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TMC MP Saket Gokhale claims Modi govt borrowed ₹8 lakh crores from foreign banks in 7 years, hides crucial details from reply to his own question: Here are the facts

Money laundering scam accused Trinamool Congress (TMC) MP Saket Gokhale, notorious for peddling fake news, has come up with yet another piece of half-truths and disinformation to attack the Modi government over foreign borrowing.

On 17th September 2025, the TMC MP published a long post on X, and claimed that in the last seven years, the Modi government has “heavily” borrowed money from international banks to fund various projects. Saket Gokhale claimed that the Central government took Rs 91 billion from foreign banks as loans in the 7-8 years. Gokhale relied on a response by Minister of Finance’s Department of Economic Affairs to his question asked in the Rajya Sabha in December 2023.

“Modi Govt’s shocking foreign borrowing Over the last 7 years, the Modi Govt has HEAVILY borrowed money from international banks to fund projects that Modi announces during elections. The amount? India has borrowed $91 BILLION (₹8,035,300 CRORES) from foreign banks in JUST 7 years. Foreign debt of ₹8 LAKH CRORE in 8 years means an average of ₹1.2 LAKH CRORE PER YEAR. On this amount, India pays an annual interest of ₹45,000 crore. That’s ONLY the interest. The repayment of the actual loan principal is separate,” the TMC MP posted.

In his attempt to give the readers an idea of the magnitude the loan taken and interests to be paid on it, Gokhale said, “Just the annual interest of ₹45,000 crore paid on this foreign debt (2018 onwards) is equal to India’s ENTIRE annual budget on higher education. Today, for Modi’s birthday, the govt will announce mega projects as “gifts” to the people. Every time there’s a state election, Modi makes regular campaign visits and announces projects worth lakhs of crores. For the last 11 years, the Modi Govt has bled people through taxes. If that wasn’t enough, Modi Govt has been HEAVILY borrowing money from foreign institutions. Who will shoulder the burden of this HUGE foreign debt? Yup – it’s you.”

The controversial TMC leader insinuated that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is taking loans from foreign banks to announce projects ahead of elections and forgets his promises post elections while the Indian people pay the price.

“…Modi will keep announcing jumlas before every election. He will promise lakhs of crores as “gifts to the people” as if he’s spending money from his pocket. The sad truth, however, is that the people of India are paying heavily for Modi’s election promises. The sadder part? Once the election is over, Modi’s promises are forgotten. India is borrowing billions of dollars just for funding Modi’s false election promises. And the people of India will be repaying this foreign debt for decades to come.” Gokhale added.

The Trinamool Congress MP attached cropped portions of the Ministry of Finance’s reply to his query in the Rajya Sabha. However, either Gokhale deliberately withheld the complete truth laid bare in the Modi government’s response to his question or the TMC MP has divorced common sense.

Has Modi government taken Rs 8 lakh crore foreign debt?

Back in 2023, Gokhale had asked three questions: (a) the number of loan pacts signed by Government with foreign multilateral financial institutions and foreign banks since January 2018 till date for infrastructure projects along with details of each; (b) the total amount of these loans availed by Government from foreign multilateral financial institutions and foreign banks since January 2018 till date along with the rate of interest on each loan; and (c) the current total outstanding amount from these loans that is yet to be repaid to foreign multilateral financial institutions and foreign banks by Government?

In response to this, the Central government elaborated the empirical details of loan pacts signed by Government with foreign multilateral financial institutions and foreign banks since January 2018 till date along with total amount of these loans availed by Government and the rate of interest on each loan.

While the second image attached to Gokhale’s post which states details of the loan currency, outstanding LC, outstanding INR and outsanding USD, has its numbers correct, the TMC MP passed off the data as loans taken solely by the Central government.

However, these loans were not taken only by the Central government but also by various state governments, including West Bengal’s TMC government. As per the said answer to Gokhale’s unstarred question asked in the Rajya Sabha in 2023, the Central Government has taken $15.23 billion, Maharashtra government $2.90 billion, Tamil Nadu government $1.80 billion, Rajasthan government $1.36 billion, Madhya Pradesh government $1.10 billion, Andhra Pradesh: $1.09 billion, Chhattisgarh: $0.46 billion, Uttar Pradesh: $0.42 billion, Karnataka: $0.40 billion, West Bengal: $0.38 billion, Assam: $0.36 billion, Himachal Pradesh: $0.35 billion, Bihar:$0.31 billion, Kerala: $0.22 billion, Punjab: $0.24 billion, Tripura: $0.28 billion, Odisha: $0.22 billion, and Uttarakhand government has taken $0.23 billion from external sources.

Interestingly, in his desperation to attack the Modi government, Gokhale quickly presented cherrypicked data without complete information and proper context. However, skipped to look at the deplorable condition of the state ruled by his own party.

The outstanding liabilities of West Bengal to Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) is 38 percent as of March 2024. This is one of the highest debts to GSDP ratio in large states. In February this year, it was reported that the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee-ruled West Bengal will close the fiscal year 2025-26 with an accumulated debt pegged at around Rs 7.72 lakh crore. This is 9.21 per cent higher than the figure of Rs 6,30,783.50 as on 31st March 2025, and as per the revised estimates for 2024-25.

Back in 2022, the TMC government diverted mid-day meal funds to pay compensation to the victims of Botui violence. The Central government’s report revealed that over 16 crore midday meals worth “more than Rs 100 crore” being “over-reported” by the West Bengal administration between April and September 2022. From SSC scam, PDS scam to cattle smuggling scam among others, West Bengal’s economy is going through a crisis and yet, its MP has the audacity to peddle disinformation to malign the Central government.

The wild conspiracy theories and fake claims of Saket Gokhale

Amidst the anti-CAA protests in January 2020, Gokhale had claimed that the Delhi Police permitted him to hold a rally and chant “Desh ke gaddaron ko, goli maaro saalon ko.” The RTI activist did not exhibit any proof or approval letter from the Delhi police that could substantiate his claims.

