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Read exclusive FIR details of USA Christian org ‘The Timothy Initiative’ booked on ED complaint: TTI’s training sermons, brainwashing of poor people led to Left-Wing Extremism

In a major development in the ongoing investigation into the foreign funding network linked to the United States-based evangelical organisation The Timothy Initiative (TTI), Bengaluru Police have registered an FIR in the case. The FIR names six individuals and TTI. The case concerns the routing of foreign funds worth Rs 92.55 crore into India through foreign-issued debit cards. According to the FIR accessed by OpIndia, the ED said in its complaint that TTI’s training sermons and brainwashing of poor people led to Left-Wing Extremism (LWE).

The FIR was registered on 11th June at Kothanur Police Station based on a complaint filed by Assistant Director of the Enforcement Directorate (ED), Sunil Kumar Sinhmar, under Sections 318(4), 335(A)(ii), 336(3), 238, 61(2) and 190 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), and Sections 13, 17 and 18 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). The complaint was filed through the office of the Bengaluru Police Commissioner.

Source: Bengaluru Police

Notably, search and seizure operations were carried out by the ED on 18th and 19th April 2026 under Section 132 of the Income Tax Act and Section 37 of the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA).

The accused named in the FIR

The accused named in the FIR are Jonathan S Rajan, Micah Mark, Ajit Verghese Mathai, Varghese Chacko, Bablu Kurmi, Supreme Joy and The Timothy Initiative USA and others.

According to the FIR, the accused persons and the US-based evangelical organisation entered into a criminal conspiracy to bring foreign-origin funds into India through debit cards issued by Truist bank in the United States. The FIR stated that these funds were withdrawn from ATMs across India and used for activities linked to TTI’s operations.

Foreign debit cards and the Rs 92.55 crore trail

According to the complainant, based on financial transactions, documents and statements, the process of accessing foreign funds was in violation of the FEMA Act and the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). It further stated that between November 2025 and April 2026, around Rs 92.55 crore, or USD 99,95,240, was used in violation of legal provisions.

Furthermore, the FIR states that between January 2024 and March 2026, around Rs 44 crore was withdrawn using foreign debit cards in several states, including Karnataka, Chhattisgarh and Assam.

Micah Mark intercepted at Bengaluru airport

A key part of the FIR concerns the detention of Micah Mark at Kempegowda International Airport in Bengaluru on 18th April 2026. According to the FIR, when he was intercepted by the ED, he was found to be in possession of 24 foreign debit cards.

During the investigation, the agency found that Micah Mark had travelled abroad several times and brought foreign debit cards into India. According to the FIR, he was the key person handling the main financial operations of TTI in India.

The FIR stated that most of the foreign debit cards were printed in the name of one “Santosh Kumar”. Since the same name appeared on the cards, the cards were internally identified using regional labels such as NE-1, NE-2 and Southern Region-1. It was done to avoid suspicion during LEA and KYC scrutiny.

The FIR says that the foreign debit cards were printed in the name of one “Santosh Kumar”. Since the same name appeared on the cards, the cards were internally identified using regional labels such as NE-1, NE-2 and Southern Region-1. The FIR states that this was done to avoid suspicion during Law Enforcement Agency (LEA) and Know Your Customer (KYC) scrutiny and to conceal original records. Around 1,000 such debit cards had been distributed in India over the past few years.

FIR states digital evidence was destroyed

The complainant pointed towards the destruction of digital evidence by the accused. According to the FIR, following the searches by the ED, the TTI Global portal became unusable for Indian users. It further stated that data maintained in the cloud was erased through remote access to servers maintained by TTI in the US.

During questioning, Micah Mark admitted that his account had been deleted from the backend. The report of the incident and the video recording were provided to the police by the complainant.

Suspicious withdrawals in LWE-affected areas

One of the most concerning aspects of the investigation was the suspicious cash transactions that took place in Left-Wing Extremism-affected areas, including the Dhamtari and Bastar regions of Chhattisgarh, using these foreign debit cards. Around Rs 6.34 crore was withdrawn in such regions. The FIR further stated that the debit cards were used in a planned manner to withdraw large amounts of cash, indicating the involvement of an organised network.

The FIR said that the emergence of a cash-based economy in Naxalite-affected areas poses a serious threat to India’s security and economic integrity and facilitates the illegal transfer of money for unlawful activities. It stated that around Rs 3.2 crore was withdrawn through 3,200 transactions of Rs 10,000 each.

The FIR specifically mentioned that this amount was withdrawn using two debit cards from a single AU Small Finance Bank ATM at Vijay Plaza on Bastar Road in Dhamtari, Chhattisgarh. It stated that the withdrawals were made under the supervision of field-level worker Varghese Chacko.

UAPA invoked over movement of foreign funds to Naxal-affected areas

The FIR stated that the pattern of systematic cash withdrawals through units and field workers in LWE/Naxalite-affected districts of Chhattisgarh involved foreign funds received from and directed by The Timothy Initiative of America.

It further stated that this is prima facie an “unlawful activity” within the meaning of Section 2(o) of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The FIR added that the foreign funds were intended to be carried into areas under active Naxal influence.

Because of this, the FIR said that the transfer of money from the foreign-based TTI to LWE/Naxalite-affected districts of Chhattisgarh attracts provisions of the UAPA.

Role attributed to Ajit Verghese Mathai and Jonathan S Rajan

According to the FIR, Ajit Verghese Mathai was the overall finance head of TTI’s India operations. It stated that the transfers were routed through various front or shell entities registered in Bengaluru. Furthermore, Rs 37 lakh in cash, which was withdrawn using foreign debit cards, was seized from Mathai’s office.

The FIR also stated that Jonathan S Rajan was in charge of the overall operations of TTI in India. It records that he, along with Ajit Verghese Mathai, conspired to withdraw money from ATMs for TTI activities across India.

The FIR pointed out that the money was used for activities including training, religious preaching, and brainwashing poor people in a manner leading to Left-Wing Extremism. It also stated that Jonathan Rajan looked after the selection of persons conducting such training and the identification of places where such programmes were to be conducted.

Source: Bengaluru Police

Field-level workers and TTI expenditure

The FIR added that Varghese Chacko, Supreme Joy and Bablu Kurmi were field-level workers who, in conspiracy with others, withdrew money from several ATMs using foreign debit cards and used it for TTI purposes.

The FIR further stated that evidence revealed TTI had spent more than Rs 95 crore in India. It cited a screenshot from quickbook.com, described as the accounting software used by TTI, and stated that Micah Mark was questioned about expenditure bills collected by various field coordinators during the previous six months. According to the FIR, he stated that these were paid by TTI between November 2025 and April 2026.

Background of the case

The FIR against TTI is the latest development in a wider probe into the foreign-funded evangelical network that has been under the scanner of the Enforcement Directorate. OpIndia has done a series of reports on TTI over the past few months. During our investigation, we revealed how TTI built its India network, how foreign churches supported its activities and how funds from abroad were brought into India despite the organisation not having FCRA approval, which was the core of the ED’s investigation in the first place.

As reported earlier in this series, TTI began as “Project India” in 2009 and was later rebranded as TTI in 2009. Its founder, David Nelms, had first come to India in 1992, and the organisation later developed a structured church-planting model focused on India and other countries.

TTI’s model was built around creating layers of local religious workers, described in its own ecosystem through terms such as Pauls, Timothys and Tituses. The model projected low-cost house churches, with each unit requiring only a few hundred dollars to plant.

OpIndia’s investigation revealed how TTI’s India-focused work was not a standalone activity. It was connected with a wider ecosystem of foreign churches and Christian networks, mostly from the US and Canada. Names that surfaced during our investigation included Kensington Church, Mission Grove Church, Northwest Baptist Church, Wooddale Church, Rise City Church, Mission Hills Church, First Presbyterian Church of Hanford, Springbrook Community Church, the Baptist General Conference of Canada, Liberty Church Network, All Access International, Saltbox Church and Woodside Bible Church.

Several of these foreign churches openly described their work in India or with TTI in terms of church planting, pastor training, field visits and funding targets. Kensington Church was linked to thousands of house churches in northern India, along with India visits, field engagement, children’s homes and medical camps. Mission Grove Church spoke of thousands of churches in northern India and Nepal, and fundraising linked to church planting in India and Bangladesh. Wooddale Church was linked to TTI training trips across India, Nepal and Bangladesh, along with references to thousands of leaders and churches.

