Fresh controversy has erupted online after pro-China propagandist and Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng publicly endorsed far-left propaganda portal The Wire, a platform notorious for spreading misinformation and pushing politically motivated narratives against India. The endorsement has once again triggered discussion on how India’s left-liberal media ecosystem uses foreign commentators and publications to amplify propaganda targeting India’s democratic institutions and leadership.
The latest controversy began after The Wire posted on X on Friday, 29th May, to celebrate 11 years of its existence, despite being marred with fake news and disinformation like the Tek Fog and Meta controversies. Sharing the post, Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng wrote, “I cannot recommend The Wire enough. Will be relying on them for reading about India moving forward.”
I cannot recommend The Wire enough. Will be relying on them for reading about India moving forward. https://t.co/oW39OpDY3e
The post quickly attracted attention because Lyng herself had become a controversial figure earlier this month after she attempted to publicly heckle PM Modi during his visit to Norway.
Primeminister of India, Narendra Modi, would not take my question, I was not expecting him to.
Norway has the number one spot on the World Press Freedom Index, India is at 157th, competing with Palestine, Emirates & Cuba.
Who is Helle Lyng, and why did she suddenly become famous?
Helle Lyng, who works with Norwegian publication Dagsavisen, was largely unknown outside a limited social media circle until 18th May, when she tried to confront PM Modi during a joint India-Norway statement event.
At the time, Lyng had barely 800 followers on X, and her account had remained inactive for months. However, after she shouted questions at PM Modi regarding alleged “human rights violations” in India, clips of the incident rapidly went viral across Indian opposition circles and left-liberal social media networks.
Screengrab via X
As PM Modi walked away after the joint statement without taking questions, Lyng shouted, “Prime Minister Modi, why don’t you take some questions from the freest press of the world?” She later proudly posted online that she had not expected him to answer.
Soon after, several opposition leaders and anti-Modi commentators amplified her videos. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi shared the clip and wrote, “When there is nothing to hide, there is nothing to fear.”
Screengrab via X
TMC MP Mahua Moitra and propagandist Rana Ayyub also praised Lyng’s actions. Rana Ayyub posted, “Indian democracy on display as Prime Minister Modi visits Norway.”
The Indian Embassy in Norway later pointed out that the event was never meant to be an open press conference. It was a joint statement by the Prime Ministers of India and Norway, while a separate media briefing by Ministry of External Affairs officials had already been scheduled later in the evening.
Lyng comes out of the woodwork to express her sudden interest in India
Interestingly, Lyng’s own publication had rarely focused deeply on India earlier. Most of its coverage on India revolved around routine global developments such as tariffs, trade or earthquakes. Yet suddenly, during PM Modi’s visit, the publication aggressively pushed stories questioning India’s democracy and political system.
Critics also pointed to Lyng’s social media activity, noting that she had recently purchased X Premium verification in May 2026, just before the controversy exploded online. It clearly proved that the viral campaign around her was not organic and carefully amplified for political messaging. She had barely posted about India on her social media accounts before suddenly developing an intense interest in the country’s politics and democracy, fuelling speculation about who or what might be driving her newfound activism on Indian affairs.
Screengrab via X
MEA officials firmly responded to Lyng’s allegations
The Indian Embassy in Norway later invited Lyng to attend the official media briefing organised by the Ministry of External Affairs. During the interaction, Lyng again attempted to corner Indian officials with loaded questions regarding democracy and human rights.
However, MEA Secretary Sibi George firmly responded and repeatedly reminded her not to interrupt while he was answering.
“You asked me a question, let me answer it,” George said.
When Lyng continued interrupting, he added, “Please don’t interrupt me. This is my press conference.”
George defended India’s democratic credentials by pointing to India’s constitutional framework, massive voter participation and the country’s global contributions during the Covid pandemic and G20 presidency.
“We are proud that we are a civilisational country of 5,000 years old,” he said.
He also criticised those who form opinions about India through selective reporting and “ignorant NGOs.”
“People read one or two news reports published by some godforsaken, ignorant NGOs and then come and ask questions. Don’t worry about it. We are proud to be a democracy,” George remarked.
By the time George completed his detailed response, reports suggested that Lyng had already left the room.
The Wire’s long history of peddling fake news and narrative building
Lyng’s endorsement of The Wire has also revived criticism of the publication’s own journalistic track record. Over the years, The Wire has repeatedly faced accusations of publishing misleading reports, half-verified claims and politically charged narratives targeting the Indian government and Hindu organisations.