He later made amends to his insidious claims and alleged that the police requested him to re-schedule his protest after February 8 that year in light of the Model Code of Conduct.

Without verifying the details of the case, left-wing propaganda site The Wire, and Congress mouthpiece National Herald published his claims to suggest that Delhi police found nothing objectionable with the slogans.

Forced by circumstances, the Delhi police took to Twitter to expose the lie being peddled by Gokhale.

While dubbing the claims as baseless and false, the DCP New Delhi said, “It is hereby clarified that no permission to hold a protest on 02.02.2020 has been given to Sh. Saket Gokhale. A copy of his request letter is being circulated in social media as permission, which is not the case.”

In June 2020, Saket Gokhale peddled wild conspiracy theories about a ‘ventilator scam’ after the first batch of ventilators procured using the PM CARES fund was made available to hospitals.

In a seven-part thread, Gokhale alleged that ₹750+ crore had gone ‘missing’ from the funds allotted for procuring ventilators under the PM CARES fund.

Soon, other Congress minions spread the same as gospel truth and claimed that there was a ‘ventilator scam’ underway.

All the fake claims were then debunked by the CMD of BEL (Bharat Electronic Limited), a professional Defence electronics company in India. In February 2021, BEL filed a ₹1 crore defamation suit against the RTI activist for spreading lies.

On August 14, 2020, the Wall Street Journal published a report alleging that a senior executive of the social media giant Facebook was allegedly favouring the ruling BJP government. Soon after, Ankhi Das, the public policy director of Facebook, came under attack by the Congress party and its trolls.

Saket Gokhale was one of those who insinuated that Ankhi Das had links with RSS-affiliated groups. He claimed that Ankhi Das had “attended sessions” of the World Organization of Students & Youth (WOSY), a youth group, which is led by her sister, Rashmi Das.

The TMC spokesman also said that WOSY’s office was located in the same building as an RSS outfit in Delhi.

In a hurry to target Ankhi Das, Gokhale went on to post an image of the WOSY event to claim that the public policy Director of Facebook was attending the event. However, the image was that of Ankhi Das’ twin sister Dr Rashmi Das.

In a statement, WOSY had threatened legal action against Gokhale for peddling misinformation. It added that Dr Rashmi Das’ association with WOSY was purely voluntary and aimed to spread the concept of ‘Vasudeva Kuttambakam’ among international students living in India.

In April 2021, he was caught peddling lies to defend the Maharashtra government’s harassment of Bruck Pharma director over Remdesivir supply. He later complained with Maharashtra Home Minister about how Leader of the Opposition Devendra Fadnavis or the BJP, as private players, could obtain a crucial drug when its sale is allowed only to the state government.

In September 2024, Gokhale claimed that the cost of construction of these trains has been increased to 50%. He alleged a ‘quid pro quo corruption’ on the part of the Modi government. He claimed that the number of trains has been decreased to 133 in the new contract and that the cost of making one train has increased to ₹436 crores from ₹290 crores. However, the lies of Saket Gokhale were soon debunked by the Ministry of Railways, which highlighted a missing fact in his propaganda-laden tweet.

CJI Gavai claims ‘he respects all religions’ after drawing flak over “go pray” remark on Lord Vishnu idol plea

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The Chief Justice of India (CJI), BR Gavai, on Thursday (18th September), responded to the social media outrage over his anti-Hindu remarks that came while dismissing a plea seeking restoration of a 7-foot-long beheaded structure of Lord Vishnu in the Javari temple in Madhya Pradesh’s Khajuraho.

CJI Gavai ‘clarified’ that he respects all religions. The comments came during the post-lunch session of the CJI-led bench at the Supreme Court on Thursday.

Somehow, the Solicitor General of India (SGI), Tushar Mehta, who was also present at the court, jumped to defend the CJI and said that he has known CJI Gavai for the last ten years and knows very well that the CJI visits all religious places. Mehta added that these days, things are blown out of proportion on social media. “Newtons’ law says that every action has an equal reaction. Now every action has a disproportionate social media reaction,” Mehta said.

Senior Advocate Kapil Sibal, who was also present at the court, agreed with the aforesaid view and added that lawyers suffer every day due to such kinds of portrayals of issues on social media. Not to forget, Sibal has a track record of fighting cases, from Ram Mandir to Waqf Bill, against the interests of Hindus and India.

As reported earlier, on 16th September 2025, a Supreme Court bench headed by Chief Justice of India (CJI) B.R. Gavai and Justice Augustine George Masih heard the matter.

The petitioner, a devotee named Rakesh Dalal, argued that restoring the idol was not merely about archaeology but about faith, dignity, and the fundamental right of Hindus to worship their deities in wholeness. While dismissing the plea, CJI Gavai made unnecessary oral remarks against the Hindu faith by blending sarcasm and mockery.

“This is purely publicity interest litigation. Go and ask the deity itself to do something now. You say you are a staunch devotee of Lord Vishnu. So go and pray now,” the CJI told the petitioner.

While the sentiments of the Hindu community were hurt, the CJI today trivialised his outrageous remarks, suggesting that regardless of what he said in mockery of the Hindu deity, people should believe that he respects all religions.

Punjab’s ‘backbone of the economy’ faces exodus: Vigilantes and Panchayats rally against migrant workers after 5-year-old boy’s murder in Hoshiarpur – here is what you need to know

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After a 5-year-old boy’s murder in Hoshiarpur allegedly by a migrant worker, Punjab’s panchayats and vigilantes have moved against migrant labourers, demanding their removal from the state. Seeing the severe backlash, industry leaders have written to the Chief Minister of the state, calling the migrant workers the ‘backbone of the economy’. They have warned that the state cannot afford an exodus during paddy season.