Furthermore, it was found that TTI’s own training and operational material showed how the organisation trained local workers to enter Hindu-dominated villages, approach Hindus, avoid suspicion, use local social structures and identify caste leaders for outreach. The organisation’s model was not limited to preaching from outside. It depended on local field-level workers, layered leadership, village-level access and a structured expansion plan.

What started with FCRA and FEMA violations has now moved into the realm of national security.

Rise of ‘real’ Christianity: At pro-Trump, conservative event, MAGA women volunteer to give up their right to vote – why it is not surprising

There is a strange, deeply Christian and extremely reggressive trend that is taking shape in the United States of America – Christian women are rallying to give up their right to vote, because in the Christian society, the headship of the household is accorded to the man and the man alone. While the trend has been palpable for some time now, the latest conversation was sparked after several women volunteered to give up their voting rights in the hopes for a far more Christian society at the Turning Point USA (TPUSA) Women’s Leadership Summit recently held in San Antonio, Texas, led by Erika Kirk, the widow of Charlie Kirk.

The Republican Party, which aligns itself with conservative Christian values and exercises influence through the Christian Right, has increasingly made space for reggressive ideas which align with its voter base – women given up their right to vote being one of them.

A CBC report gives remarkable insight into the growing echo among the Christian society. Savanna Stone is a wildly popular Christian conservative influencer with almost half a million followers on Instagram and personifies the “trad wife” schtick. CBC quotes Stone propagating against women’s voting rights and advocating for a one-house-one-vote formula. She claims that women tend to vote for more ‘liberal’ candidates and therefore, they should give up their voting rights for a more conservative and Christian America. She also says that women should vote exactly how their husbands vote.

One would be tempted to dismiss Stone’s views as those of an influencer trying to chase eyeballs, but she wasn’t the only woman to hold such opinions.

CBC quoted several women who advocated for the exact same thing. They quoted a stay-at-home mom, Brooke Foxworthy, saying “If my husband is the head of the household, I am the neck, and we work very cohesively together,” she said. “If he was voting on behalf of our household, I would be fine with that.” She said she’d even be comfortable if it meant her daughter lost her right to vote, as well. “I also know she’s going to marry a biblical man, and that they would also be in line,” when it comes to political values, she said.

Another woman quoted by CBC said, “I feel like with my mindset, I would want to put my vote in,” said the 19-year-old nursing student from San Diego, Calif. “But … I think getting rid of that would actually help women more.”

“My perspective as a Christian woman is that my husband and I are one flesh,” Alexus DeGraaf told CBC. “I vote the same way he does, so honestly, I would be okay with giving up my right to vote, because I know that he would represent me well.”

Not a new campaign – When Pete Hegseth endorsed stripping women of voting rights

In 2025, Pete Hegseth, the largely unstable Defence Secretary in the Trump Administration retweeted an interview of Christian nationalist Doug Wilson. Wilson is Hegseth’s personal pastor and extremely influential in the Republican Party. In the video retweeted and endorsed by Hegseth, church members discussed why they believe women shouldn’t be allowed to vote.

Founded by Wilson, the Christ Church and its members firmly believe that women should not have the right to vote. Politico in a 2025 article quoted Jared Longshore, a minister of Wilson’s church, as saying he is “very grateful for what he’s (Donald Trump) doing. … I’m certainly grateful for what he did with Supreme Court justices. … I know Pete has done things” related to women in combat roles.

“Scripture calls the husband the head and then the woman the body. When you hear that the husband has a hierarchy in the home, we should think in the same way that we think about the relationship between our heads and our bodies”, Longshore was quoted as saying.

Longshore said repealing the 19th Amendment is “not something I’m pressing for, but when asked would I support that, I said yes, I would. … from the beginning of our nation up until the time of the suffrage movement, we had one vote per household and I think that would be a good thing.”

Interestingly, Hegseth only responded through a spokesperson saying that he was a proud member of the Church and supports and appreciates many of Longshore’s writings – tacitly supporting Longshore’s position on women’s right to vote.

The Biblical position on women

While modern propaganda paints Christianity as a cool, choir-singing faith, the truth is far from pretty. Christianity paints women as inferior, with a central tenet being the submission of women to male headship. Christianity was heavily influenced by the Greco-Roman worldview which considered women in inferior position and secondary to men. For example, Aristotle viewed women as ‘infertile males’, which is a bastardisation, essentially, of the ideal form of humanity.

There are several Biblical verses that reaffirm the belief that women are inferior being and must submit to the will and headship of the husband.

Corinthians 11:3–9 for example says, “The head of every man is Christ, the head of the woman is man… neither was man created for woman, but woman for man.” Timothy 2:11–15 says, “I do not permit a woman to teach or assume authority over a man; she must be quiet. For Adam was formed first, then Eve.” Ephesians 5:22–24 says, “Wives, submit yourselves to your own husbands as you do to the Lord. For the husband is the head of the wife.” 

The Biblical position is simple – women are to be excluded from priesthood, political participation, employment and active paritipation in any field that would potentially come in the way of, even slightly, of her traditional role of bearing children and catering to household duties.

Online push-back – a fractured America

MAGA women voters rallying to give up their voting rights has met with rather muted pushback on the internet. While several Americans called out the regressive stance taken by MAGA women and the Republican party, otherwise vocal political influencers have maintained studious silence.

Democrat Sara McGee posted on X, urging MAGA women to just go ahead and give up their own voting rights if they so fervently believe that Christian values exclude women from participating in the democratic process.

Other on X also opposed the assertions by MAGA women.

It is significant that Republican women have been silent through the controversy with Democrats speaking up, turning the TPUSA event to call out the mysogyny in the MAGA fold.

Not a fringe opinion

Given the traditional position, it is not surprising that Christian Nationalists would be rallying to strip women off their voting rights and numbers show that this opinion may not be completely ‘fringe’ either. According to a research conducted by the Public Religion Research Centre, an overwhelming number of Americans either firmy believed in or were sympathetic to Christian conservative values.

White Nationalism and belief in Christian Conservative values (source: PRRI)

In 2024, a whopping 29% believed in Christian Nationalism (either adherants or sympathetic).

According to PRRI, “Partisanship is closely linked to Christian nationalist views. Most Republicans qualify as either Christian nationalism sympathizers (33%) or adherents (21%), while at least three-quarters of both independents (46% skeptics and 29% rejecters) and Democrats (36% skeptics and 47% rejecters) lean toward rejecting Christian nationalism. Republicans (21%) are about four times as likely as Democrats (5%) or independents (6%) to be adherents of Christian nationalism”. It therefore shows that while 29% believe in Christian/White Nationalism overall, 54% of Republicans hold such views.

Rebel TMC MP faction merges with Nationalist Citizens Party of India: What is this Howrah-headquartered obscure party that has suddenly become 5th largest party in Lok Sabha

In a dramatic political development that has caught many by surprise, a significant faction of rebel Trinamool Congress (TMC) MPs, comprising around 20 members, over two-thirds of the party’s Lok Sabha strength, has announced its decision to merge with the Nationalist Citizens Party of India (NCPI). The rebels, including veteran leaders like Sudip Bandyopadhyay, Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, and others such as Satabdi Roy, Saayoni Ghosh, and Arup Chakraborty, met Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla and submitted necessary letters seeking recognition as members of the NCPI for separate seating arrangements in Parliament.

The rebel faction, now members of NCPI, has also announced that they will join the NDA. While it was expected that the rebel faction would merge with an existing party, the choice of the party has surprised people. Almost no one knew about the existence of such a political party before Sunday afternoon, when the rebel TMC leaders mentioned its name. It is being said that the party has bases in Tripura and Meghalaya, but those bases are also extremely small.

The development has sparked widespread curiosity and amusement, and as per a report by Anandabazar Patrika, several political leaders from Tripura said that they have never heard about the party. With 19 or 20 MPs, the Nationalist Citizens Party of India has suddenly become the 5th largest party in the Lok Sabha, behind DMK, which moves to 4th from 5th place.

The Nationalist Citizens Party of India is a very obscure Registered Unrecognised Political Party, which had no media presence before 14th June. It is not recognised party by the Election Commission, and therefore it does not have an allotted symbol.

The Nationalist Citizens Party of India is one of India’s many obscure Registered Unrecognised Political Parties (RUPPs). Registered with the Election Commission of India in 2022-23, the party had remained virtually unknown to the public and even to seasoned political observers until this sudden spotlight.

As per ECI documents, its headquarters is located at Jago Biswa, Holding No. 4719, Village Hatgacha, Post Office Banipur, Police Station Sankrail, District Howrah, Pin Code 711304 in West Bengal. Therefore, the party is based in Howrah in West Bengal, not Tripura as being reported by many.