The platform often prioritises narrative-building over factual reporting, especially in sensitive communal or political issues. The publication has previously faced legal notices, defamation cases and public rebuttals over several controversial reports.
One of its most high-profile controversies involved a report targeting Jay Shah, son of Home Minister Amit Shah. The report led to a ₹100 crore defamation case against The Wire.
In another major editorial failure, the platform published an investigative piece alleging significant financial misconduct by Union Minister Piyush Goyal regarding his investments with the Piramal Group, claiming he kept the PMO completely in the dark. The Piramal Group immediately issued an official statement calling the report ” completely “baseless” and “devoid of merit.” Independent media watchdogs later dismantled the financial premises of the report, exposing significant structural irregularities in the writing. The portal targeted Goyal again in a piece written by Rohini Singh regarding a defaulting company named Shirdi Industries, but basic fact-checks revealed that the corporate loans in question were taken years before Goyal ever assumed public office.
The Central Board of Excise and Customs (CBEC) had also publicly criticised The Wire in the past over what it described as “factually and legally incorrect” reporting regarding the Adani Group.
The platform has also repeatedly faced criticism for the conduct and reporting style of some of its associated journalists and commentators.
The publication also has a predictable routine of prioritising narrative-building over objective reporting, especially when it involves heinous crimes committed by members of the Muslim community. For years, the organisation has consistently worked to whitewash such incidents, often flipping the script to portray the perpetrators as victims and the actual victims as the aggressors.
This pattern is not new; from downplaying the 2002 Godhra carnage and the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots to the brutal murder of Kanhaiyalal in Udaipur, The Wire has a track record of framing reactionary Hindu outrage as a greater threat than the Islamist attacks that caused the outrage in the first place.
Questions over coordination and global narrative-building
The latest endorsement by Helle Lyng has once again raised broader questions about how certain international propagandists, so called journalists and sections of leftist Indian media like The Wire and Newslaundry, frequently amplify anti-India narratives together.
During the Norway controversy, Lyng’s content was rapidly promoted by opposition politicians, left-liberal influencers and media figures who are often critical of PM Modi and the BJP government.
Questions were also raised over the visible coordination between some Indian journalists and Lyng during the Norway visit. While Lyng shared videos involving the Hindu journalist Suhasini Haider, Haider also amplified Lyng’s clips online.
Screengrab via X
Such incidents show how global anti-India ecosystems increasingly rely on selected Indian media platforms to reinforce narratives portraying India as authoritarian or anti-democratic.
Outlets like The Wire and some similar digital platforms frequently become reference points for foreign commentators who wish to target India at the Global stage.
The controversy surrounding Lyng’s endorsement has therefore gone beyond a simple social media post. It reflects a larger ecosystem where foreign commentators, opposition politicians, activist journalists and ideological media platforms work together to create global narratives against India’s image and institutions.
The Islamic ‘festival’ of Eid-ul-Adha or Bakrid in India was celebrated across the country on 28th May by slaughtering goats and other permissible animals. The celebration of bloodshed, however, was in some places claimed blood of Hindus as well.
From tensions in Mira Road housing society over Muslim bringing Qurbani goats inside, court petitions seeking permission for the slaughter of cows, which Hindus revere, to full-fledged violence in Nuh, Bakrid this year witnessed communal tensions in some places and clashes between rival groups in others. OpIndia has brought to its readers a compilation of all major such incidents of violence on Bakrid 2026.
Blood was spilt on the streets of Hindu colonies in Hyderabad on Bakrid, outrage erupted
While social media was replete with greetings and messages calling Bakrid a festival of ‘humanity’, ‘compassion’ and ‘sacrifice’, several videos of the aftermath of Qurbani of innocent animals showed a contrary reality. A disturbing video from Telangana’s Hyderabad surfaced on social media on 27th May, showing blood flowing on the streets of Musheerabad after animal sacrifices on the occasion of Bakrid.
This is from the heart of Hyderabad under Congress Ruled Telangana.
Blood flowing through Hindu colonies in Musheerabad during Bakrid.
Hygiene, public sensitivity and civic responsibility has gone for toss
Blood of the slaughtered animals flowing on the streets not only showed the sheer lack of sense of hygiene but also came across as a deliberate act of asserting intimidating dominance over local Hindus. Clearly, what’s a sacrifice for Muslims became stress for Hindus, and yet the local police took no strict action.