In over a week, while Punjab faces the aftermath of massive floods ruining fields across 4 lakh acres, this negative sentiment against migrant workers has sprung up once again. This is not the first time Punjabis have demanded the removal of migrant workers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar from the state. Such demands and resolutions have been passed by panchayats multiple times following incidents where migrant workers were involved in criminal activity.

The big picture – why this story matters now

The gruesome murder of a 5-year-old boy in Hoshiarpur has triggered widespread outrage and a wave of hostility against migrant workers in Punjab, especially those from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Panchayat resolutions, vigilante warnings and anti-migrant rhetoric have created an atmosphere of fear in Punjab, just as the paddy procurement season peaks. Industry associations and traders insist that Punjab’s economy cannot function without migrants, who dominate both agricultural labour and industrial work. They argue that while the crime must be punished, blanket blame will harm businesses, farming and social stability.

What happened in Hoshiarpur – the timeline so far

On 9th September, 5-year-old boy, Harveer alias Billa, was abducted from outside his house in New Deep Nagar locality of Hoshiarpur. Police were informed by the family members after they could not spot the child. Upon investigating the CCTV footage, the police found that the boy was taken away on a scooter. Police traced the vehicle and arrested a migrant labourer identified as Manke Yadav from Uttar Pradesh. Yadav was living in the Subzi Mandi area in Hoshiarpur.

According to Senior Superintendent of Police, Sandeep Kumar Malik, Yadav was intoxicated at the time of the arrest. During questioning, he confessed to kidnapping, sodomising and killing the child. The boy’s body was recovered by the police the next morning at a cremation ground in Pur Hiran. A case was registered against Yadav and the police promised strict action in the matter.

The brutal crime sent shockwaves through the community. Images of the grieving family were circulated widely on social media, which intensified public anger. Politicians visited the family and demanded swift justice. Police emphasised that there were previous cases against the accused which were also being examined. The brutality of the incident provided fertile ground for demands that migrants be strictly monitored, even as officials, including the Chief Minister of the state, Bhagwant Mann, cautioned against generalising an entire workforce on the basis of one crime.

From grief to glare – how villages responded

In the days following the incident, over 25 panchayats in Hoshiarpur and adjoining districts passed resolutions against migrant workers. The directives varied but had a common theme, which was restricting residence rights for those without Punjab-issued documents. Some villages ordered that migrants without valid papers must leave the state within a week. There have been reports of migrant workers leaving the state in large numbers fearing the backlash.

Notably, some villages have said that migrant workers may be allowed to stay in tubewell rooms in the fields but not in residential parts of the village. Panchayats also resolved to deny Aadhaar or voter cards to migrants, to ban house rentals, and in some cases even to bar marriages between locals and outsiders.

In Bathinda, panchayats like Gehari Bhagi went further, ruling that migrants cannot buy property or register documents with local addresses. Farmers employing migrants were told to take full responsibility for them.

According to media reports, legal experts have warned that such resolutions are unconstitutional, given the fundamental rights of Indian citizens to live and work anywhere in the country. However, the pressure from panchayats has created a climate of anxiety among thousands of workers who power Punjab’s fields, mandis and factories.

‘Pravasi bhagao, Punjab bachao’ videos and past campaigns

While these resolutions came as formal decisions, vigilante threats have also surfaced in Ludhiana and Bathinda. There are videos on social media where vigilantes are seen pushing for the mass exodus of migrant workers. Street vendors from other states are being warned to pack up and leave. In Bhai Randhir Singh Nagar of Ludhiana, police had to intervene to prevent escalation in one such incident.

On social media, videos bearing the slogan “pravasi bhagao, Punjab bachao” have gained traction. These clips, often shared by self-styled vigilantes, demand that migrants leave villages and highlight grievances ranging from cultural differences to alleged law-and-order problems.

Reportedly, Amritpal Singh Mehron, the prime accused in the murder of digital content creator Kanchan Kumari alias Kamal Kaur Bhabhi, has jumped into the controversy. He has reportedly contacted the victim’s father. In a video on Facebook, he was heard offering the victim’s father help in case he wanted “out of court” justice. The authenticity of the video could not be verified. Mehron had fled the country after murdering Kumari.

Such rhetoric carries echoes of earlier “outsider” campaigns seen in states like Maharashtra, and even Punjab itself, where past panchayats in Fatehgarh Sahib and SAS Nagar issued similar restrictions last year. The pattern is familiar. Anger after a local incident spills into broad-brush hostility against migrants, but the economic fallout eventually forces reconsideration. The present cycle risks repeating that history, with Punjab’s agriculture and industry already showing signs of strain amid devastating floods.

Are these resolutions lawful?

While grief over the Hoshiarpur case is understandable, experts say the diktats from panchayats risk breaching the Constitution. India is a federal union where citizens can reside and seek work across states. Any blanket move to deny Aadhaar, voter registration, or accommodation based on origin is unlawful.

This has been echoed by CM Mann. While he condemned the murder in a statement, Mann cautioned that discrimination cannot be tolerated. He said, “Punjabis run businesses in Raipur and control much of Kolkata’s transport sector. Tomorrow, they too could face retaliation. Such discrimination cannot be accepted.”

Industry alarm – ‘backbone of economy’

Industry bodies in Punjab have also raised an urgent red flag. Ludhiana-based industrialist and president of the World MSME Forum, Badish Jindal, recently wrote to the CM stressing that migrant workers are the “backbone of Punjab’s industries, farms, shops and households”.

In his letter, Jindal, who recently joined Aam Aadmi Party, pointed out that 80% of unskilled labour in Punjab industries are migrants. Around 8 lakh migrant workers work in Ludhiana alone, the industry hub of the state. Migrants also undertake the bulk of sowing and harvesting in agriculture.

Jindal warned that if hostility drives them out, Punjab’s industries and supply chains will collapse, harming not just state businesses but also exports routed through other states. Calling the hostility “a conspiracy to destroy Punjab,” he urged the government to discourage anti-migrant rhetoric and ensure worker safety.