However, despite its West Bengal base, the party showed some political activity only in Tripura, where it contested two seats in the 2023 Assembly elections under the symbol of a pen nib with seven rays. Both candidates performed poorly, with negligible vote shares, reflecting the party’s minimal electoral footprint. Jahangir Ali contested from Kailashahar constituency and secured 286 votes, while Barjeda Tripura from Chawmanu polled just 536 votes. This means the whole party received 822 votes in the elections.

Notably, in election results, ECI used the abbreviation NCPN for the party, not NCPI. The election commission uses its own system for shortening party names, and sometimes it does not match the normal abbreviation. This is mainly done if the abbreviation is already allotted to another party. For example, Aam Aadmi Party has been given the code AAAP by ECI, because AAP was already allotted to Awami Aamjan Party. Therefore, it is likely that the NCPI code is also already allotted to some other unknown party.

Details about the party’s origins, founders, and pre-existing leadership remain remarkably sparse. No prominent national or state-level figures are publicly associated with it in available records or media reports. It functions as a low-profile entity with a modest Facebook presence, where the latest post was posted in 2023. As per its Facebook page, it has a flag with vertical green, white and saffron stripes, with the symbol of pen nib with seven rays in the centre. Apart from some photographs and election posters from 2023 Tripura elections, the Facebook page does not have any other major content.

As per the election posters of the party, its president is Shewly Kundu, vice president is Uttiyo Kundu, and organisational secretary is Shantanu Dey.

The rebels’ choice to merge with this obscure party, rather than forming an entirely new one or joining an established major player like the BJP directly, is rooted in both legal strategy and political pragmatism. According to the law, legislators face disqualification if they voluntarily give up membership of their political party or vote against party directives. However, an exception is provided in cases of the merger of political parties. If not less than two-thirds of the members of the legislative party concerned agree to a merger with another political party, such members are protected from disqualification. This means rebel MPs or MLAs can’t form a new party, but the group can join an existing party.

By merging their group, which comfortably crosses the two-thirds threshold, with the existing registered party NCPI instead of individual defections or forming a new party, the rebels have ensured that it will be a legitimate party merger rather than defection.

Moreover, aligning with a virtually leaderless and obscure outfit like the NCPI allows the TMC rebels to effectively take over the party wholesale. Unlike joining the BJP or another established NDA constituent, where they would have had to operate under senior leaders and established hierarchies, the rebels can now steer the NCPI in their preferred direction.

As the party already has its registered office in West Bengal, it becomes easy for the rebel faction to quickly turn it into a major political party. They can open a bigger party office in West Bengal and may eventually stake a claim to the “Trinamool” name and symbol, leveraging their numerical majority from the original TMC. This effectively transforms the NCPI into its own vehicle, preserving autonomy and avoiding subordination to any external leadership while still extending support to the NDA under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s guidance.

While NCPI has become the 5th largest party in Lok Sabha, more importantly, it has become the second largest party in the lower house in NDA, surpassing TDP with 16 MPs. However, the development is not expected to end in Lok Sabha. The revolt in TMC started in Kolkata, with over 60 MLAs opposing the party’s choice for the leader of the opposition. The rebel group is backing expelled MLA Ritabrata Banerjee for the post.

With the MPs merging with NCPI, it will be a natural choice for the rebel MLAs also to merge with the party. If that happens, TMC will turn into a very weak party in the state with less than 20 MLAs. In contrast, the BJP-led NDA government, which already has comfortable majority, will become much stronger with a new ally with over 60 MLAs.

Female judicial officer loses ₹52 lakh after Tinder ‘relationship’, complaint filed through maid: Delhi court denies bail to honey-trap accused, asks actual victim to submit details

A Delhi court recently denied bail to an accused in a honey-trapping and cyber fraud case involving Haryana Additional District and Sessions Judge. Additional Sessions Judge (ASJ) Saurabh Partap Singh Laler, of Karkardooma Court, dismissed the bail plea of Deepak Vats, who is accused of duping the judicial officer of ₹52 lakh. OpIndia accessed judgment in the case.

The ASJ noted that the facts of the case bore a pattern of a honey trap, while making sharp observations regarding the conduct of the accused, the complainant, and the investigation carried out by the Delhi Police Special Cell. “…the pattern of financial transactions correlating so precisely and immediately with the WhatsApp communications is consistent with the hypothesis of a honey trap,” ASJ Laler observed in the order dated June 9, 2026, expressing “profound anguish at the state of the record in the present proceedings”.

“The modus operandi is distressingly familiar: initial contact through a dating application, rapid and intensive emotional escalation, the development of deep personal intimacy, and then the progressive extraction of money, often presented as investments, gifts, or shared ventures. The present matter bears all the hallmarks of this pattern,” the ASJ added.

The Court expressed disappointment over the fact that the judicial official got the complaint filed in the name of her domestic help, instead of coming forward and presenting complete facts before the court. “A judicial officer, a person who is herself entrusted with the solemn duty of dispensing justice, of upholding truth before the law, and of expecting others who appear before her to present the complete facts, has chosen to approach this court obliquely, through her maid’s name, rather than coming forward herself,” the ASJ said.

The court acknowledged that the victim, being a judicial officer, might have felt profound embarrassment on finding out that she had been honey-trapped. However, the court said that by filing the complaint in an incomplete and misleading manner complicated the proceedings.

“The vulnerability of a person in that situation invites understanding, not condemnation. However, the officer’s personal discomfort cannot be permitted to compromise the integrity of a criminal investigation. A complaint filed in an incomplete or misleading manner, designed to protect the victim’s identity at the cost of obscuring the facts, creates exactly the kind of evidentiary confusion that is now before this court,” the court said.

The court expressed displeasure over the partially concealed information, including WhatsApp communication and chats, submitted by both the judicial officer and the accused before the court. The court also questioned the conduct of the investigating officer (IO), sub-inspector Ajit Dadarwal of Delhi Police, and stated that an officer investigating a cyber fraud of over ₹52 lakh involving a judicial officer was expected to display the highest standards of diligence, impartiality and thoroughness.

The court said that IO Dadarwal failed to obtain the Tinder chat history of either party, the complete WhatsApp chat history from the accused’s device, and ignored a court direction to verify an alleged meeting between the victim and the accused at Drishtti Dreamscapes, Saket. The court asked the judicial officer to provide complete details of the case. “The victim, being a judicial officer, is better placed than most to understand that the path to justice requires candour,” the court said.

How the case came up before the court

The judge, who is the victim in this case, and the accused had met through a dating app called Tinder. Judicial officer, a member of the Haryana superior judicial service, is presently posted as an Additional District and Sessions Judge, fast track special court for trying offences under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act at Narnaul.

The two developed a relationship, and the judge transferred a total amount of around ₹52 lakh into the bank accounts of the accused. According to the prosecution, the accused made the victim transfer the amount to him by promising high returns. However, the promise was never fulfilled, leading to the filing of a complaint. Notably, the judicial officer did not file the complaint herself but instead got a complaint registered in the name of her house help, Diksha Devi.

An e-FIR was registered under sections 308 (extortion), 318(4) cheating, 319 (cheating by personation) and 340 (using a forged document or electronic record as genuine) of the BNS against Deepak Vats on the complaint of the judicial officer’s maid Diksha Devi.

The ASJ highlighted how even educated individuals, including government officials, have been falling victim to cases of cyber fraud. “This Court has, during the course of proceedings in numerous cyber fraud matters over the year, encountered a regrettable pattern in which individuals, including senior civil servants, professionals, and business persons of standing, have been ensnared in digital arrest, investment fraud or romantic honey traps,” the judge said.

Will TMC cease to exist: Not just MLAs and MPs, read how the public is rebelling and standing upto Mamata’s syndicates

The Trinamool Congress (TMC), which ruled West Bengal for 15 years under the leadership of Mamata Banerjee, is currently facing the biggest political crisis in its history. Since its formation in 1998, the party has survived numerous political battles, defections and electoral challenges. However, the situation unfolding today appears very different. Following its defeat in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, the party has been hit by rebellion at multiple levels, from Parliament to the Assembly and even within its organisational structure.

What began as dissatisfaction after the election results has now developed into a full-fledged internal revolt. Rebel MPs are openly challenging the authority of the party leadership, Rajya Sabha members are resigning one after another, dissident Lok Sabha MPs are trying to create a separate parliamentary faction, and a large group of MLAs has already installed its own Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly. At the same time, at the grassroots level, people who once feared local TMC syndicates are increasingly speaking out against them.

