaining technology inputs for AMCA. In addition, India is focusing on indigenous avionics as 180 LCA-Tejas Mk-1A have been contracted, with deliveries ongoing and emphasis on faster production.

In the long run, the IAF’s fighter fleet is likely to comprise an expanded fleet of Rafales, Su-39 MKI upgrades, LCA-Mk1A, and the indigenous AMCA (after 2035), with the 2026-27 defence budget being a decisive factor in turning this vision into reality.`

Other than aircraft, India is also working on empowering itself with advanced missile and air defence systems. Surface-to-air missiles, particularly medium and short-range SAMs, QRAD systems remain in special focus to counter drones, cruise missiles and saturation attacks.

If we talk about precision-guided munitions, India is laying emphasis on domestic production of Beyond-Visual-Range (BVR) air-to-air missiles and stand-off weapons. In this direction, key projects include the Safran-BEL joint venture to produce HAMMER missiles, the 100 km range Smart Anti-Airfield Weapon (SAAW), and the Brahmos supersonic cruise missiles.

As drones have become a key focus in modern warfare, India has expedited procurement of UAVs and ISR drones across all services, and is focusing on long-endurance platforms, secure datalinks and autonomous operations. India is also obtaining weaponised unmanned surface vessels for the navy and has contracted 12 autonomous fast interceptor crafts, with the induction of the first batch. India is also expediting the induction of counter-drone systems for borders, air bases, and naval installations.

For the Indian Navy, a contract is likely to be signed in March 2026, with Germany’s ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) and Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd (MDL) for the procurement of six Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) diesel-electric submarines worth ₹70,000-72,000 ($8 billion). India is also set to procure large amphibious warships and upgrade naval fleets with shipborne missiles, sensors, combat management systems, etc.

In addition, induction of Light Combat Helicopters (LCH) for the Army and the IAF is being prioritised. In December 2025, India signed a $946 million sustainment deal with the US for its fleet of 24 MH-60R “Seahawk” naval helicopters. This will help with squadron expansion and bolstering anti-submarine warfare (ASW) and maritime surveillance.

Besides, the purchase of small arms like assault rifles, LMGs from domestic manufacturers, in addition to high-mobility vehicles, protected troop carriers is also on the cards.

Centre raises budget for the Intelligence Bureau by 50% after the Pahalgam and Red Fort Islamic terror attacks

In a significant budget increase for the Intelligence Bureau (IB), the Modi government has allocated ₹6,782.43 crore, marking a 63% increased over the Revised Estimate (RE) of ₹4,159 crore for 2025-26. This represents a massive 74% surge compared to the Budget Estimate of ₹3,893 crore for 2025-26.

The biggest jump is in capital expenditure, which is meant for infrastructure, technology, surveillance, cyber capabilities, data analytics, etc. This has surged from nearly ₹230-257 crore in 2025-26 (RE) to ₹2,549.54 crore, marking an approximate 892% growth in capex. This makes the Intelligence Bureau one of the biggest gainers within the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Meanwhile, revenue expenditure makes up the rest, backing overall administrative and intelligence functions.

Overall, the Modi government has demonstrated its security-first approach in the 2026-27 budget, balancing financial priorities with enhanced capabilities for not only military but also intelligence domains. The defence budget indicates a post-Sindoor pivot towards a more dominant, assertive, self-sufficient military posture, although its success remains contingent on efficient and timely execution in an increasingly volatile security landscape.

Modi govt’s big boost to data centres in Budget 2026: Read how global cloud giants are being welcomed to invest in India, and why some domestic players are concerned

Anurag
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Modi govt’s big boost to data centres in Budget 2026: Read how global cloud giants are being welcomed to invest in India, and why some domestic players are concerned

On 1st February, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced the Union Budget 2026, which introduced a decisive policy shift aimed at accelerating India’s rise as a global hub for data centres, cloud computing and AI infrastructure. At the heart of the announcement made by the Modi government is a long-term tax holiday framework designed to attract foreign investment while preserving India’s domestic tax base.

Foreign companies that procure data centre services from specified data centres located in India will be exempt from paying tax in India on income earned from serving customers outside the country until 31st March 2047. Revenue earned from Indian users, however, must be routed through an Indian reseller entity and taxed domestically.

The Budget also introduced a 15% safe harbour margin on costs for related party data centre services. This move is intended to reduce transfer pricing disputes and offer predictability to multinational companies planning large-scale infrastructure investments in India.

Most importantly, the framework addresses a long-standing concern among foreign companies, the risk that hosting workloads in India could create a taxable permanent establishment. With the announcement, the government has removed a major hurdle to FDI in the sector.

Why the move matters for foreign companies and FDI

Data centres are capital-intensive assets with long gestation periods. For companies dealing in cloud services, hyperscaling and artificial intelligence, policy certainty often outweighs short-term tax incentives.

As the Indian government has extended the tax holiday up to 2047, it has effectively invited global technology firms to treat India as a long-term infrastructure base rather than a short-term outsourcing destination. This move has come at a time when AI workloads are expanding rapidly and are expected to account for a substantial share of global data centre capacity over the next decade.