On the ground – what workers and traders say

The fear has started to spread in mandis and fields across the state. Pappu Kumar Yadav, who hails from Bihar, has been working in Punjab for 15 years. Speaking to a media outlet, he said, “We earn four times more here than back home, but after the Hoshiarpur murder, hatred against migrants has spread. We live in fear.”

However, not all voices are hostile. Commission agents and industrialists insist migrants are integral. Traders at Khanna and Bhagtanwala grain markets admitted a labour shortage is already hurting operations. Some workers are considering early returns, which could stall procurement.

Ludhiana industrialist Gurmeet Singh Kular noted that many migrant families have been in Punjab for generations. TR Mishra, who migrated from Uttar Pradesh in the 1960s and now runs a factory, argued while speaking to media, “The fight should be against crime, not against people of one or two states.”

Punjab Nirman Mazdoor Union state president Ganga Prasad said in a statement while guilty must be punished, other migrants should not be targeted.

Political reactions across parties

The tragedy has also sharpened political debate on the matter. CM Mann has consistently warned against targeting migrants. Congress MLA Sukhpal Singh Khaira condemned the murder but linked it to what he described as unchecked inflow of outsiders. Khaira demanded a law similar to Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand that restrict land ownership and jobs to locals.

Shiromani Akali Dal leaders, meanwhile, called for stricter monitoring of migrants and blamed the AAP government for law-and-order lapses. Shiromani Akali Dal leader Daljit Singh Cheema demanded strict action against the accused. AAP MP Raj Kumar Chabbewal visited the bereaved family, offering financial assistance and solidarity. Political voices thus reflect a divide. Justice for the victim is universally sought, but prescriptions for migrants’ future diverge sharply.

Backbone in numbers – why migrants matter to Punjab

The scale of migrant involvement in Punjab’s economy is undeniable. It cannot be overlooked. According to reports, there are around 18 lakh migrant workers in the state. They form an overwhelming majority of unskilled labour in both industry and agriculture. In Ludhiana’s industrial belt, around eight lakh migrants power factories that produce textiles, bicycles and machine parts. In agriculture, paddy transplantation, harvesting and mandi operations depend almost entirely on workers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

Commission agents estimate that without migrants, procurement centres would collapse within days. Even Punjab’s household sector relies on them as domestic workers and street vendors. The slogan “backbone of economy” is not just rhetoric but a reflection of dependence.

What to watch next

As the Hoshiarpur case is still under investigation, there is a more pressing challenge, which is how the state is going to manage the fallout. Will the government intervene to nullify panchayat resolutions and reassure workers? Will industry bodies’ calls for protection translate into concrete steps?

In the coming weeks, especially during the procurement season and sowing season, it will be crucial how Punjab balances justice for the victim with stability for its economy. If migrants begin to leave in large numbers, the ripple effects will be immediate and severe.

Conclusion – punish the guilty, protect livelihoods

The murder of the 5-year-old boy has rightly caused anguish and anger among the people of Punjab. However, that should not translate into backlash against all migrants, which will compound tragedy with disruption. Industry leaders, farmers and traders stress that migrants are not outsiders but essential contributors to the state’s daily functioning. The Constitution guarantees their right to live and work in Punjab, and officials must ensure that this right is upheld.

The guilty must face the law. He must be punished swiftly and decisively. However, millions of innocent workers who keep Punjab’s wheels turning should not be made to suffer for one man’s crime. The state now faces the test of delivering both justice and fairness.

DUSU polls: Student wing of Congress takes Rahul Gandhi’s lead, peddles EVM tampering conspiracy theory in anticipation of electoral loss

As the polling for the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections is taking place today (18th September), the National Students Union of India (NSUI), the student wing of the Congress Party, borrowing from its parent party, has peddled the EVM conspiracy theory even before the voting concluded.

The NSUI Presidential Candidate Joslyn Nandita Choudhary has accused the Delhi University administration of tampering with the EVM. She even accused the university professors of colluding with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the RSS, in meddling with the voting machines. “Every EVM has blue ink marking the name of the candidate from the ABVP, from Hansraj College to Kirori Mal College. Teachers are involved in these unfair practices. I have removed the blue ink with my hands on all the EVMs,” alleged Choudhary.

“My supporters have been assaulted since day one. I want to ask the Delhi government and the world, who is responsible for the cheating I have faced over the last 4-5 hours? Who will ensure justice? Who will acknowledge all the hard work I have put in? I have worked tirelessly, not just in the last few hours, but throughout the year. I am just an ordinary student-how can someone like me contest under these conditions? This is happening with every EVM, including at Kirorimal College, where I study. I have requested teachers not to do this, but as soon as I stepped away, they marked the EVMs again,” she added.

Choudhary’s allegations of EVM tampering reiterate the conspiracy theory peddled by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi regarding the several Lok Sabha and state assembly elections. This has been the Congress party’s age-old trick to blame the EVM in elections where they lose or anticipate a loss. Does this mean that the NSUI is also anticipating an electoral defeat and, therefore, started blaming the EVM even before the polling concluded?

The ABVP alleged that former DUSU President Rounak Khatri, who is from the NSUI, along with a bunch of outsiders, gained a forced entry into the Kirori Mal College of the Delhi University amid voting. A female student is said to have been assaulted during the whole ruckus. This led to the ABVP approaching the police to file a complaint.

A total of 21 candidates are contesting for the four panel positions of President, Vice-President, Secretary and Joint Secretary. The voting is taking place at 195 polling stations through 700 EVMs. The university has tightened security across the campus to ensure smooth elections. The voting for the DUSU elections is being held in two phases. For the students attending morning classes, the first phase of polling began at 8:30 am and continued till 1 pm. The second phase of voting will go on from 3 pm to 7:30 pm for students attending evening classes.