Cracks deepen as senior Rajya Sabha MPs quit 

One of the most visible signs of the crisis has been the resignation of senior TMC leaders from the Rajya Sabha.

The latest blow came on Thursday, 11th June, when Rajya Sabha MP Prakash Chik Barik resigned from both the Upper House and the party. Barik, who had previously served as a minister in Mamata Banerjee’s government, submitted his resignation to Vice-President C.P. Radhakrishnan and announced that he would no longer remain associated with the party.

Barik’s resignation became particularly significant because he did not merely leave Parliament; he also publicly distanced himself from the TMC leadership and signalled support for the new BJP government in West Bengal.

“People have given a clear mandate. People have favoured the BJP over the Trinamool. Our party’s result was not even good in northern Bengal. I have resigned in view of the people’s mandate. I have not spoken to Mamata Banerjee as of now. But I have resigned from both the Rajya Sabha and the party organisation. I will work as per CM Suvendu Adhikari’s instructions in the future. I will work for development,” Barik said after resigning.

His departure came just days after two other prominent TMC Rajya Sabha MPs, Sukhendu Sekhar Roy and Sushmita Dev, also resigned from the Upper House and left the party.

With these three resignations, the TMC’s strength in the Rajya Sabha is set to decline from 13 members to 10. Political observers believe the number could fall further, as speculation continues about more MPs preparing to leave.

The resignations have not only reduced the party’s strength in Parliament but have also created the perception that confidence in the leadership is weakening among senior leaders.

Lok Sabha rebels move to create the “Real TMC”  

While resignations have weakened the party in the Rajya Sabha, the crisis in the Lok Sabha has become even more dramatic.

A group of rebel MPs has openly challenged Mamata Banerjee’s leadership and claimed that they represent the “real TMC” in Parliament.

The rebellion is being led by senior MP Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, who resigned from party posts earlier and emerged as the face of the dissident camp. According to rebel leaders, as many as 19 Lok Sabha MPs have already joined their effort.

The dissident faction has announced plans to approach Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla and seek recognition as the genuine TMC parliamentary group.

Rebel MP Jagadish Chandra Barma Basunia confirmed the move publicly.

“We have submitted the letter. On Monday, we will go to the Speaker and stake our claim to form the real TMC parliamentary group. We will ask the Speaker to give recognition to our claim,” he said.

According to the rebel camp, signatures of 19 MPs have already been collected in support of the initiative. The list includes the names: Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar

  1. Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar
  2. Satabdi Roy
  3. Rachna Banerjee
  4. Saayoni Ghosh
  5. Yusuf Pathan
  6. Mala Roy
  7. June Malia
  8. Deepak Adhikari 
  9. Bapi Haldar
  10. Dr Sharmila Sarkar
  11. Prasun Bandyopadhyay
  12. Jagadish Barma Basunia
  13. Asit Kumar Mal
  14. Arup Chakraborty
  15. Khalilur Rahaman
  16. Abu Taher Khan
  17. Mitali Bag
  18. Kalipada Soren 
  19. Partha Bhowmick

The Mamata Banerjee camp has strongly rejected the move. Senior MP Mahua Moitra argued that the rebels have misunderstood the anti-defection law.

“Traitor TMC lawmakers don’t know the law. Constitution 91st Amendment 2003 removed the provision for a split/separate bloc. The number of MPs is irrelevant – 2/3 of the original political party has to merge with another party. All 19 traitors need to resign & contest on BJP ticket,” she wrote on social media.

Despite these legal questions, the rebellion has exposed the depth of dissatisfaction within the parliamentary wing. For the first time since the party’s formation, a large group of sitting MPs is openly questioning the authority of the leadership.

Assembly revolt leaves party leadership isolated 

If the rebellion in Parliament has embarrassed the party, the developments in the West Bengal Assembly have arguably caused even greater damage.

The controversy began after Mamata Banerjee lost the Bhabanipur seat in the Assembly elections. With the party moving into opposition, the post of Leader of the Opposition became crucial.

The party leadership selected veteran leader Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay for the position. However, a large section of TMC MLAs refused to accept the decision.

Soon, a group of 60 MLAs rallied behind expelled MLA Ritabrata Banerjee and submitted a letter to Speaker Rathindra Bose demanding that he be recognised as Leader of the Opposition instead.

The letter carried the signatures of 59 MLAs, demonstrating that the rebel camp had the support of a substantial majority of the party’s legislators.

The dissidents argued that they represented the true voice of the legislative party and that the leadership’s decision had been imposed without proper consultation.

The dispute became even more serious when allegations emerged that signatures supporting Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay had been used without the consent of some MLAs.

Ritabrata Banerjee and Sandipan Saha lodged complaints regarding theirregularities. The Assembly Secretariat subsequently registered a police case and the CID launched an investigation. Some legislators reportedly told investigators that they had not signed the document submitted in support of Chattopadhyay. With nearly 60 of the party’s 80 MLAs supporting the rebel faction, the balance of power inside the Assembly shifted dramatically.

The rebels eventually succeeded in installing Ritabrata Banerjee as Leader of the Opposition, a major setback for the official party leadership.

The crisis became so severe that the TMC leadership dissolved all organisational committees in West Bengal and announced a comprehensive review of the party structure.

In a statement, the party said all committees and frontal organisations stood dissolved with immediate effect and that the organisational framework would be rebuilt after a detailed assessment.

Kalyan Banerjee’s public ultimatum to Mamata Banerjee

As if the resignations and rebellions were not enough, the party was shaken by an extraordinary public attack from one of its most senior MPs.

On Thursday, 11th June, veteran TMC leader and lawyer Kalyan Banerjee launched a scathing criticism of party general secretary Abhishek Banerjee. The dispute began over legal representation in a case involving Abhishek Banerjee. Kalyan Banerjee claimed that another lawyer had been appointed without consulting him, despite his involvement in the matter.

“I don’t like this arrogant attitude. One must respect the seniors. How can he humiliate me? He should understand that the party is facing problems because of him. But he goes and disrespects everyone. This is not tolerable,” Kalyan Banerjee said. He then directly appealed to Mamata Banerjee and effectively asked her to choose between him and her nephew.

“I will urge Didi: if you will remain dependent on Abhishek Banerjee, then stick with him—leave me. But if you part ways with Abhishek Banerjee, then I am with you,” he said.

The remarks were unprecedented because they reflected frustration not merely with party strategy but with the internal power structure itself.

Grassroots resistance against the TMC syndicate system 

While political battles continue within the party, a different kind of rebellion is taking place on the ground.

Across several parts of West Bengal, people are increasingly challenging the syndicate system that flourished under TMC rule.

In Sonarpur, South 24 Parganas, an autorickshaw union office that once operated under the TMC-affiliated INTTUC has switched allegiance to the BJP-backed Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh.

Local drivers say they are relieved that they no longer have to pay monthly collections demanded by TMC-linked leaders. The change has become symbolic of a larger shift occurring across the state.

Abhishek Banerjee was attacked on 30th May by a mob in Sonarpur, which pelted him with eggs, shoes and stones – in what was seen as a reflection of the large-scale anger against the TMC in general, and Abhishek in particular.

Residents who once remained silent out of fear are now openly discussing extortion, land grabbing and intimidation.

In Kamrabad, residents say construction work on encroached government land stopped after the election results. “We don’t know how the government land was occupied, but no one protested out of fear. Since May 4, construction has stopped,” resident Bapi Haldar said.

In Ghashiyara, Rupali Mondol returned home after spending nearly a year away following an dispute with local TMC leaders.

She claims her vegetable shop was destroyed after she failed to pay money demanded by local political figures.

“So they ransacked my shop. I lodged a complaint with the police and the National Commission for Women, but nothing happened,” she said. Now, with several influential local leaders reportedly absconding or facing investigations, many residents feel emboldened to speak out.

Similar developments are being witnessed in Kolkata’s Beleghata area, where illegal construction networks linked to local political strongmen have come under scrutiny. Several buildings face demolition proceedings, and multiple influential figures have been arrested.

Residents who previously avoided filing complaints now say they are approaching authorities with allegations regarding land grabbing and illegal construction.

The same trend can be seen in Jamalpur in Purba Bardhaman district, where villagers have begun speaking openly about illegal sand mining operations and misuse of government resources.

“Every day, 150 to 200 trucks carried out sand. No one protested out of fear,” said resident Gopal Adak. “Now, that fear is gone,” added another villager, Nimai Majhi.

A bigger question: Will TMC cease to exist?

All these developments paint a troubling picture for the survival of Trinamool Congress.