Notably, India is already generating around 20% of the world’s data but hosts only a fraction of global data centre capacity. Lower build costs, a large pool of technical talent, and improving power and connectivity infrastructure make India commercially attractive.

Along with this, the new tax framework removes backend tax friction while ensuring that domestic consumption remains within the Indian tax net through the reseller requirement.

From a policy perspective, the move balances investment attraction with fiscal prudence, a key reason why it has been welcomed by global investors and industry observers.

The government’s strategic intent

The Economic Survey for 2025–26 clearly stated that India’s future competitiveness in information technology depends on how effectively it integrates AI development, cloud infrastructure and digital trade into its growth strategy.

When viewed in this context, the data centre tax framework is not a standalone concession. It is part of a broader attempt to reposition India within global digital supply chains, moving from being a major data generator to a serious infrastructure provider.

The requirement that specified data centres must be owned and operated by Indian entities and notified by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology ensures that physical infrastructure control remains within the country, even as global workloads flow in.

Why Indian innovators are raising concerns

While the policy’s intent is clear, it has triggered concerns among sections of India’s domestic cloud and data centre ecosystem, particularly homegrown providers who have been investing for years without similar fiscal incentives.

Speaking to OpIndia, Manoj Dhanda, Founder and CTO of Utho Cloud, acknowledged that foreign investment will raise infrastructure standards and bring capital into the ecosystem. However, he pointed out that Indian data centres and cloud companies have been operating under the existing tax regime for years, investing in infrastructure, research and platform development without comparable support from the government.

Dhanda argued that mandating foreign companies to serve Indian customers only through Indian resellers risks reinforcing a model where Indian firms remain intermediaries, while core technology, intellectual property and strategic control continue to sit overseas.

In his view, India has spent the last decade and a half reselling global digital services such as email platforms, cloud and AI tools. According to him, the Budget does little to break that pattern, even as the government increasingly emphasises building and innovating within India.

Speaking to OpIndia, Vinay Murarka, Founder of V2Technosys and a long-time industry observer, expressed similar reservations, albeit from a policy design standpoint rather than opposition to foreign investment itself.

While Murarka supported the government’s push to attract global data centre capacity and recognised the importance of tax certainty in drawing hyperscalers and international cloud players to India, he believes the framework stopped short of addressing the asymmetry between foreign platforms and domestic innovators.

According to his assessment, while foreign companies benefit from long-term tax exemptions and reduced compliance risk, Indian cloud and data centre providers receive no parallel incentive, despite the fact that they have been bearing higher market risk and have invested early in building domestic capacity. He argued that this could unintentionally tilt the competitive landscape further in favour of established global players.

He also raised concerns that without targeted encouragement for Indian enterprises to host workloads on Indian cloud platforms, the policy may deepen India’s dependence on foreign-owned technology stacks, even if the physical infrastructure sits on Indian soil.

The opportunity the Budget did not seize

Both Dhanda and Murarka point to a missed opportunity. They argue that the government could have complemented its foreign investment push with time-bound incentives for Indian businesses that choose domestic cloud providers.

Even limited benefits for three to five years, they suggest, could have nudged enterprises to migrate workloads locally, bringing data control, platform development and intellectual property creation within India. Such an approach would not have diluted foreign investment but strengthened the domestic ecosystem alongside it.

A balanced reading of the policy

The data centre framework in Budget 2026 is neither anti-domestic industry nor uncritical globalisation. It is a calculated attempt to close India’s infrastructure gap and position the country as a serious player in the global AI and cloud economy.

At the same time, the concerns raised by Indian innovators are not ideological objections but structural questions about long-term value creation and technological sovereignty.

The real test of the policy will lie in its implementation and in whether future measures address these domestic gaps. If India can attract foreign capital while simultaneously nurturing homegrown cloud and data centre platforms, the country can move beyond being a hosting destination to becoming a true digital infrastructure power.

Union Budget 2026: Allocation for the Healthcare sector gets a hike of 10% as the central government aims to enhance access and affordability

Aditi
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Union Budget 2026: Allocation for the Healthcare sector gets a hike of 10% as the central government aims to enhance access and affordability

Healthcare has received special attention under the Union Budget 2026 announced by Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman on Sunday (1st February) in the Parliament. The budget aims to strengthen access, affordability, mental health infrastructure and domestic capacity across the domestic and biopharma sectors.

“To give a fillip to our commitment to mental health and trauma care, and to ease the financial burden of medical emergencies on families, particularly the poor and vulnerable, we are undertaking targeted interventions across institutions, infrastructure and workforce,” the Union Finance Minister said, presenting the budget.

The healthcare allocation under the Union Budget increased by 10% compared to FY25. The Union Finance Minister allocated ₹1,06,530.42 crore to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, accompanied by the central government’s proposal of a scheme to support states in establishing five regional medical hubs, NIMHANS and others.

Establishment of NIMHANS 2.0

One of the healthcare highlights of the budget is the decision to establish a national institute for mental healthcare in Ranchi, Jharkhand, called the National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences (NIMHANS 2.0). Sitharaman said that the institute will come up in North India as the region lacks a premier national mental health institution. The first NIMHANS was established in Bengaluru, Karnataka. “There are no national institutes for mental healthcare in North India. We will therefore set up a NIMHANS 2.0 and also upgrade National Mental Health Institutes in Ranchi and Tezpur as regional apex institutions,” she said, presenting her 9th consecutive budget.