Kerala Congress posts video of Guwahati Post Office employee claiming to be ‘son of NrdrMd’ deleting Congress votes, deletes X post after fact checked

Hours after Rahul Gandhi accused the Election Commission of ‘software driven voter deletion’ and ‘vote chori’ to benefit BJP, notorious fake news peddler Kerala Congress posted a video on ? claiming it shows a person deleting votes. However, they deleted the post after it was pointed out that the person seen entering data computer at very fast speed is an employee of Guwahati Post Office in Assam.

Kerala Congress posted the video showing the person at an office counter, entering data on the computer system at very fast speed. Several people can be seen standing in front of the counter.

The official ? handle of Kerala Congress wrote, “Like his father NrdrMd, Nagaraj works for 18 hours a day, eats mushrooms and doesn’t sleep. Here is Nagraj deleting Congress voters from voters list at 4 in the morning back to back.”

However, the person seen in the video is Bhaskar Kakati, an India Post employee posted at Meghdoot Bhavan in Guwahati, the General Police Office in Guwahati located at Panbazar area of the city. Few years ago, videos of his fast computer typing speed went viral in Assam and was covered by local news channels.

The reports had said that when other counters get crowded, people are redirected to his counter as he can dispose the requirement of people very fast. Similarly, customers also prefer his counter as their work is completed fast by him.

Kerala Congress used one such video to claim that he is Nagraj, son of NrdrMd (no prize for guessing what this name means). However, they later deleted the ? post with the video.

Assam BJP slammed Kerala Congress for dragging the name of respected Guwahati GPO clerk into their petty drama. The posted, “Congress has once again exposed its bankrupt politics! To run their propaganda, they shamelessly dragged a respected Guwahati GPO clerk—known for his honesty and lightning-fast service—into their petty drama. The man who has earned love through hard work is being mocked by a party that has never respected workers.”

Notably, ECI has already debunked Rahul Gandhi’s claims, clarifying that nobody can delete votes or voters online. Only ECI can delete voters from voter list, that too after a detailed procedure and hearing the person concerned.

UP CM Yogi Adityanath highlights UP’s rapid growth since 2017: From metro expansion in six cities to 16 airports and India’s largest expressway network

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, hosted a press conference in Lucknow on Thursday, 18th September, in which he spoke on the development of the state since 2017, when his government took charge in the state. He shared how the state has transformed over the years, from metro rail expansion to new airports and a growing expressway network.

Discussing the metro initiatives in Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath said, that when his government came in power in the state, not a single city in the state had an operational metro. “When we came to power, there was not a single city in Uttar Pradesh where the metro was operational. Today, the metro is running in six cities of the state,” he said.

Currently, the entire metro rail network of Uttar Pradesh is 147.446 km. The UP government has received a proposal for the Lucknow Metro Phase-1B, which will connect Charbagh with Vasantkunj. It will be an 11.165 km stretch with a estimated cost of ₹5,801.05 crore and an estimated five-year completion period after sanction.

The Lucknow Metro was opened in 2017, the year that he took office in the state. The Lucknow Metro Rail Corporation was reorganized and renamed Uttar Pradesh Metro Rail Corporation in 2018 so that it would be able to handle other metro projects in the state as well. The Kanpur Metro was opened in 2021 and was in operation within just 24 months, thus being the world’s fastest constructed and commissioned metro project.

The priority corridor of Agra Metro was opened by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in March 2024. Besides this, Noida metro is running and covers the bigger Delhi NCR network, which is referred to as the Aqua line.

Metro rail projects are being built or in advanced planning stages for Agra, Gorakhpur, Varanasi, and Meerut, with expansion intended for other cities such as Bareilly, Jhansi, and Prayagraj.

Talking about the development in aviation, the Chief Minister also stated that Uttar Pradesh had only two airports, namely one in Lucknow and another in Varanasi, before 2017.  “Today, there are 16 airports in Uttar Pradesh,” he said. He also added that the country’s largest airport, coming up in Gautam Buddh Nagar, will be operational by the end of this year. According to him, Uttar Pradesh now has the best national highway network in the country.

On the matter of expressways, Yogi Adityanath said that previously the state was much behind, but now things have changed. With the building of the Ganga Expressway, the state of Uttar Pradesh alone will get authority over seven percent of the entire expressway network of the country and will be the state with the biggest such network.

Highlighting the financial management of his government, he said that all welfare schemes for the poor being implemented across the country have contributions from both the central and state governments. “Over the past eight years, we have maintained financial discipline. Even under the FRBM limit set by the Government of India, Uttar Pradesh, despite being the most populous state, has emerged as one of the fastest-growing state economies,” he said.

Concluding his remarks, Yogi Adityanath said that Uttar Pradesh has now become the growth engine of the country. He further stated that the state’s citizens are now experiencing the benefits of the central government’s welfare schemes.

Delhi Court quashes lower court’s order restraining publication of defamatory content on Adani group, orders fresh hearing in defamation case

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A Delhi Court today quashed an ex-parte injunction imposed by a lower civil court restraining publication of defamatory content on Adani Group. The court allowed the appeal filed by journalists Ravi Nair, Abir Dasgupta, Ayaskant Das and Ayush Joshi, criticizing the trial judge for failing to provide an opportunity for the defendants to be heard before declaring certain media content as “prima facie defamatory” and ordering its removal.

District Judge Ashish Aggarwal of the Rohini Courts passed the order accepting the pleas of the journalists, and quashed the September 6 order by Special Civil Judge Anuj Kumar Singh. The judge observed that the articles had been in public domain for long and hence, the civil judge ought to have heard the journalists before directing take down of their articles.

However, the injunction against journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta remains, as his appeal was heard by another court and the order in that hearing has been reserved by District Judge Sunil Chaudhary.

The advocates representing the journalists argued that the order was procedurally flawed and overreached into the domain of free speech protections under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution.