MP: Communal tensions flare up in Ratlam after the discovery of a severed cow head on Bakrid
In Madhya Pradesh’s Ratlam, a severed cow head was found on Bakrid, triggering protests by local Hindu rights organisations. Hindu activists blocked the road and demanded action against those behind cow slaughter, giving a seven-day ultimatum to the police.
The police detained some people after an initial investigation. Meanwhile, Hindu activists alleged that such incidents have occurred earlier as well and raised concerns that slaughtering cows indicates a deliberate attempt to stoke communal tensions.
MP: Meat thrown outside a Hindu home in Ujjain on Bakrid
Outrage erupted in Madhya Pradesh’s Ujjain on 28th May, after a piece of meat was found outside the home of a Hindu family. Local Hindus demanded action against those harassing Hindus on Bakrid.
Snehlata Gupta, a resident of Gandhinagar, said she had cleaned outside her house as usual that morning. When she returned a short while later, she saw pieces of meat lying in a polythene bag near the gate. Seeing this, she immediately alerted her neighbours. In no time, a crowd gathered and informed the police about the matter. The investigation is underway.
Qurbani of Hindus on Bakrid? Hindu youth stabbed to death by Muslims in UP’s Ghaziabad
In Uttar Pradesh’s Ghaziabad, a Hindu youth was stabbed to death by Muslims with a knife, leaving him severely injured on Bakrid. The horrific anti-Hindu crime was committed by Muslim men in the Navneet Nagar area. The victim’s family alleged that the Muslim attackers hurled religious slurs against the Hindu boy and said that they will slaughter the Hindu boy as ‘Qurbani’ on Bakrid. The Hindu youth was rushed to a nearby hospital; however, he succumbed to his wounds.
"Are Hindus born to be slaughtered only?"
This is what the family of a teenage Hindu boy asked after he was stabbed by Islamists in Ghaziabad.
Before being stabbed and having his intestine taken out, the attackers asked, "If you have seen Bakra?"
“It’s Bakrid, let’s slaughter him today,” the accused said, as per the account of the victim’s family. Following the incident, members of several Hindu organisations and local residents gathered at the Khoda police station and staged a protest. The police have arrested the Muslim accused, and further action is underway.
Maharashtra: Ruckus in Kalyan over closure of Durgadi Temple on Bakrid
On the occasion of Bakrid, communal tensions heated up in Maharashtra’s Kalyan, after the closure of the Durgadi Fort and the Durga Mata Temple due to Bakrid namaz. Several Hindu organisations, joined by both rival factions of the Shiv Sena as well as local BJP leader Mahesh Patil held a protest, calling the suppression of the Hindu community’s faith to accommodate that of Muslims is intolerable.
The protesters contended that preventing the ringing of bells and darshan at the temple violated the rights of Hindu devotees. This tradition of ringing bells at the Durga Mata Temple is 40 years old, and began during the 1986 “Ghantanad Movement”.
A heavy police force was deployed to maintain law and order.
UP: Muslim man chased and beaten outside mosque in Bhadohi for asking questions about Sharia on Bakrid
In Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi, a Muslim youth named Intekhab Alam was assaulted by a mob comprising 25 to 30 of his co-religionists outside a mosque on Bakrid. His crime? Asking questions about the Islamic Sharia.
The incident unfolded in the Ghosia town of the Aurai police station area. Victim Intekhab was coming out of the mosque after offering namaz when he was chased and thrashed by a Muslim mob. He was attacked after the mosque’s Hafiz dog whistled some Muslim men over the 34-year-old victim, for asking Sharia-related questions. The attackers first hurled verbal abuses and heckled him, and soon assaulted him with sticks and iron rods, the police said.
UP: Hindu man attacked by Muslim village head in Hardoi in Bakrid
On Bakrid, a Hindu man named Sanjay Rathour was brutally attacked with sharp weapons by village head Sharif Siddiqui and his nephews Javed, Junaid and Chhote while he was working in his field. The Muslim attackers fled the spot, leaving the Hindu man in severely injured condition.
The Hardoi Police confirmed the incident and said that a case has been registered and necessary action is being taken.
“In the referenced case, an FIR has been registered at Hariyawan Police Station under the relevant sections. Other statutory proceedings are underway,” the police said.