In addition to that, the budget provides a 50% expansion in emergency and trauma care capacity in district hospitals across the country. The move is aimed at reducing excessive expenditure during medical emergencies.

Crucial drugs made more affordable

As a measure to enhance the affordability of the healthcare system, the budget plans to make medicines for 17 types of cancer and seven rare diseases more affordable by expanding domestic biopharma manufacturing through the ₹10,000-crore Biopharma SHAKTI mission, and upgrading healthcare infrastructure. The Biopharma SHAKTI mission aims to promote domestic production of biologics and biosimilars and address non-communicable diseases like cancer and autoimmune disorders.

Besides, medicines for 7 additional rare diseases have been included for customs duty exemption on personal imports of drugs, medicines and food for special medical purposes (FSMP). “To provide relief to patients, particularly those suffering from cancer, I propose to exempt basic customs duty on 17 drugs or medicines,” Sitharaman said.

Traditional medicine and AYUSH institutions

With enhanced emphasis on traditional medicine in the budget, the Union Finance Minister announced the establishment of three new All India Institute of Ayurveda institutions to meet the increasing global demand for Ayurvedic healthcare. Sitharaman highlighted the acceptance of Ayurveda across the world, particularly following the COVID-19 pandemic. She added that the exports of high-quality Ayurvedic products would boost the incomes of farmers through the cultivation of medicinal herbs. The Union Finance Minister also proposed to upgrade AYUSH pharmacies, drug testing laboratories and the WHO Global Traditional Medicine Centre in Jamnagar to improve quality standards and availability of skilled personnel.

Adding more caregivers to the healthcare system

In a step towards creating employment opportunities and skill development in the healthcare sector, the budget envisions a large-scale expansion of allied health education. The existing institutions for allied health professionals (AHPs) will be upgraded, and new AHPs will be set up in the private as well as the government sectors.

Moreover, the government plans to add 1 lakh allied health professionals over the next five years across disciplines such as optometry, radiology, anaesthesia, OT technology, applied psychology and behavioural health. Additionally, over the next five years, 1.5 lakh caregivers will be trained under the National Skills Qualification Framework (NSQF)-aligned programmes, focused on geriatric care, wellness, yoga and the operation of medical assistive devices.

Long-term capacity building in the healthcare system

The budget outlines the government’s long-term vision for the healthcare and biopharma sectors. It focuses on domestic manufacturing, advanced technology and capacity building. The Union Finance Minister noted that healthcare was no longer merely a social sector but a strategic pillar of economic growth.

The government has increased healthcare spending over the past few years. The government earmarked ₹99,859 crore for the health sector in FY25, which was an upgrade of 10–11% from FY24. A large part of this amount was directed towards Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY). The allocation for PM-JAY increased to ₹9,406 crore in FY26 after the coverage for senior citizens, ASHA and Anganwadi workers, and gig workers was expanded. In addition to that, investment under the PM-Ayushman Bharat Health Infrastructure Mission (PM-ABHIM) also increased significantly.

Uttar Pradesh: ‘Convert to Islam or face criminal cases’, Hindu man from Kanpur accuses wife of assault and threats; read FIR details

Anurag
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Uttar Pradesh: ‘Convert to Islam or face criminal cases’, Hindu man from Kanpur accuses wife of assault and threats; read FIR details

On 30th January, Kanpur police booked Saniya and her parents for forcing her Hindu husband to convert to Islam. The victim, Vineet Kumar, said in his complaint that Saniya assaulted him and threatened to implicate him in serious criminal cases as he refused to convert. OpIndia accessed the FIR registered in the matter, which provided details of the allegations of sustained pressure for religious conversion, insistence on circumcision of the couple’s infant son, physical violence and intimidation through threats of false cases.

The complainant is a resident of Maswanpur in the Rawatpur police station area in Kanpur. He told police that although his marriage was solemnised by mutual consent with a clear understanding that neither spouse would force religious conversion, the agreement was violated soon after the wedding.

Marriage by choice, followed by alleged pressure to convert – what the FIR says

The FIR was registered at Rawatpur police station in Kanpur Nagar district on the complaint of Vineet Kumar under Sections 115(2), 308(6) and 351(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), against Saniya, her father Intazar and her mother.

Source: UP Police

According to the complainant, he got married to Saniya on 6th November 2023. While Saniya belongs to a Muslim family, he stated that both families had agreed that there would be no pressure on either side to change religion. However, within months of the marriage, Saniya, under the influence of her parents, began pressuring him to adopt Islam. When he refused, there were arguments and altercations between the couple.

The situation escalated after the birth of their son on 26th August 2025. Vineet said in his complaint that his wife, her father Intazar, and her mother repeatedly pressured him to have the child circumcised. He added that his refusal led to threats of being falsely implicated in serious criminal cases.