The party is battling resignations in Parliament, rebellion in the Assembly, internal disagreements among senior leaders and growing public resentment at the grassroots level. What makes the situation particularly serious is that these challenges are emerging simultaneously.

The resignations of Rajya Sabha MPs have weakened the party nationally. The attempt by dissident Lok Sabha MPs to create a separate faction has exposed deep divisions in the parliamentary wing. The successful rebellion by MLAs has undermined the authority of the leadership in the Assembly. And on the ground, the weakening of local syndicate networks has encouraged ordinary citizens to raise complaints that many were previously afraid to voice.

For a party that once appeared politically invincible in West Bengal, the current crisis represents perhaps the greatest challenge in its 28-year history. Whether Mamata Banerjee can reunite the organisation and restore discipline remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that the Trinamool Congress is no longer facing isolated acts of dissent. It is confronting a widespread challenge to its authority from within the party and from the public alike.

Ambubachi Mela: The period when Goddess Kamakhya menstruates, worship is suspended for three days; Read how the festival reveals the mysteries of creation, feminine energy, and spiritual practice

India’s religious traditions are not limited to worship or faith, but also embody a profound philosophy of nature, life, feminine power, and creation. Many of the festivals celebrated in the country underscore the relationship between humans and nature. One such festival is the Ambubachi Mela, held annually at the Maa Kamakhya Temple in Guwahati, Assam.

Ambubachi Mela stands because of the rituals and religious beliefs associated with it. It is said that the festival marks the menstruation phase of Goddess Kamakhya. This is her annual menstruation phase during which the doors of the Khamakhya Temple are closed for a few days.

The festival is said to be the largest religious gathering in Northeast India, attracting millions of devotees, saints, tantric practitioners, and tourists from India and abroad. During this time, the entire region becomes a centre of devotion, meditation, mystery, and spiritual energy.

What is Ambubachi Mela, what does it represent?

The Ambubachi Mela is an annual religious event associated with the worship of Shakti, the feminine energy. During the festival, Goddess Kamakhya is given a break and usual worship at the temple is suspended.

The tradition is considered a symbol of respect for the female body and the process of creation. While different cultures view the menstrual cycle differently, this tradition honours it as a source of creative power and life. The word Ambubachi is also associated with water, fertility, and creation.

This is the reason that this festival holds not only religious but also cultural and philosophical significance. This time is also considered extremely important for those involved in Tantra Sadhana. It is believed that this period holds special significance for spiritual practice and mantra siddhis, which is why a large number of practitioners arrive here.

The Ambubachi fair at the Kamakhya temple attracts lakhs of devotees every year. (Photo courtesy: ChatGPT)

Ambubachi Mela 2026: When will it start, and what will be the schedule?

This year, the Ambubachi Mela will begin on 22nd June at night. The doors of the temple’s sanctum sanctorum will be closed at approximately 9:08 pm on that day. The sanctum sanctorum will then remain completely closed for the next three days, 23rd June, 24th June, and 25th June. During this time, no devotees will be permitted to have a direct darshan of the goddess.

Usual religious activities are also restricted within the temple complex. The four-day event will conclude on the morning of 26th June with special rituals and purification ceremonies. After this, Darshan will be reopened for devotees. The annual visitor count during this period is in the millions.

In past years, the administration and temple committee made special arrangements for the large number of devotees arriving. This time too, extensive preparations are underway for security, sanitation, drinking water, medical care, and the movement of devotees.

Pravritti and Nivritti: The Two Spiritual Stages of the Mela

The entire Ambubachi Mela process is completed in two major phases: Pravritti and Nivritti. The Pravritti phase marks the beginning of the goddess’s menstrual period. During this time, the temple doors are closed, and the goddess is given rest. Pujas, aartis, and regular religious activities are not performed during these days.

This is followed by the Nivriti phase. This is considered the end of the Goddess’s resting period and the time when she is re-energised to appear. The temple is opened after special purification and Vedic rituals. This is the time when the largest number of devotees arrive for darshan, and a special religious atmosphere prevails within the temple complex.

The message of Mother Earth’s rest and feminine power

The significance of the Ambubachi Fair is not limited to religious beliefs. It conveys a profound natural and cultural message. According to popular belief, just as a woman rests during menstruation, the earth also rests during this period.

This time is also commonly associated with the arrival of the monsoons and the renewed fertility of the land. Because of this belief, even today, many families postpone farming, tilling, or other auspicious tasks during these times. This is not out of fear, but rather out of respect for nature and an understanding of the creative process.

This belief suggests that the earth is not just a resource but a life-giving force that needs periodic rest and respect.

Angodak, Angvastra and special traditions associated with the fair

An important hallmark of the Ambubachi Mela is the special offerings made here. According to tradition, special cloths are placed in the sanctum sanctorum before the temple is closed. After the doors open, devotees are offered Angodak and Angavastra. Angodak refers to holy water, while Angavastra refers to a small piece of red cloth.

Devotees take it with them, considering it a symbol of the goddess’s grace and power. During these days, the temple complex also sees a special gathering of saints and sages from across the country, as well as those associated with the Tantric tradition, further enhancing the spiritual nature of the fair.

Maa Kamakhya Temple: Where no idol is worshipped, but a symbol of Shakti

The soul of the Ambubachi Mela is the Maa Kamakhya Temple. Located on the Nilachal Hill in Guwahati, Assam, this temple is considered one of India’s most prominent Shaktipeeths. According to Hindu religious beliefs, Shaktipeeths were established in areas where various body parts of Goddess Sati fell when Lord Vishnu dismembered her corpse with Sudarshana Chakra. Kamakhya Temple was established on the place where the goddess’s vagina is believed to have fallen.

For this reason, this temple is considered a vital centre of power, creation, and goddess worship. The most unique feature of the temple is that it lacks a traditional idol of the goddess. A natural rock form, always moistened by a stream of water, is worshipped within the sanctum sanctorum. This unique feature distinguishes this temple from other Shaktipeeths.

Surrounding the main temple are numerous temples dedicated to various manifestations of the Goddess and Lord Shiva, transforming the entire Nilachal region into a vast spiritual complex. This is why the Ambubachi Mela is considered not just a religious festival but a vibrant celebration of faith, women’s power, nature, creation, and the Indian spiritual tradition.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Did you know it’s illegal to die in some places? 7 bizarre laws from around the world and the surprising reasons behind them

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Laws across the world are formed and shaped to cater to the requirements of the societies in which they exist. While some laws, such as those relating to crimes like theft or murder, usually exist universally, there may be laws or local rules to address a peculiar problem. While such rules or laws may make perfect sense to the local people, outsiders, unaware of the social, historical or cultural context of such laws, may find them absurd.

Here are seven rules and laws from across the world that may look unusual and common-sense-defying to others, but are followed by the people of the countries where they exist.

The chewing gum ban in Singapore

The harmless sticky candy once became a menace across Singapore after miscreants started sticking it in places like the sensors of subway doors, inside lock cylinders, mailboxes, inside keyholes, on lift buttons and on elevator buttons. This resulted in added maintenance and cleaning costs. In 1987, the Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) local railway system, which was Singapore’s largest public project, started running. But the chewing gum menace reached the MRT as well. Miscreants started pasting chewing gum on the door sensors of MRT trains, which prevented doors from functioning properly and caused disruption to train services.

The Singaporean government at the time was committed to making Singapore a global trading hub and was paying particular attention to cleanliness and public hygiene. The government came up with a legal solution to the problem and passed a law in 1992 banning the import, sale and distribution of chewing gum. As per the law, chewing gum is not illegal in the country, but selling, importing or distributing chewing gum is.

Therefore, a person travelling to Singapore can bring a small amount of chewing gum into the country for personal use, but it is illegal to spit the gum in an inappropriate place. In 2004, the Singapore government made an exception under the law for therapeutic, dental, and nicotine chewing gum, which can be bought from a doctor or registered pharmacist.

Dying is Illegal in these parts of the world

As absurd as it may sound, there are places in the world where dying is prohibited. Death is generally a dreaded and unwelcome phenomenon everywhere, but some regions have gone to the extent of making rules to stop death from visiting them. There is not one, two or three, but as many as six countries having places that have rules against dying.

Longyearbyen, Norway: Longyearbyen is located on the archipelago of Svalbard in extreme cold temperatures and permafrost conditions (permanently frozen ground), which prevent the dead bodies from decomposing. To prevent the risk of diseases or infections spreading, the governor of Svalbard made a policy decision to ban dying in the city. As per the policy, people who have died or are suffering from terminal diseases have to fly to mainland Norway for burial or treatment. However, if one dies in the town, it is possible to cremate them there, but it requires a license and lots of paperwork that could take months.