संदर्भित प्रकरण में थाना हरियावां पर सुसंगत धाराओं में अभियोग पंजीकृत किया गया है। अन्य वैधानिक कार्यवाही प्रचलित है।
A dispute between two villages in Haryana’s Nuh district escalated into violence after Bakrid prayers on Thursday (May 28, 2026). In Nizampur village, an old dispute related to Panchayat elections escalated into a heated argument between two groups, which then escalated into stone-pelting, lathi-charge, and axes. Six people were injured in the incident.
The second incident occurred in Singar village, where two groups clashed over an old rivalry. About six people were injured here as well. A total of 12 people were injured in both incidents, with one person in critical condition being referred to a medical college. Police increased surveillance in both villages and reported the situation under control.
UP: Hindus catch Gada Khan cooking meat inside Durga temple on Bakrid, police arrest the accused
In Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district, an outrage erupted after a Muslim man was caught cooking meat inside the Durga Temple premises on Bakrid (28th May). The Muslim accused has been identified as Gada Khan, a resident of Rajasthan.
Upon receiving information, Narsingh Vahini activists, along with Kartik workers, arrived at the scene and staged a protest. The Nauchandi police station arrived at the temple premises and recovered meat. The police have taken the accused Gada Khan into custody.
Days after the NEET UG paper leak scandal rocked the nation, the Central government is reportedly planning to deploy the Indian Air Force (IAF) for the transportation of the question paper of the NEET UG reexam on 21st June.
On 28th May, a high-level meeting involving Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, Defence Minister Rajnath, Communications Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia, and others was held, wherein the ministers discussed using IAF aircraft and logistics for the secure transportation of NEET UG question papers from printing presses to exam centres across the country.
The rationale behind involving the IAF is the goal of tackling multifaceted challenges, particularly the paper leak that led to the cancellation of the original NEET UG exam held on 3rd May.
Post Department earlier, IAF now: Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan on why defence forces will likely be involved in NEET UG exam
Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan has confirmed the role of IAF in assisting with transportation to ensure a “foolproof” NEET exam is being considered. The minister says that this is a part of a broader “whole-of-government” security push involving central agencies, the Home Ministry and state police.
“In previous examinations, there was a major role for the postal department, the Home Ministry, and state governments. We have taken their help earlier and will continue with a whole-of-government approach to ensure smooth, free, and fair examinations,” Pradhan said. Minister Pradhan cited logistical and security factors, and monsoon weather conditions, for using the IAF for transportation of question papers to exam centres.
“The work earlier done by the postal department will now also be supported by the Indian Air Force so that question papers reach their destinations on time, considering all factors. The government is serious and fully prepared to conduct free and fair examinations,” Pradhan said. A final decision in this regard is expected to be taken by the Prime Minister’s Office in the coming days.
The proposal to use the defence forces to transport question papers indicates that the govt has lost trust on the current system used for the task. It has been found that the papers were leaked at multiple points during the entire transit from printers to exam centres, and it is not easy to fix this problem soon. Therefore, the govt is considering the use of IAF for the upcoming re-NEET in June.
Meanwhile, politics has intensified on the matter, with many opposition leaders alleging that the idea of involving the IAF in conducting exams, which should be handled by civilian authorities, reflects the government’s failure and incompetence.
Social media debate is also divided, with many criticising the move as reducing the IAF to a ‘courier service’. Meanwhile, those in support of the move argue that with defence forces involved, the possibility of a paper leak will be near dead.
Should IAF be used for facilitating a foolproof NEET UG re-exam?
The busting of the NEET UG 2026 exam paper leak came as a monumental disappointment for 22 lakh aspirants who appeared for the high-stakes exam. The cancellation of the NEET exam by the National Testing Agency (NTA) on 12th May burdened lakhs of aspirants with going through the same exhausting preparation process they had undergone for a year. Students are already frustrated with a year of their efforts going in vain; the Central government and NTA cannot afford to disappoint the candidates once again.
Apparently, it is for this reason that the Central government is considering what obviously comes across as an extreme measure, involving the IAF.
The idea carries several merits. The Indian Air Force’s stringent protocols, secure air transport, and oversight would reduce tampering risks during transit, especially during such tight timelines and the monsoon season, as defence logistics are hardened against breaches.
A direct involvement of armed forces would deter leak mafias from attempting any misadventure during transit. If Indians trust anyone as much as they trust God, it is the Indian Armed Forces. Thus, their presence would restore public confidence.