Source: UP police

He further accused his wife of physically assaulting him during arguments over religion and the child’s circumcision. He said that on the night of 16th January 2026, Saniya left the matrimonial home with the help of her mother at around 1 am. She took cash worth ₹5,000, gold jewellery including a ring, anklets and a chain, along with other valuable clothes.

Vineet tried multiple times to persuade her to return, but she continued to threaten him over phone calls and stated that she would only stop after sending him and his family to jail.

In a statement, police officials said they have registered an FIR and are investigating the matter. Both sides will be questioned and further action will be based on the findings of the investigation.

Similar cases have surfaced repeatedly

This is not the first time a Hindu man has been forced to convert to Islam after getting into a relationship with a Muslim woman. In November 2025, OpIndia reported how a Hindu man, Shubham Goswami from Madhya Pradesh, was coerced to convert to Islam. He had adopted a new identity under the name Aman Khan in 2022. After three years of pressure and intimidation by the family of the Muslim girl and refusal of marriage despite the fact that he had converted, he finally decided to return to Hinduism.

Modi government presents a growth-oriented budget prioritising infrastructure, welfare, and industry with focus on fiscal discipline: An analysis of key numbers

Raju Das
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Modi government presents a growth-oriented budget prioritising infrastructure, welfare, and industry with focus on fiscal discipline: An analysis of key numbers

The Modi government’s Union Budget 2026 has laid out an ambitious but fiscally cautious roadmap, with the government placing big numbers on the table for spending, taxation, borrowing and deficit reduction. In the budget designed to propel sustained high economic growth whilst prioritising people-centric development and structural reforms, the Indian government has projected total expenditure of ₹53,47,315 crore for the fiscal year 2026-27. Presented as a “Yuva Shakti-driven Budget” with a guiding ‘Sankalp’ to focus on the poor, underprivileged, and disadvantaged, the financial blueprint underscores the vision of ‘Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas’.

The budget 2026, the first one to be prepared at Kartava Bhawan on Central Vista, is structured around three key ‘Kartavyas’: accelerating and sustaining economic growth through enhanced productivity, competitiveness, and resilience to global volatility; fulfilling people’s aspirations by building their capacities and making them active partners in India’s prosperity; and ensuring equitable access to resources, amenities, and opportunities for every family, community, region, and sector.

The budget estimates (BE) for 2026-17 indicate a 7.7% rise over the revised estimates (RE) for 2025-26, highlighting continued investment in infrastructure and welfare.

A key feature of Budget 2026 is the sustained thrust on capital investment. The government has earmarked capital expenditure of ₹12.2 lakh crore, a sharp rise from the levels seen a decade ago, reflecting the priority being given to infrastructure creation, logistics, energy security and long-term economic capacity building.

The budget, themed around transforming aspirations into achievements and balancing ambition with inclusion, projects India’s GDP at ₹3,93,00,393 crore for 2026-27, representing a 10% increase over the advance estimates of ₹3,57,13,886 crore for 2025-26. This optimistic forecast reflects the government’s confidence in attaining a robust growth rate of around 7%, bolstered by fiscal discipline, monetary stability, and comprehensive reforms. It aligns with the pillars of growth and development, including sustaining economic growth, strengthening foundations, people-centric initiatives, trust-based governance, ease of doing business and living, and fiscal matters.

In India’s 2026-27 budget, revenue receipts are projected to reach approximately ₹35.33 lakh crore, primarily driven by tax revenue net to the Centre at around ₹28.67 lakh crore, while non-tax revenue stands at about ₹6.66 lakh crore. Income tax will contribute roughly ₹10.8 lakh crore, while corporation tax is estimated at about ₹9.9 lakh crore. Capital receipts are estimated at ₹18.14 lakh crore, including recoveries of loans and borrowings. After transferring a significant portion of tax revenues to states, the Centre’s net tax revenue is estimated at approximately ₹26.9 lakh crore.

Maintaining fiscal prudence is central, with the fiscal deficit targeted at 4.3% of GDP, a reduction from 4.4% in 2025-26 RE. The deficit has been declining every year after reaching 9.2% in 2020-21 during the pandemic. This demonstrates the government’s commitment to lowering borrowing requirements whilst funding growth-oriented schemes.

The fiscal deficit of ₹16.96 lakh crore (4.3% of GDP) includes revenue deficit of ₹5.92 lakh crore (1.5% of GDP) and primary deficit of ₹2.92 lakh crore (0.7% of GDP). These figures show a narrowing trend compared to prior years, with borrowings and other liabilities estimated at ₹16.96 lakh crore.

Borrowings remain the dominant source of financing the deficit, accounting for nearly 24% of total receipts, while non-debt capital receipts contribute only around 2%.

The Budget also show that the government is committed to reducing debt over the medium term. The debt-to-GDP ratio is estimated at 55.6% in 2026–27, compared with 56.1% in the revised estimates of 2025–26, with an eventual target of reaching 50±1% by 2030.

The budget also notes an adjustment of ₹9,084 crore in 2025-26 RE owing to net receivables from states for previous years. Furthermore, the 16th Finance Commission has recommended retaining the vertical share of devolution at 41%, with ₹1.41 lakh crore allocated to states for FY27 as Finance Commission grants, including those for rural and urban local bodies and disaster management.