It was proved in 1998 that the fear of the spread of infections from dead bodies was not unfounded when scientists unearthed the bodies of seven men buried in the ice 80 years ago. All seven people had died after the Spanish flu in the big pandemic of 1918. Surprisingly, the scientists were able to extract live samples of the virus from all seven dead bodies. This confirmed that deadly diseases could survive in dead bodies buried in permafrost.

Lanjaron, Spain: The mayor of Lanjaron, Jose Rubio, imposed a ban on dying in the town in 1999. The reason behind the ban was that the local cemetery had reached its capacity limit.

Le Lavandou, Sarpourenx and Cugnaux, France: A similar ban was imposed in three towns of Le Lavandou, Sarpourenx and Cugnaux in southern France. In 2000, the Mayor of Le Lavandou outlawed death due to a lack of space for burials in the local cemetery. The towns of Sarpourenx and Cugnaux also followed suit in 2007 and 2008, respectively, for similar reasons.

Sellia, Italy: The mayor of the medieval village of Sellia in Italy passed a decree in 2015 that officially made it illegal to get sick or die in the village as a measure to save its ageing population. Mayor Davide Zicchinella signed a decree stating that residents were forbidden from getting sick, and they should put their health first. The extreme measure was adopted after the village’s population dropped to 537 in 2015 from 1300 in 1960. Besides, 60% of the surviving population was over 65.

Biritiba Mirim, Brazil: In 2005, the mayor of Biritiba Mirim town in Brazil filed a public bill, making it illegal for the residents to die in the town as the local cemetery was full. The bill did not provide any punishments, but the Mayor aimed to target relatives of people who die with fines and even jail, if necessary, to get more space for tombstones.

Itsukushima, Japan: The Itsukushima town, also known as Miyajima, of Japan, is considered a sacred place as it houses several shrines and temples. To maintain the sanctity of the place, a ban on childbirth and death was imposed in the late 19th century. There are no cemeteries or hospitals on the island.

Not voting is criminal in Australia

While voting is considered a right of the citizens in several democracies, Australia went a step ahead and made not voting a crime punishable. In other words, voting is not just a right in Australia but a legal obligation, whose violation can attract a monetary penalty of as much as A$20 ($13; £10) and can also be prosecuted. This was done by way of an amendment in the Electoral Act in 1924.

As a result of the law, the country is among the countries with the highest voter turnouts. Even though it may sound punitive, the law has popular support. A variety of measures have been adopted by the authorities to facilitate people in casting their votes. For example, the elections in the country are held on Saturdays, when most of the people are not working. Besides, employers are required to provide workers paid leave on election day to ensure that people have enough time to go vote.

Government approves children’s names in these countries

Several countries across the world have some rules and regulations relating to the naming of children. While some have approval systems for children’s names, others have laws that allow rejection of certain names. In some countries, there is a ban on certain specified names. Here are some of the countries that regulate how children are named.

Iceland: The European country has a National Register of Persons established under the National Name Act (1971, amended 2019). As per the law, the names of children must conform to Icelandic grammatical traditions under legislative mandate.

New Zealand: In this country, certain names which are offensive, embarrassing, or unreasonably long are explicitly prohibited under the Births, Deaths, Marriages and Relationships Registration Act 1995.

Denmark: In Denmark, the Personal Names Act (Navneloven, 2003) puts restrictions on name choices to approximately 7,000 approved names under formal legislation.

Germany: Germany’s Civil Status Act (Personenstandsgesetz) and name approval regulations under the Standesamt constitute binding statutory law requiring official approval. Names of children in Germany must be approved by the office of vital statistics in the area (the Standesamt) where the baby is born. The name must indicate the child’s gender, and the name cannot be one used traditionally as a surname.

Finland: All Finnish citizens and residents are required to have at least one and at most four first names as per the Names Act of 1985. Those not having a first name are obligated to adopt one when they are entered into the Finnish national population database. Besides, the law requires the parents of newborn children to name their children and inform the population registry within two months of their birth.

In this aspect, India gives absolute freedom to parents to name their children in whatever way they like. A law putting restrictions on children’s names would sound absolutely absurd and unimaginable to Indians, who name their children after Gods, places, good qualities and even fruits and sweets.

Ban on feeding pigeons

Growing populations of pigeons in any area can be a real problem, and Venice has found a solution for that. The city council of the floating town of Italy passed a municipal regulation prohibiting feeding pigeons to stop their populations from rising rapidly. Initially, the ban was effective in areas with historical monuments, but in 2008, it was extended to the entire city. Until the ban, feeding pigeons at St. Mark’s Square used to be a classic tourist activity.

The reason behind the ban was that pigeon droppings damaged the marble of monuments and caused cleanliness and public health challenges. The regulation is enforced by the local authorities, and its violation attracts hefty fines.

A similar ban was imposed in Mumbai, Maharashtra, by the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) following a High Court order. The decision led to the shutdown of the century-old Dadar Kabutarkhana, which was a prominent pigeon feeding site in Mumbai. The Bombay High Court had flagged serious risks to public health and sanitation in its order.

No high heels when in Greece

For travellers who love wearing and posing in high heels with attractive monuments or ancient archaeological sites in the background, Greece, with all its architectural grandeur, is not the place to go. One might wonder what high heels have to do with the historical sites of Greece. Well, the answer lies in a local regulation that imposes a ban on wearing high heels at historical sites.

In 2009, the Greek government issued a public directive prohibiting visitors from visiting historical sites wearing footwear that can damage the ancient marble. The ban was imposed after experts stated that footwear with sharp and narrow heels, such as stilettos, can damage the floors of historical sites, which cannot be restored easily. The rule prescribed hefty fines of up to €900 for visitors who flouted the rule.

No camouflage clothing for civilians in these nations

While wearing clothes with camouflage prints is perfectly normal in most parts of the world, certain countries in the Caribbean region, Africa, Asia and the Middle East expressly ban wearing camouflage prints for civilians. There are over two dozen countries, most of which are conflict-ridden, across the world that impose such restrictions. Countries like Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Bahamas, Dominica, Grenada, Saudi Arabia, Ghana, Nigeria, and the Philippines have formal laws that impose a ban on camouflage clothing for civilians.

Wearing camouflage clothing is illegal for civilians in these nations, as the cloth pattern is reserved exclusively for military and law enforcement. Violating these laws can result in the confiscation of the items, heavy fines, or even arrest.

Twelve years of Modi government: A personal reflection on his leadership and working style

There is rightful elucidation of multiple facets of Prime Minister Modi’s personal and governance style, and a significant amount has been said about how he has gone about systematically transforming the country. Books, articles, speeches, policy analyses, and countless commentaries have examined his leadership from every conceivable angle.

I wanted to add my own two bits to this vast volume of work, not by looking at it from an analytical point of view, but rather through a personal lens.

I met Prime Minister Modi (then Chief Minister Modi) in 2013, when I left my corporate career to pivot to public service. I remember being ushered into his room. It was a room that seemed almost dark, and in that quiet space, CM Modi was working intently. There was no coterie of attendants, no flurry of activity, no multitudes of issues being processed in parallel. There was just pure focus.

That image has stayed with me.

Over the years, having worked in the Government of India, I have had the privilege of seeing and hearing about numerous meetings chaired by the Prime Minister. One perception that quickly became evident to me is that many people view him as intensely target-driven, a leader singularly focused on numbers, outcomes, milestones, and the relentless pursuit of transformational change.

There is truth in that perception, but I believe there is a more nuanced reality.

Drawing from my corporate career, a typical review meeting tends to focus on a straightforward question: What was the target, and what was achieved against it? If the achievement exceeds the target, appreciation follows. If it falls short, explanations are sought and shortcomings examined.

Prime Minister Modi’s approach, in my experience, is different.

What struck me during my earliest interactions and observations was that he seemed less interested in whether a target was achieved and more interested in understanding the thinking behind the target itself.

Why was the target set at that particular level?

What assumptions informed it?

What constraints did the team believe existed?

And now that actual results are available, which of those assumptions have proven right and which have proven wrong?

The conversation, therefore, is not merely about performance. It is about thought process.

When a team exceeds expectations, the question is not simply, “Well done.” It is often, “Why did you think this was the limit?” When a team underperforms, the inquiry is not immediately about accountability. It is about understanding whether hidden constraints, flawed assumptions, or limited ambition shaped the original objective.

In that sense, the review process becomes less about numbers and more about human development.