However, the Indian Air Force is for national defence. Their job is to defend Indians from the enemies of the nation. The forces have time and again contributed to rescue missions during natural disasters and other emergencies. However, a paper leak, although a very serious issue, is not a national emergency warranting IAF’s intervention. Involving defence forces in a strictly civilian matter is the last resort.
Diverting IAF aircraft and personnel for exam papers transportation comes across essentially as an admission by the Education Ministry that it is incapable of conducting leak-proof exams. Such dramatic, quick fixes might get the government through this one exam; however, deploying the IAF for NEET or any such exams would violate their dignity.
Is the Education Ministry admitting that civilian institutions, postal, police, and especially the NTA are incompetent for these basic tasks? Would the Ministry not be turning education into a national security spectacle? Can’t law enforcement authorities provide appropriate logistical support for the question paper transportation during the monsoon season?
Most importantly, the NEET UG 2026 paper leak did not happen only during the transportation of the question paper; the rot lies within the exam-conducting authorities and processes.
The origin of the paper leak was a Nashik printing press. The leak was an insider job involving professors, NIA-linked individuals and a coaching nexus in Rajasthan. Question paper copies are alleged to have been accessed and copied pre-distribution. The leak happened at the source; the question paper was circulated and sold as a ‘guess paper’ through Telegram and other online mediums. It is not that a group of gun-yielding men intercepted vehicles transporting question papers, took the papers and fled.
When GPS, CCTV, biometrics and other such measures could not prevent a paper leak due to insider complicity, why does the government think involving IAF for paper transportation will fix everything? How will IAF fix the rot within the exam-conducting bodies? Will IAF officers replace NTA insiders?
Intentions aside, the armed forces are meant to protect the country and its honour, not do damage control for the government in civilian matters. Yes, the Central government has announced a complete CBT transition from next year to prevent leaks in the NEET exam; however, the examination process in India needs reform, a complete overhaul, not diversion of the resources of the armed forces into such civilian matters.
India’s wearable devices market, already among the top 3 globally, is projected to expand at a CAGR of 23.17% in the coming years. If this number makes you think of it as just another trend, you are missing the point. The wearable market is beginning to shape how health status and progress are understood. That’s not all. PWC highlights that over 80% of Indians now use at least one wearable or health app to track various fitness-related goals. And that’s a big plus for health insurance companies.
The use of wearable devices gives insurers leverage over real-world data. Here’s what this means: They no longer need to rely on static inputs (age, medical history, and one-time disclosure) to determine the premiums. That model is now being backed by observable behaviour. As this development deepens, we are set to witness a massive change in the way insurers assess, price, and even engage with risk, for the better.
Why is static underwriting losing its edge?
Traditional underwriting was designed when real-time health data didn’t exist. Health insurance companies had no option but to depend on snapshots, medical tests, declarations, and records. Let’s talk about how this practice is headed for a change.
The limitation of a one-time health assessment
Insurers can rarely rely on a single medical to capture how a person’s health evolves. Someone may pass all tests today but develop poor lifestyle habits in the future. And just like that, an individual with minor health flags may actively improve their condition through a consistent routine. Static underwriting fails to account for this movement. It freezes risk at one point in time, while actual health keeps changing.
The growing demand for dynamic pricing
Policyholders are now becoming more aware. Many expect fair pricing instead of broad categorisation. They question why two individuals of the same age pay similar premiums when their lifestyles are completely different. This demand for personalisation is pushing insurance companies to tap into models in which pricing is shaped by an individual’s medical history and behaviour.
And that’s where wearables and health apps enter the equation.
How are wearables turning lifestyle into measurable risk?
Wearables have done one thing that insurance has struggled with for decades: they’ve made everyday health behaviour visible and quantifiable, raising awareness among a massive number of people.
Earlier, insurers relied on self-declared habits such as being a non-smoker or having an active lifestyle. These factors were surface-level details and lacked traceability, leading to misinterpretation.
Now, wearable devices provide measurable indicators:
Daily step count and activity intensity
Resting heart rate trends
Sleep duration and consistency
Calories burned and movement frequency
These metrics create a clearer picture of how a person actually lives, not how they describe their lifestyle. In addition, insurers prefer consistent performance over sudden spikes, even if they are not sustained. Regular movement, stable sleep cycles, and gradual improvement are the patterns that strongly indicate long-term health outcomes.
Health apps are filling the gaps that wearables cannot
While wearables monitor physical metrics, health apps capture the context (what those numbers mean). Here’s how they complement wearables:
Creating a more compatible health profile
Health apps are not limited to heart rate and steps. They track behaviours and decisions that influence health outcomes.