A notable feature is the enhanced resource transfer to states and Union Territories with legislatures, totalling ₹25,43,769 crore in 2026-27 BE. This encompasses devolution of states’ share in taxes, grants/loans, and releases under Centrally Sponsored Schemes, marking an increase of ₹3,78,263 crore over 2024-25 actuals.

For expenditure, 22% goes as share of states in taxes, while 20% will be spent on interest payment. Notably, transport sector has been allotted more money than defence sector, as the sector gets nearly ₹5.99 lakh crore against about ₹5.95 lakh crore allocated for defence. and. Other significant outlays include home affairs at ₹2.55 lakh crore, rural development at ₹2.73 lakh crore, agriculture and allied activities at ₹1.63 lakh crore, education at ₹1.39 lakh crore, energy at ₹1.09 lakh crore, and health at ₹1.05 lakh crore, emphasising infrastructure, security, and social welfare.

Subsidies, especially on food and fertilisers, continue to form a substantial part of revenue expenditure, ensuring support for vulnerable households and farmers.

The budget allocates substantial funds to key sectors to sustain structural reforms. In sustaining economic growth, emphasis is placed on manufacturing through strategic and frontier sectors, including the India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, Biopharma Shakti, high-tech tool rooms in CPSEs, schemes for rare earth permanent magnets, dedicated chemical parks for enhanced domestic production, electronics components manufacturing, strengthening domestic high-value and technologically advanced construction and infrastructure equipment, integrated programmes for textiles, reviving 200 legacy industrial clusters, and dedicated initiatives for affordable sports goods manufacturing.

The budget also proposes tax reforms to boost manufacturing, including five-year income tax exemptions for non-residents providing capital goods to bonded zones, safe harbour provisions for component warehousing, deferred duty payments for trusted manufacturers, increased duty-free import limits for seafood processing inputs, extensions for shoe upper exports, time extensions for garment and footwear exports, and exemptions from basic customs duty on parts for microwave ovens, aircraft manufacturing, and maintenance.

Renewed focus on the services sector includes a high-powered ‘Education to Employment and Enterprise’ Standing Committee, upgrades to allied health professional institutions, training 1.5 lakh multiskilled caregivers, schemes for five medical value tourism hubs, three new All India Institutes of Ayurveda with upgraded pharmacies and labs, enhancements to the WHO Global Traditional Medicine Centre, AVGC content creator labs in 15,000 schools and 500 colleges, a new National Institute of Design in the eastern region, and the Khelo India Mission for talent development, coaching, science integration, and sports infrastructure. Tax proposals for the financial sector involve raising securities transaction tax (STT) on futures to 0.05% and on options to 0.15%.

To strengthen foundations of growth, infrastructure initiatives feature an Infrastructure Risk Guarantee Fund for credit guarantees, recycling CPSE real estate assets into dedicated REITs, establishing new dedicated freight corridors connecting Dankuni in the East to Surat in the West, operationalising 20 new national waterways for mineral-rich areas, setting up ship repair ecosystems for inland waterways, launching coastal shipping from 6% to 12% by 2047, introducing a Seaplane VGF Scheme for indigenise manufacturing, ₹2 lakh crore support to states under SASCI Scheme, and Purvoday for East Coast development.

For long-term energy security, a ₹20,000 crore CCUS scheme, BCD exemptions on sodium antimonate for solar glass, capital goods for critical minerals processing, lithium-ion cells for battery storage, extensions for nuclear power project imports to 2035, and exclusion of biogas value from excise duty on blended CNG.

The budget also proposes seven high-speed rail ‘Growth Connectors’ linking Mumbai-Pune, Pune-Hyderabad, Hyderabad-Bengaluru, Hyderabad-Chennai, Chennai-Bengaluru, Delhi-Varanasi, and Varanasi-Siliguri as environmentally sustainable systems.

In people-centric development, the budget features a strong care ecosystem covering geriatric and allied services with 1.5 lakh caregiver training, Self-Help Entrepreneur (SHE) Marts as community-owned outlets, Divyangjan Kaushal Yojana for disability-specific training, Divyang Sahara Yojana for assistive devices, scaling ALIMCO with R&D and AI, strengthening PM Divyasha Kendras, establishing NIMHANS-2 and upgrading mental health institutes in Ranchi and Tezpur, and emergency trauma centres in district hospitals.

Trust-based governance enhancements include extending duty-deferral for AEOs to 30 days, warehouse operator-centric systems with self-declarations, five-year advance ruling validity, automated customs notifications for trusted importers, and risk system recognition for reliable supply chains.

As PM Modi visits Dera Sachkhand Ballan on Sant Ravidas Jayanti, know who Ravidassiyas are, and why they consider themselves separate from mainstream Sikhism

Anurag
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As PM Modi visits Dera Sachkhand Ballan on Sant Ravidas Jayanti, know who Ravidassiyas are, and why they consider themselves separate from mainstream Sikhism

On 1st February, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will visit Punjab to mark the 649th birth anniversary of Sant Guru Ravidas, a 15th century Bhakti saint whose teachings on equality and human dignity continue to shape social and political discourse in the state. The visit will include a stop at Dera Sachkhand Ballan in Jalandhar district, which is a centre of faith for the Ravidassia community. Furthermore, there will be key infrastructure announcements, including the renaming of Adampur airport as Sri Guru Ravidas Ji Airport.