The impugned order had directed the journalists, along with websites such as pranjoy.in, adaniwatch.org, and adanifiles.com.au, to expunge allegedly defamatory material within five days. It also mandated compliance from social media intermediaries under the Information Technology Rules, 2021.

Delivering the verdict, the Court observed, “I am of the opinion that the civil judge ought to have made observations of material shown to it as defamatory after giving opportunity to defendants to put forth their stance.” The court further noted the irreversible impact of such orders, stating, “The effect would be in the event of the court of senior civil judge subsequently finding that the articles are not defamatory, after defendants put forth their defence, it is not feasible that articles which have been removed would then be restored.”

The court emphasized adherence to the Code of Civil Procedure (CPC), 1908, particularly provisions requiring hearings even in urgent ex-parte matters. It highlighted that while the lower court had scheduled the next hearing for October 9, beyond the mandatory 30-day window for deciding interim applications, it failed to balance the urgency with due process.

“The impugned order is not sustainable. It is all the more imperative to note that while passing ex-parte injunction the trial court didn’t bear in mind provisions of CPC,” the judge remarked.

Without delving into the merits of the defamation claims, the court set aside the entire impugned order and remanded the matter back to the Senior Civil Judge for fresh consideration. “The case be listed before senior civil judge. The court shall take up the interim application for consideration after hearing appellants and also plaintiff. The court may decide application uninfluenced by any observation,” the judge directed.

Background of the Case

The case stems from a series of articles and social media posts by Thakurta and other journalists, including Ravi Nair, Abir Dasgupta, Ayaskant Das, and Ayush Joshi, dating back to as early as 2017. Adani Enterprises Ltd (AEL) alleged these publications contained “unverified and incorrect” claims, such as comparisons likening Gautam Adani to Elon Musk in the context of political influence, causing reputational harm to the conglomerate.

AEL, represented by Senior Advocates Anurag Ahluwalia, Jagdeep Sharma, and Vijay Aggarwal, argued during the hearing that the content used “atrocious language” and lacked evidentiary basis, referencing the Supreme Court’s observations in the 2023 Hindenburg Research controversy involving Adani stocks.

The lower court’s order had extended its restraints to Adani group companies not directly party to the suit. In a related development, the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) had issued takedown notices to 13 news publishers and platforms, citing the injunction.

‘Journalist’ Gafira Qadir peddles fake victimhood over Songs of Paradise, demonises movie for showcasing journey of female singer in conservative Muslim society

The movie ‘Songs of Paradise”, which is inspired by the life story of Kashmir’s first female playback singer, Padma Shri Raj Begum, has come under the attack of propagandists allegedly for not portraying Kashmir as they want it to be portrayed.

The movie, set in the 1950s, captures the journey of a Kashmiri Muslim female singer, Zeba Akhtar, in a deeply conservative society, without zooming in on the politics of Kashmir at that time. While the movie is receiving praise for highlighting the rich poetic and musical culture of the region with a fresh perspective, without making it all about Kashmir’s conflict, the propagandists are unhappy because, for them, the movie is a lost opportunity for propaganda.

A review of the movie written by ‘independent journalist’ Gafira Qadir published in the Middle East Eye described the movie as an attempt “to depoliticise and deflate Kashmiri stories through banal art”. Qadir begins her review by accusing the entire Bollywood industry of misrepresenting Kashmir’s “ravaged conflict” and romanticising the valley’s beauty.

Screengrab of the article by the Middle East Eye

Even though most of the movie’s cast includes actors from Kashmir, along with director Danish Renzu, who himself is Kashmiri, an enraged Qadri terms the project as “Bollywoodification of Kashmir” and sanitising the story.

Apparently, Qadri not only has a problem with this particular movie but with the entire Bollywood and with the way Kashmir has been portrayed in Bollywood movies over the years.

“For decades, Indian cinema has reduced Kashmir to romance, mountains, violence, or stereotypes, never to people. Kashmiris themselves are rarely shown as people with agency and history. Their existence has been shaped by a long, painful history, militarisation, and conflict. 

But even on the question of representing Kashmiri culture, the film fails to depict it accurately,” writes Qadri, whose disappointment does not originate from the cinematic experience the movie offers, but from the fact that the movie is not what she wanted it to be.

For Qadri, the movie is “a long-time settler tactic”, which “tells a story of an individual feminist triumph at the expense of the native people”.

Qadri, who seems to have difficulty in accepting that Jammu & Kashmir is an inseparable part of India, writes that the director presented a version of the story “made for the Indian eye or the Kashmiri elite” who have the “privilege to see Kashmir as merely an aesthetic”.

In her statement, she makes a sly attempt to dissociate the rest of India from Jammu and Kashmir, insinuating that the rest of the Indians are and have always been ignorant of Kashmir’s problems. Qadri needs to be reminded that the rest of India has not been and cannot be ignorant of the Kashmir problem, as the Indian government has and continues to spend crores of ‘Indian’ taxpayers’ money on keeping Kashmir safe, only to see the so-called “natives” yelling slogans of “Azaadi” and attacking the Indian security forces in return.

From the movie’s beginning till the end, everything from the cast and the director to the story, the dialogues, and even the pronunciation of Kashmiri language words by non-Kashmiri actors, seems to have triggered Qadri.

Besides, she also seems to not have been able to come to terms with the abrogation of Article 370, which separatist mindsets confused with a constitutional validation for their separatist wet dreams, as she writes, “after the abrogation of Article 370, the state’s “integration on paper” was even marketed as freedom for Kashmiri women, while actual Kashmiri women’s voices were excluded from the conversation”.

Qadir’s review of the Songs of Paradise speaks less about the movie and more about her own toxic mentality towards the rest of India and the Indian people, as she accused India of suffocating Kashmir.

She cannot hide her frustration, seeing that Kashmir’s ‘victimhood’ narrative, monopolised and propagated by propagandists like her, is waning.