The Prime Minister appears deeply interested in elevating the quality of thinking. He pushes people to examine the mental models through which they view challenges. He encourages teams to question self-imposed limitations. He seeks to understand whether individuals are underachieving because they have unconsciously accepted constraints that no longer exist, or whether they are succeeding because they have challenged conventional assumptions.

This distinction may appear subtle, but it is profound.

Targets matter. Outcomes matter. Results matter.

But the larger objective seems to be the development of people capable of thinking at a higher level, solving bigger problems, and continuously expanding the boundaries of what they believe is possible.

Twelve years into the Modi government, much will continue to be written about economic reforms, infrastructure creation, digital transformation, foreign policy, welfare delivery, manufacturing, and governance. Those debates will rightly continue.

My own enduring takeaway is simpler.

The most valuable lesson I have observed is not merely how to drive performance. It is how to build people who can drive performance.

There is much to learn from Prime Minister Modi about running a country. There is equally much to learn about running an organization. And perhaps most importantly, there is much to learn about running oneself.

As the ED raids properties belonging to Madan Mitra, read about the municipality recruitment scam of the Trinamaool Congress, which has now come under scanner in West Bengal

The Enforcement Directorate (ED) on Saturday, 13th June, carried out raids at multiple properties linked to Trinamool Congress (TMC) MLA and former minister Madan Mitra as part of its ongoing investigation into the multi-crore municipal recruitment scam in West Bengal. The searches were conducted at seven locations associated with the veteran TMC leader after investigators found evidence suggesting that he played a role in facilitating illegal appointments in several municipalities in exchange for cash and gold.

According to the ED, the investigation has revealed that Mitra received bribes through middlemen for helping undeserving candidates secure jobs in municipal bodies, particularly in the Kamarhati Municipality. Investigators say that he facilitated nearly 125 such illegal appointments.

One of the locations searched was Mitra’s residence, Uday Villa, in Kamarhati. Reports said officials from the Barrackpore Police Commissionerate accompanied the ED team during the operation. Since the premises were reportedly locked, officials entered after breaking the lock and carried out an extensive search. The agency is currently examining documents, digital devices and other materials seized during the raids.

Investigators are also looking into allegations that the property itself may have been constructed on land belonging to a Central Government agency. Several confidential documents were reportedly recovered during the search, which are now being scrutinised as part of the broader investigation.

TMC MLA Sujit Bose arrested by ED earlier this year  

The raid on Madan Mitra comes barely weeks after the ED arrested another senior TMC leader and former minister, Sujit Bose, in May 2026 in connection with the same recruitment scam.

According to the ED, Bose recommended around 150 candidates for jobs under the South Dum Dum Municipality and other civic bodies in exchange for monetary benefits. Investigators claimed they traced proceeds of crime in the form of flats and other assets received by Bose for facilitating municipal appointments.

The agency also claimed that large amounts of cash were deposited into bank accounts linked to him. His arrest followed several rounds of questioning and multiple summonses issued by the ED.

The former minister had earlier approached the Calcutta High Court seeking exemption from appearing before the agency during the Assembly election campaign. However, after the elections concluded, he appeared before investigators. His arrest eventually came after fresh questioning by the ED.

The agency had previously conducted raids at multiple locations linked to Bose, including his office and premises associated with his family. During one such operation in October 2025, officials reportedly recovered ₹45 lakh in cash along with several documents that investigators described as important evidence.

What is Municipal Recruitment Scam and how it came to light 

Interestingly, the municipal recruitment scam was not initially discovered as a separate case. It emerged during investigations into the infamous West Bengal teacher recruitment scam.

The breakthrough came in 2023 when the ED raided the premises of TMC-linked promoter and businessman Ayan Sheel. At that time, the agency was probing money laundering linked to irregularities in school recruitments.

During searches at Ayan Sheel’s properties, investigators recovered a large number of documents, digital records and other materials. While examining the evidence, officials discovered indications that a similar cash-for-jobs racket was operating within municipalities across West Bengal.

The findings prompted the ED to expand its investigation. Subsequently, the Calcutta High Court ordered a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into the municipal recruitment irregularities.

As both agencies dug deeper, the investigation began exposing what appeared to be a large-scale network of illegal appointments across several civic bodies in the state.

Thousands of jobs sold across municipalities 

The scam revolves around appointments made between 2014 and 2018 in several municipalities across West Bengal.

According to investigators, jobs were sold in exchange for cash in a variety of positions, including labourers, sweepers, clerks, peons, ambulance attendants, drivers, ward masters, sanitary assistants, helpers, pump operators and medical staff.

The ED and CBI said that these appointments were often made without proper recruitment procedures. Candidates who paid money secured permanent municipal jobs while deserving applicants were bypassed.

Investigators claim that Ayan Sheel acted as a key middleman in the operation and used his influence across multiple municipalities to arrange appointments.

Crores of rupees and a massive money trail 

As the investigation progressed, both the Enforcement Directorate and the CBI began uncovering what they described as a massive cash-for-jobs network spread across multiple municipalities in West Bengal. 

According to a preliminary report submitted by the ED before the Calcutta High Court in 2023, the estimated proceeds generated through the municipal recruitment scam could be around ₹200 crore.

The agency stated that this estimate was based on the statements made by prime accused Ayan Sheel during interrogation, as well as evidence recovered from documents, digital devices and records seized during searches conducted at his premises. Investigators believe the money was collected from candidates in exchange for securing municipal jobs through illegal channels.

According to the agency, a significant portion of the illegal appointments took place in municipalities located in North 24 Parganas and South 24 Parganas districts. The ED informed the court that the estimated scam amount was derived after matching the statements of the accused with documentary and digital evidence collected during the investigation.

The ED recovered over ₹1.5 crore in cash during raids in Kolkata’s Taratala area. Additional searches in Lake Town reportedly led to the recovery of large quantities of cash, gold ornaments and luxury vehicles.

Investigators claimed that several private companies were used to convert recruitment scam proceeds into legitimate-looking funds.

According to ED officials, crores of rupees generated through illegal municipal recruitments were routed through multiple bank accounts and business entities. The agency believes that several influential individuals benefited from the money trail.

The agency suspects that the actual financial scale of the scam could be even larger as investigations into additional municipalities and beneficiaries are continuing. According to investigators, the recruitment racket operated for several years and involved a well-organised system of middlemen, municipal officials, politicians and private entities who facilitated appointments in exchange for money.

CBI identifies 1,814 illegal appointments

One of the most significant findings in the case came from the CBI‘s investigation.

According to sources, the CBI identified 1,814 illegal recruitments across 15 municipalities in West Bengal. Investigators found that many of these appointments were made through ABS Infozon Private Limited, a company owned by Ayan Sheel.

The agency examined recruitment records from 17 municipalities. Out of these, illegal appointments were detected in 15 civic bodies. Among the municipalities under scrutiny, South Dum Dum recorded the highest number of suspected illegal appointments, with 329 recruitments identified as irregular.

Large numbers of questionable appointments were also found in municipalities such as Kamarhati, Baranagar and Titagarh.

The CBI informed the special court in Kolkata about these findings and submitted detailed records regarding the appointments. The agency also uncovered at least 25 bank accounts used to move proceeds generated from the scam. Investigators found that large sums of money were frequently deposited and withdrawn within hours, raising suspicion about their use in laundering funds.

As part of the investigation, CBI officials reportedly conducted raids at 42 different locations and seized numerous documents related to the recruitment process.

Final chargesheet reveals key accused

The investigation reached a crucial stage when the CBI filed its final chargesheet before the Special CBI Court in Alipore in January this year.

One of the most important names included in the chargesheet is Jyotisman Chattopadhyay, a senior IAS officer of the West Bengal cadre.

According to the CBI, Chattopadhyay held a key position in the Directorate of Local Bodies under the Urban Development and Municipal Affairs Department between 2017 and 2019. He became Director of the department in September 2018.

The Directorate plays a crucial role in municipal recruitment, including allocation of appointments and approval of recruitment processes.

The CBI said that Chattopadhyay misused his official position and facilitated irregular appointments during his tenure. Several documents recovered from his residence reportedly formed the basis of the allegations against him.

The final chargesheet also names ABS Infozone Private Limited, which investigators believe was used by Ayan Sheel to facilitate illegal recruitments.

Earlier chargesheets had already named Ayan Sheel and former South Dum Dum Municipality chairman Panchugopal Ray as accused.

Investigators have described Ayan Sheel as one of the central figures in the scam, primarily connected to TMC. Following searches at his offices and residences in Kolkata and Chinsurah, the ED claimed to have identified assets worth nearly ₹100 crore linked to him, along with several incriminating documents.