Notably, PM Modi’s visit to Ballan comes at a politically sensitive moment, as assembly elections in Punjab are less than a year away. It has renewed attention on the Ravidassia community’s long-standing assertion of a religious identity distinct from mainstream Sikhism.

PM’s Punjab schedule and infrastructure announcements

According to a press release by the Central Government, PM Modi will arrive at Adampur Airport at around 3:45 pm. He will formally unveil the new name of the airport as “Sri Guru Ravidas Ji Airport, Adampur” to honour the revered saint. The renaming has been a long pending demand of the community.

Why Dera Sachkhand Ballan matters

Dera Sachkhand Ballan is located in Ballan village near Jalandhar. It is regarded as the most influential religious centre of the global Ravidassia community. It was founded in the early 20th century and gradually emerged as a focal point for Dalit assertion, particularly among Chamars, who are traditionally associated with leather work and historically subjected to untouchability.

The dera’s influence is most pronounced in the Doaba region of Punjab. This particular region has around 45% Dalit population, which is significantly higher compared to the state average of 32%. There are 117 assembly seats in Punjab, and 23 of them fall in Doaba, with the Ballan dera believed to influence voters in at least 19 constituencies.

PM Modi’s visit comes days after the conferment of the Padma Shri to Sant Niranjan Dass, the dera’s chief, which has added to the perception of high-level recognition for the institution by the Central Government.

Who are the Ravidassiyas

Ravidassiyas trace their spiritual lineage to Guru Ravidas. He was a Bhakti saint born in Banaras. His poetry challenged caste hierarchies and emphasised devotion over ritual. For decades, many Ravidassiyas identified as Sikhs, as Guru Ravidas’s hymns are included in the Guru Granth Sahib and recited in Sikh gurdwaras.

However, tensions simmered over what the community describes as continued caste discrimination within Sikh society, particularly from dominant Jat Sikh groups. These tensions came to a head after the assassination of Sant Ramanand, a senior leader associated with Dera Ballan, in Vienna in May 2009. The killing triggered violent clashes in Punjab and sparked an intense debate over religious identity.

In 2010, Dera Sachkhand Ballan announced the formation of a separate religion, Ravidassia Dharm, on Guru Ravidas’s birth anniversary. The dera installed its own holy book, the Amrit Bani Guru Ravidas, which replaced the Guru Granth Sahib in several Ravidassia places of worship. It marked a formal break from Sikhism and from Hinduism as well.

Why Ravidassiyas see themselves as separate from Sikhism

The Ravidassia demand for a separate identity is rooted in lived experiences of caste exclusion. While Sikhism preaches equality, Ravidassiyas argue that social practice has often fallen short of theological ideals. The sense of exclusion intensified in the diaspora, as caste-based divisions from Punjab travelled overseas.

Studies document how Ravidassia communities in the UK, Canada, Spain and elsewhere established separate places of worship after facing discrimination in mainstream Sikh gurdwaras. In Britain, Ravidassia organisations actively mobilised for recognition, leading to the Office for National Statistics enumerating ‘Ravidassia’ as a separate religion in the 2011 Census. Over 11,000 people identified as Ravidassia, distinct from Sikhs or Hindus.

The diaspora has also played a critical financial and organisational role, funding dera infrastructure, overseas temples, charitable hospitals and schools, and international trusts linked to Dera Ballan.

Political implications in Punjab

For the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), PM Modi’s visit is part of a broader effort to expand its footprint in Punjab after the collapse of its alliance with the Shiromani Akali Dal in 2020. In the 2022 assembly elections, the party reportedly had a vote share of 6.6%, which saw a notable improvement in the 2024 parliamentary polls with 18.56%.

By reaching out to Ravidassiyas, the BJP aims to tap into Dalit aspirations and carve into the traditional support bases of the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party. Union ministers have framed the visit as non-partisan, emphasising respect for Sant Ravidas and his teachings.

Validation of a contested identity

For the Ravidassia community, PM Modi’s visit is being read as a validation of its long-asserted demand for recognition and dignity. Since 2010, the community has sought official acknowledgement of Ravidassia Dharm as a separate religion, including demands for a distinct census category, a demand that may be fulfilled in the upcoming census.

A story of Hindu resilience and revival: How a unique Kumbh Mela, which was stopped following Islamic invasions, was brought to life in Bengal after 700 years

Dibakar Dutta
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A story of Hindu resilience and revival: How a unique Kumbh Mela, which was stopped following Islamic invasions, was brought to life in Bengal after 700 years

(The primary material for this article was provided by independent researcher and columnist Pallab Mondal, who is currently working as the coordinator of Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav)

Bengal has historically been the cradle of Hindu thought and spirituality. Ancient Vedic traditions have merged with indigenous folk practices in this land of the Ganga-Brahmaputra delta to create a unique form of Hinduism. It is home to Tribeni (ত্রিবেণী), a town which is considered the southern counterpart of Prayagraj. Located in the Bansberia municipality of Hooghly district, Tribeni witnesses the confluence of 3 rivers – Ganga, Yamuna and Saraswati.