While Qadri accuses the movie as well as Bollywood of reducing Kashmir’s stories to aesthetics, it is people like her who have reduced Kashmir’s story to a story of conflict, hatred for India, and a perpetual delusional struggle for ‘freedom’.

Rahul Gandhi shrugs off responsibility while repeating ‘vote chori’ allegations against Election Commission: A political hit-and-run masquerading as democratic crusade

There is a saying in Indian politics: allegations are cheap, accountability is expensive. Few leaders embody this maxim better than Rahul Gandhi. Over the last few weeks, the Congress scion has turned “vote chori” into the latest slogan of his political survival, throwing around sensational charges of electoral fraud without offering an iota of proof, and when asked to back them up through proper channels, vanishing behind rhetoric.

His September 18, 2025 press conference was the most recent installment in this soap opera and it neatly exposed what has become his standard operating procedure: shoot, scoot, and stir confusion.

The September 18 press conference: When evasion became the message

At the now-viral press meet, Rahul Gandhi thundered against the Election Commission of India (ECI) under Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, accusing it of facilitating systematic “vote chori.” He promised that in the coming months, a series of presentations would leave “no doubt” that elections had been rigged “state after state and Lok Sabha after Lok Sabha.”

But when a reporter asked him the most obvious question would he approach the courts to ensure his allegations are tested and addressed? Gandhi’s mask slipped. His answer was revealing:

“Frankly, what I am doing here is not my job. My work is to participate in a democratic process, the task of protecting India’s democracy is that of the country’s institutions. But because they are not doing it, I am having to.”

When asked point-blank if he would approach the courts should the EC fail to respond, Gandhi once again deflected, saying it was not his role to “save democracy.” Instead, he described his responsibility as that of an opposition leader to present “the truth” before citizens.

“I was taken aback when people from within the Election Commission came forward with information,” he claimed. “This has apparently been happening for 10 to 15 years. India’s democracy has been hijacked.”

He concluded by insisting that only ordinary citizens can ultimately defend democracy. “Rahul Gandhi can only present the truth. It is the people of India who will save democracy, nobody else,” he said.

This is not just evasion; it is abdication. For someone who claims to be defending democracy, Gandhi is remarkably unwilling to engage with the very institutions designed to safeguard it. Instead, he prefers to play to the gallery, make wild allegations, and retreat from the responsibility that legal action would demand. The moment was made even more symbolic when he literally stepped away from the microphone, a physical retreat that mirrored his political retreat from accountability.

Inside help or inside bluff?

What raised further eyebrows was Gandhi’s claim that “help” was now coming from within the Election Commission itself.

“We started getting help from within the election commission. This was not happening before. We are getting information from within the election commission. This won’t stop. People of India will not accept this (vote chori).”

If this were true, Gandhi should have no hesitation in taking this “inside information” to court. After all, insider leaks are serious business, they can make or break a case. But instead of presenting them as evidence, Gandhi dangles them before the public like a teaser trailer, promising dramatic revelations in a few months. This is not the language of reform or justice. It is the language of propaganda, where the goal is not resolution but perpetual suspicion.

ECI debunks Rahul Gandhi’s voter deletion claims

Hours after Rahul Gandhi accused the Election Commission of ‘software driven voter deletion’ and ‘vote chori’ to benefit BJP, the poll panel has rejected his claims. The ECI clarified that contrary to the claims by the Congress leader, nobody can delete any vote online.

The ECI stated, “No Deletion of any vote can be done online by any member of the public, as misconceived by Shri Rahul Gandhi.”

Referring to Rahul Gandhi’s claim that some persons deleted votes online, the Election Commission said that in 2023, certain unsuccessful attempts were made for deletion of electors in Aland Assembly Constituency and an FIR was filed by the authority of ECI itself to investigate the matter.

The August affidavit episode: How Rahul chickened out

If anyone thought the September 18 episode was a one-off, they need only look back a month earlier. On August 7, Rahul Gandhi had made similar allegations in another press conference, accusing the ECI of “choreographing” the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and alleging voter fraud in Karnataka and Maharashtra.

The Election Commission, to its credit, did not brush these charges under the carpet. Instead, it issued a strong rebuttal and directly challenged Gandhi to either present his claims in the form of a sworn affidavit or apologise to the nation for misleading remarks. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar’s ultimatum was blunt:

“Halafnama dena hoga ya desh se maafi maangni hogi, koi teesra vikalp nahi hai. (Either submit an affidavit or apologise to the nation, there is no third option).”

The deadline expired on August 25. Rahul Gandhi did neither. He produced no affidavit. He offered no apology. Instead, he chickened out and resorted to his favorite tactic: rhetorical gymnastics. He claimed that since he had taken an oath on the Constitution as an MP, his word to the people was as good as a sworn affidavit. In other words, trust him because… he said so.

This was not just laughable; it was insulting. India’s electoral laws exist precisely to ensure that leaders cannot get away with baseless allegations. By refusing to comply, Gandhi sent a clear signal: he is not interested in substantiating his charges, only in weaponising them for political mileage.

Bihar yatra and the manufactured victims

The problem with Gandhi’s “vote chori” campaign is not just his personal evasions. It is also the way his party and allies have turned it into a propaganda vehicle. Take the Mahagathbandhan’s “Voter Adhikar Yatra” in Bihar, where Gandhi paraded supposed victims of voter disenfranchisement.

In Nawada, he introduced a man named Subodh Kumar, claiming his name had been wrongfully deleted from the rolls. The Election Commission promptly fact-checked him: Subodh was an RJD booth-level agent whose name had never been on the rolls in the first place. In Aurangabad, Gandhi claimed a woman named Ranju Devi had been struck off. She later admitted her name was still there and that she had been misled into participating in the stunt.

Even more farcical was his claim that one Aditya Srivastava was voting in three states simultaneously. The man himself went public to clarify: he had simply updated his voter ID each time he moved for work — from Lucknow to Mumbai to Bengaluru. Everything was in order, and the Election Commission confirmed it.