With the filing of the final chargesheet and continuing action by the ED, the municipal recruitment scam has emerged as one of the biggest corruption investigations involving local civic bodies in West Bengal. 

The recent raids on Madan Mitra and the arrest of Sujit Bose indicate that the probe is still expanding and connected to the Mamata Banerjee-led TMC Government.

Flags of Convenience: Why many commercial ships are registered in small, obscure nations, and how recent events in the Middle East show risks associated with the system

Amid the ongoing tension in the Middle East, three ships with Indian crews were hit by US Forces in the last few days, escalating tensions between India and the USA. The commercial tankers Marivex, Settebello, and Jalveer, came under attack by US Navy aircraft as part of efforts to enforce a blockade against Iran-linked shipping. US Navy fighters shot at the engine rooms of the ships to ‘disable’ them, but 3 Indians died in the attack on the MT Settebello.

These vessels, crewed by Indian seafarers, drew global attention not only for the tragic loss of life and diplomatic fallout involving India, but also for the curious choice of their flags. Marivex and Settebello were carrying the flag of Palau, a small island nation in the Pacific Ocean, while Jalveer was sailing under the flag of Guinea-Bissau, a small African nation surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean, Guinea and Senegal.

MT Settebello hit by the US in the Gulf of Oman

This has led to many people wondering why modern commercial ships, carrying valuable cargo across international waters, choose to register and sail under the flags of small, far-flung nations like Palau in the Pacific or Guinea-Bissau in West Africa, rather than those of major maritime powers such as the United States, China, or even India. The owners of such ships are not located in the countries where they are registered, and the vessels rarely make port calls in these countries.

Most of these countries don’t even have ports where large tanker and container ships can dock. Which means, many ships registered in such countries actually never visit these countries, as they are too big to fit in their small ports, built to handle passenger ferries and small cargo vessels.

Flags of convenience

While the massive ships are owned by companies based in major countries, most of them are registered in countries such as Panama, Liberia, the Marshall Islands, Palau etc. This practice is not unusual; it is a cornerstone of the global shipping industry known as “flags of convenience” or open registries.

Every merchant vessel must be registered with a sovereign state, which then becomes its flag state, responsible for oversight under international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The ships spent most of their time in international waters, and there is no law requiring a ship to be registered in the country where its owner is located. The shipowner may choose any country.

As a result, shipowners frequently opt for registries in countries that offer minimal bureaucracy, lower costs, and flexible rules, rather than their own national flags. This system allows vessels to operate with a degree of separation from their actual owners or operators, sometimes complicating enforcement actions or diplomatic responses.

It’s all about money

The primary driver behind choosing such flags is economic. Registering a ship under a traditional maritime nation’s flag, such as those in Europe or North America, often involves significantly higher operational expenses. These include stricter requirements that mandate higher wages for crew members, adherence to rigorous safety and environmental standards, and substantial corporate taxes on shipping profits.

In contrast, open registry countries charge modest registration and annual fees, which can be a fraction of the cost elsewhere. For large shipping companies managing fleets worth hundreds of millions of dollars, these savings can be massive, enhancing competitiveness in a cut-throat global market where freight rates fluctuate wildly.

Beyond direct costs, regulatory flexibility plays a crucial role. Nations with open registries typically impose fewer restrictions on the operation of the vessel and the recruitment of crew, allowing owners to hire seafarers from lower-wage countries like India, the Philippines, or Indonesia. The shipowners are subjected to lax labour protections or union requirements common in developed nations. This enables ship operators to optimise crew expenses while maintaining global standards through international conventions such as those from the International Maritime Organisation.

Share of Flags of Convenience countries in global maritime freight

Tax advantages represent another compelling factor. Many shipowning companies incorporate in jurisdictions with favourable tax regimes and then register vessels under allied open flags. This structure minimises taxation on international earnings, which might otherwise be subject to higher rates in the owner’s home country. For instance, a Greek or Norwegian shipping magnate might route operations through such arrangements to remain competitive against global rivals.

Insurance considerations further incentivise this approach. Commercial vessels require protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance, along with hull and machinery coverage, which are often easier and sometimes cheaper to secure under certain flags, mostly due to lower taxes.

International efforts, including those by the OECD and the European Union, have sought to curb abusive practices, but the system remains because it aligns with the inherently transnational nature of maritime trade, where ships spend most of their lives far from any single nation’s shores.

In the context of sanctions or geopolitical tensions, as seen in US and EU sanctions against Russia and Iran, ships under obscure flags may also provide a layer of operational anonymity, making it harder to trace ultimate beneficial ownership. Despite the sanctions, Russia was able to continue exporting its oil to India and other countries using such vessels. This has raised concerns about their use in shadow fleets for evading restrictions, though most operators use them mainly for cost-effectiveness.

Workers on a container ship

It is important to note that not all flags of convenience are equal. Major players like Panama, which registers a vast portion of the world’s tonnage, maintain substantial infrastructure for vessel inspection and compliance. Reputable open registries, including Panama and Liberia, have strengthened their standards over time to attract quality tonnage and avoid blacklisting by port states, but the system as a whole remains operational.

According to a list maintained by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), there are 48 countries declared as FOCs by the ITF’s Fair Practices Committee. These countries are Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bermuda, Bolivia, Cameroon, Cayman Islands, Comoros, Cook Islands, Curacao, Cyprus, Dominica, Equatorial Guinea, Eswatini, Faroe Islands, French International Ship Registry (FIS), Gabon, Gambia, German International Ship Registry (GIS), Georgia, Gibraltar, Guinea-Bissau, Honduras, Jamaica, Lebanon, Liberia, Malta, Madeira, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Moldova, Mongolia, Myanmar, North Korea, Niue, Palau, Panama, San Marino, Sao Tome and Príncipe, Sierra Leone, St Kitts and Nevis, St Vincent, Sri Lanka, Tanzania (Zanzibar), Togo, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.

The system offers a win-win situation for shipping companies and small countries that offer cheap and easy ship registration facilities. While the shipowners save money by this arrangement, small countries earn revenue even though they may not have a shipping industry. Some smaller countries also outsource registry management to private companies, as they don’t have their own facilities.

A system with many risks

However, this system is not without risks. Port state control inspections by authorities in places like the United States, Europe, or Australia may result in detention of substandard ships regardless of flag.

In the case of international events involving ships, the countries where they are registered may not be able to intervene or offer any help. For example, in the case of the US attack on three tankers in the Gulf of Oman, it was India that raised strong protest against the US, because the ships were crewed by Indians. Palau and Guinea-Bissau, where the ships are registered, didn’t make any comment. The responsibility of such countries ends with offering registration and other such services, and it does not extend to offering any assistance to the ships in case of any incident.

Lack of regulatory oversight also encourages ships to violate or bend rules. For example, most tanker ships are transiting the Strait of Hormuz after obtaining required permission from Iran and US forces, and after they were allowed to move ahead. But, the ships targeted by the US reportedly attempted to move without taking any permission, and kept their transponders off. As the countries where they are registered don’t impose any restrictions against such practices, the owners of ships carrying such open flags often take such higher risks.

The biggest victim of this flags of convenience system is the crew on such ships. As they are under lax or negligible labour laws applicable in the countries of registration, people working on such ships have to suffer. They are offered lower wages, and as shipowners keep the manpower on the ships low, the crew is forced to work more and for longer hours.

Many FOC vessels are also old and badly maintained and lack proper safety equipment and practices. In many such ships, onboard conditions are poor, and the food and water supply is limited. The crew have to work for longer periods without proper rest. For example, the father of an Indian killed in a US strike on MT Settebello has said that his son Aditya Sharma wanted to quit the job saying that the company was ‘exploitative’.

According to the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), FoC registries make it more difficult for unions, industry stakeholders and the public to hold ship owners to account. Since FOC ships have no real nationality, they are beyond the reach of any single national seafarers’ trade union. As a result, most FOC seafarers are not members of a trade union.

For these reasons, the ITF has been running a campaign to stop the system of flags of convenience. It says that there should be a genuine link between the real owner of a vessel and the flag the vessel flies, in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). 

In essence, the phenomenon of ships flying flags from small or lesser-known countries is a result of economics and the practicalities of global commerce. It enables the cheaper movement of goods, from oil and commodities to consumer products, while keeping costs manageable for operators.

For nations like India, a major supplier of seafarers, it means employment opportunities for thousands. But it also means vulnerabilities when crews find themselves in dangerous situations on foreign-flagged vessels.