This identification of Tribeni as ‘Daksina Prayag’ forms the theological foundation for the snanas and melas that have historically taken place in this town, especially during auspicious Kumbh Sankranti. The geography of Tribeni is intertwined with Saptagram, which is one of the most important religious and commercial centres.

Vaishnavite scholar Brindaban Das describes Saptagram Tribeni Ghat as the place where the Saptarishi once performed penance and where bathing erased the sins of humanity. Large congregational baths (snas) at Prayagraj and other sacred confluences such as Tribeni in West Bengal have been taking place for centuries.

It is believed that bathing in Tribeni awakens the latent power of the seeker, paves the way for gathering knowledge, and attaining peace. Kumbh Mela is held once every 4 years.

While Ardha Kumbh is held every 6 years in Haridwar and Prayagraj, the Purna Kumbh is organised once every 12 years. Based on the position of Jupiter, Sun and the Moon, Purnakumbh is held in one of the four designated places – Prayagraj, Haridwar, Ujjain and Nashik. Maha Kumbh Mela is organised once every 144 years, the most recent being the one held in Prayagraj in 2024.

Once upon a time, Kumbha Mela was prevalent in the sacred land of Bengal. The memory of the festival was erased following the repeated onslaught by Islamic invaders.

2025 Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav

Local historian Ashok Ganguly informed, “There was a connection between Tribeni Kumbh Mela and Gangasagar Mela. The saints of that time, after the end of Gangasagar Mela, used to come to Tribeni on foot. They used to take a bath on the day of Magh Sankranti. That day was considered Anukumbh in Tribeni. Saptagram and Tribeni were pilgrimage sites of education and culture”.

Islamic tyrant Zafar Khan Ghazi laid siege to the town of Tribeni in 1292 CE and carried out a large-scale massacre of Hindus. A Vishnu temple, dating back to the Pala era, was destroyed. Gatherings and religious processions of Hindu devotees were stopped. The Tribeni Kumbh Mela came to a halt.

Between 1288 CE and 1313 CE, Saptagram and Tribeni came firmly under the control of Islamic invaders. As per several historians, Hindu and Buddhist temples and monasteries were systemically destroyed, and mosques and dargahs were constructed atop earlier religious structures.

2025 Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav

Indian archaeologists Rakhaldas Banerji and Pranab Roy have found that architectural fragments at the Zafar Khan Gazi dargah pillars, sculptures include defaced Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist imagery. It is believed that the last Kumbh Mela in the region was organised only in 1319 CE.

The wheels of destiny turned after 703 years. The Kumbh Mela, which had gone extinct, was revived again in 2022 CE by noted historian Kanchan Banerjee (lives in USA), Prabir Bhattacharya of Kolkata and the Tribheni Kumbho Parichalona Swamiti.

With the guidance of saints and active support from local people, the Kumbh Mela and Kumbh Snan were organised on the occasion of Maghi Sankranti Bhaimi-Ekadashi. Monks and sages of Tribeni gathered at Saptrishi Ghat (where the 7 sages, namely Maitri, Atri, Pulasta, Pulah, Vyas, Vashishtha, and Vishwamitra practised penance).

2025 Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav

The event was named the ‘Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav’. Since 2022, it has been held thrice at Tribeni through donor support and active contribution of the organisers and locals.

PM Modi’s message on Kumbh Mela in Bengal

Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a special mention of the Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav during the 98th episode of his monthly radio programme ‘Mann Ki Baat,’ which was aired on 26th February 2023.

He stated, “Mr Kanchan Banerjee, who lives in America, has attracted my attention to an initiative related to the preservation of our cultural heritage. The Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav was organised this month in Bansberia town in Hooghly district of West Bengal. More than 8 lakh devotees have participated in this event.”

“But do you know why it is so special? This tradition has been revived after 700 years. Although this tradition is thousands of years old, unfortunately, this Tribeni Mohotosav was stopped 700 years ago. It should have been started after independence, but that too could not be done. 2 years ago, this festival was restarted with the initiative of the local people and Tribheni Kumbho Parichalona Swamiti,” PM Modi emphasised.

He further added, “I congratulate all the people associated with this organisation. You are not only reviving a tradition, but you are also protecting the cultural heritage of India. Tribheni has been known as a sacred place in West Bengal for centuries. It is mentioned in various Mangal Kavyas, Vaishnav literature, Shakta literature and other Bengali literary works. It is known from various historical documents that this area was once the centre of Sanskrit education and Indian culture.”

“To restore the heritage of Tribheni and revive the pride of the Kumbha tradition, the Kumbha Mela was organised here last year. After 7 centuries, the three-day Kumbha Mahasana and Mela have generated a new energy in this area. For 3 days, people participated in the Ganga Aarti, Rudrabhishek and Yajna…Various rituals associated with Bengali traditions, such as Kirtan, Baul, Godiyo Nritto, Sree-Khol, Poter Gaan, Chou Nach were the centres of attraction in the evening program. It is a very commendable effort to connect our youth with the golden past of the country,” PM Modi concluded.