Each of these incidents revealed the same strategy: throw mud at the ECI, find pliable “victims,” and hope something sticks. When exposed, move on to the next allegation.

A script of confusion, not reform

Seen together, these episodes outline a clear script that Rahul Gandhi and his I.N.D.I. Alliance have embraced. The pattern begins with unverified allegations, escalates into high-pitched rhetoric, avoids institutional remedies, and finally collapses into victimhood when challenged. Then the cycle repeats, often with fresh conspiracy theories.

What makes this strategy particularly dangerous is that it is not aimed at reforming institutions or rectifying flaws. It is aimed at corroding public trust. By constantly alleging fraud without proof, Gandhi seeks to create a perception that Indian democracy itself is broken. In this narrative, every defeat for the Congress becomes illegitimate, every victory for the BJP becomes suspect, and every institution becomes complicit.

This is not the behavior of a democrat. It is the behavior of a political arsonist, willing to set fire to the credibility of institutions in order to remain politically relevant.

The hypocrisy of selective outrage: Why isn’t Congress asking its 99 MPs to resign?

The hypocrisy in Gandhi’s campaign is hard to miss. If the electoral process is indeed as compromised as he claims, why has he not asked his party’s 99 MPs to resign? After all, they were elected through the same system he calls fraudulent. By continuing to sit in Parliament, the Congress tacitly accepts the very process it denounces in press conferences.

In fact, this pattern of selectively outraging also extends to state elections where BJP victory is often dubbed as an inevitable outcome of “rigged EVMs” and “compromised procedure” while electoral triumph of opposition parties are hailed as “people’s mandate against fascism.” This hypocrisy in itself is quite instructive of the intellectual dishonesty embodied by Mr Gandhi and the Congress ecosystem.

This selective outrage reveals the hollowness of the allegations. The system is fraudulent only when Gandhi loses. When Congress wins, it is perfectly legitimate. It is a double standard so brazen that it undermines whatever little credibility his charges might otherwise have carried.

Institutional sabotage in the name of “protecting democracy”

To be clear, India’s electoral system is not flawless. No democracy’s is. Errors in rolls happen, procedural disputes arise, and parties have the right to contest them. But democracies also provide remedies: election petitions, affidavits, judicial review. By refusing to use these remedies, Gandhi shows that his intent is not to fix problems but to exploit them.

The Election Commission has repeatedly pointed out that Gandhi has filed no formal complaints, provided no lists of fake voters, and lodged no petitions in the high courts — despite being fully empowered to do so. Instead, he opts for theatrics at press conferences and yatras, leaving institutions to clean up after his rhetoric.

As CEC Gyanesh Kumar bluntly asked: “What else is this if not an insult to the Constitution of India?”

The larger goal: Sowing destabilisation to remain politically relevant

Ultimately, Rahul Gandhi’s “vote chori” crusade is less about defending democracy and more about defending his own political relevance. After back-to-back electoral losses, Congress has discovered that it cannot inspire trust through vision or performance. Its new strategy, therefore, is to foster distrust to convince voters that the system itself is broken, so their defeats are not their fault.

It is a dangerous game. In trying to delegitimise the BJP, Gandhi risks delegitimising democracy itself. His “shoot-and-scoot” tactics amount to institutional sabotage, where confusion is currency and accountability is expendable.

Democracy cannot be held hostage to theatrics

Rahul Gandhi likes to cast himself as the last defender of democracy. In reality, his conduct suggests the opposite. A true defender would take allegations to court, present affidavits, and strengthen institutions through accountability. Gandhi, by contrast, prefers to bypass these channels, opting instead for street-level rhetoric and viral soundbites.

His September 18 evasion was not a gaffe; it was a strategy. His August affidavit dodge was not an oversight; it was a habit. His Bihar yatra lies were not mistakes; they were tools. Each incident fits into a broader pattern: a political hit-and-run campaign that undermines institutions to keep him electorally alive.

India’s democracy is strong enough to withstand Rahul Gandhi’s antics. But the danger lies in normalising his tactics. If leaders believe they can keep crying fraud without ever proving it, the very credibility of elections is corroded. And that, more than any BJP victory or Congress defeat, would be the real “vote chori.”

For now, Gandhi’s “hydrogen bomb” of allegations looks less like a weapon of truth and more like a damp squib, remembered only for its theatrics, not its substance. But in the process, he has once again shown that when it comes to protecting democracy, he is less a crusader and more a saboteur.

Giant golden statue of Donald Trump holding a Bitcoin installed outside US Capitol by cryptocurrency investors

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A towering golden statue of President Donald Trump holding a Bitcoin was installed near the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday. The 12-foot-tall figure, made from hard foam and finished in gold, was placed on 3rd Street just off Union Square on the National Mall.

As per reports, the statue has been installed to celebrate the Federal Reserve’s decision to cut interest rates for the first time this year. It was funded and erected by a group of cryptocurrency investors linked to memecoin projects, who said the artwork was designed to spark debate about the future of money, the role of digital currencies, and the government’s influence over financial markets. The statue remained in place from 9 a.m. until 4 p.m.

Organizers said the installation was not only a work of political art but also a commentary on monetary policy, deliberately unveiled on the same day the Federal Reserve announced a quarter-point reduction in its benchmark interest rate, lowering it from 4.3% to about 4.1%. This marked the Fed’s first cut since December 2024, with projections indicating two more reductions this year and only one expected in 2026.

The project was livestreamed by its backers, showing stages of the statue’s construction, including the carving of Trump’s likeness and its transport to the Capitol area.

Hichem Zaghdoudi, speaking on behalf of the investor collective, described the display as a symbolic “thank you” to Trump for his supportive stance on Bitcoin and as a provocation to consider alternatives to government-issued currency.

The installation attracted widespread attention as it stood against the backdrop of ongoing debates over inflation, central banking, and the growing influence of cryptocurrencies on Wall Street and in Washington policy circles.