Ahead of the 3rd edition of the Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav in February 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi wrote a letter to the organisers of the event, namely, the Bongiyo Hindu Dharma Prasar Somity (BHDPS) and Tribeni Kumbho Porichalona Somity (TKPS).

PM Modi’s message to the organisers of Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav

“Greetings and best wishes to the organisers for taking this thoughtful initiative. What enhances the significance of the occasion is that the Mohotosav was resumed in 2023 after several centuries by the local people. In doing so, people have not just revived our glorious ethos, but also transmitted this tradition to the younger generations,” PM Modi said in his letter.

He further added, “It is this aspect of divine cities such as Tribeni and Prayagraj that has been widely respected and admired for their auspiciousness. Dotted with bathing Ghats on the banks of Ganga, taking a dip at Tribeni is believed to be an extension of the tradition of Mahakumbh.”

PM Modi emphasised, “There are several historical references in Bangla literature that showcase this region as a thriving hub of education, art and architecture, culture and Sanskrit language. Such festive occasions are an opportunity to connect our youth with our socio-cultural traditions. The presence of saints and Punyarthis at the Kumbha Mahasankranti Maha Tribeni Sangam and Sant Julush (procession) will be truly an immersive experience for people of the Hooghly region and Bengal.”

Targeting of Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav

In May 2023, propaganda outlet ‘Article 14’ carried out a hitjob on the Hindu festival, which has been revived after a period of 700 years. One Snigdhendu Bhattacharya published a malicious article to this effect titled, ‘Hindutva, A Tampered Research Paper & PM’s Endorsement Drive Effort To ‘Revive’ Kumbh Mela In Trinamool-Ruled West Bengal’

Screengrab of the malicious piece published by Article 14

A similar hitpiece targeting the Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav was published by The Hindu a month later on 9th June, 2023. It claimed that traditions were somehow being ‘invented’ in West Bengal as part of an alleged ‘political project.’

Screengrab of the hitpiece published by The Hindu

It is true that the formal term ‘Kumbh Mela’ appears relatively late in historical records. But the absence of terminology does not automatically imply the absence of Faith and practice. We must not forget that Indian history has endured long periods of invasions, during which documentation was often lost or interrupted.

Tribeni Kumbh Mela is not a modern invention or political project as claimed by propaganda outlets. It is a sacred landscape, sustained by geography, scripture, practice and collective memory. Its Sangam, its snas, and its melas firmly lie within the continuum of Hindu civilisational tradition.

The manufactured debate surrounding the Tribeni Kumbha history is very much part of the agenda to detach Hindus from the sense of belonging to their ‘little traditions’. We have seen how Hindu reawakening has been maliciously labelled as a ‘North Indian phenomenon’ with only one narrative. The new strategy now is to claim ‘lack of evidence’ of our past heritage.

The 2026 edition of Bengal Kumbh Mela

The 2026 Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav is set to commence from 11th February and will conclude on 14th February. The 3-day event is expected to attract 14 to 16 lakh devotees.

Sadhus who had earlier participated in the Gangasagar Mela will grace the Kumbh Mela at Tribeni on the above-mentioned dates. According to historian Kanchan Banerjee, this year’s event will be more magnificent than last year’s.

Poster of the 2026 Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav

The itinerary of the Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav is as follows:

11th February 2026

  1. Suryodoy, Aditya Hriday Mantra & Shanti Bachan
  2. Nagar Sankirtan
  3. Yoga Asana (Club Ground)
  4. Rudrabhishek & Rudra Maha Joggo, Shiva Sahasra Naam (Club Ground)
  5. Bose Anko: Children’s Drawing Competition
  6. Dharma Sabha
  7. Ganga Aarti


12th February 2026

  1. Shakti Kumbh Procession and Photo Exhibition
  2. Address by the Governor of West Bengal
  3. Gita Path
  4. Sadhu Bhandara
  5. Kali Kirtan
  6. Godiyo Nritto
  7. Ganga Aarti

13th February 2026

  1. Amrita Snan Yatra
  2. Dharma Sabha
  3. Sadhu Bhojan
  4. Dhormiyo Onusthan / Kirtan (Club Ground)
  5. Ganga Aarti (Saptarshi ghat)
Poster of the 2026 Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav

Fundraiser and Sponsorships

OpIndia spoke to Pallab Mondal, a researcher and columnist who is working as the coordinator of the Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav.

He informed us about the budget constraints and challenges involved in the organisation of the event, which is estimated to witness the footfall of millions of devotees. Mondal added that bhandara and prasadam are available to everyone who participates in the event. He appealed to Hindus to contribute to the noble cause.

Here are the bank account details:

Bangiya Sanatani Sanskriti Parishad
Canara Bank, Salt Lake City Branch
Account no. 110199375104
IFSC: CNRB0002549

For sponsorships and collaborations, companies can reach out to event coordinator Pallab Mondal at +91 7001243943 and make the 2026 edition of ‘Bongo Tribeni Kumbho Mohotosav’ a grand success.

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