Diet logging and nutritional patterns
Medication adherence
Mental wellness tracking
Appointment histories and follow-ups
When combined with wearable data, this creates a more all-in-one view of an individual’s health.
Closing the loop between data and action
Data doesn’t change the outcome unless it’s acted upon. Health apps play an important role in nudging behaviour. Reminders for medication, personalised health tips, and consultations help people stay on track. This allows health insurance companies to manage the risk.
How insurers are actually using this data
The idea of linking wearables to insurance often sounds futuristic, but it is already happening in controlled, structured ways.
Incentives instead of penalties
At this stage, insurers are cautious. They are not aggressively penalising unhealthy behaviour based on wearable data. Instead, they are rewarding healthy practices with:
Discounts on renewal premiums
Wellness points are redeemable for benefits
Access to improved coverage benefits
This approach encourages adoption without creating resistance.
What this means for policyholders
This isn’t a one-sided shift. It changes how people interact with their own health insurance policies. Health behaviour starts influencing financial decisions. Everyday habits like walking regularly, maintaining sleep discipline, and following medication schedules can directly or indirectly impact premiums. This creates a tangible relationship between lifestyle and financial benefit.
The challenges insurers need to solve
The model is promising, but it comes with its own set of complexities. Here’s what needs attention:
Standardising data measuring practices
Variations in sensors, algorithms, and usage patterns can affect reliability.
Health insurance providers must standardise the framework to ensure the data they use is consistent and credible.
Avoiding over-dependence on metrics
Health cannot be measured based on a few numbers. While wearables provide signals, they do not give complete medical assessments. Insurers must avoid overinterpreting data or making decisions based on incomplete insights.
Balancing engagement without intrusion
There is a fine line between helpful nudges and constant monitoring. If users feel watched rather than supported, adoption will ultimately drop. The experience needs to remain optional, transparent, and user-controlled.
Wrapping up
Wearables and health apps are not dramatically disrupting the health insurance space overnight. They are steadily setting new standards for how risk can be understood and priced. They introduce a layer of continuous insight that traditional models never had access to. Insurers can leverage this to improve predictions and potentially reduce claims, while policyholders can use it as an opportunity to secure better premiums through everyday behaviour. Not to mention, the shift is still evolving, particularly in sensitive areas like critical illness insurance, where accuracy and fairness matter deeply. But one thing is clear: insurance is no longer confined to forms and medical tests.
In our country, there are certain “educated” people who regard themselves as committed liberals. However, they have effectively taken on a predetermined agenda. Their focus is restricted to two primary aims: First, unwaveringly supporting Islamic fundamentalism and archaic social evils and second, criticising Hindu festivals and traditions. All their notable academic credentials and intellectual abilities are utilised solely for this singular cause. An article authored by Professor Apoorvanand of Delhi University has again exposed their real face to the public.
Just ahead of the Eid al-Adha (Bakrid) festival, he authored an article for The Wire, an utterly biased narrative peddling alleged agony far from any neutrality. Its every aspect displayed a clear animosity towards the nation’s systemic framework and the Hindu community. The entire agenda is built around one primary strategy: to represent Muslims as perpetually innocent victims, while depicting Hindus and the country’s democratically elected government as the “villain” or perpetrator.
This perspective is frequently referred to as the “Urban Naxal” mindset, a phenomenon that needs to be brought to light. Therefore, we are conducting a thorough and detailed examination of Professor Apoorvanand’s column. We will refrain from mere assumptions and are going to rather rely on verifiable facts and evidence to illustrate the truth and separate it from the false narratives currently being circulated.
Why are liberals so irked by the rule of law
Apoorvanand’s argument: Bakrid is approaching. How do we know that? It is not the word of the local maulvi, but the statements of Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, ministers and chief ministers of the BJP-led governments – all filled with warnings and threats directed at Muslims – that indicate another Muslim festival is close. In West Bengal, minister Dilip Ghosh issued a warning in Hindi that everything must happen “according to the law” and that nobody would be allowed to violate it. But in what context – and to whom – was he saying this?
Response: Upon reviewing this propaganda by Apoorvanand, it becomes clear that what actually bothers him is the insistence of India’s administrative machinery for the Muslim community to comply with the law. After decades of the corrupt politics of Muslim appeasement, these “Urban Naxals” are unable to accept the fact that the “Rule of Law” (one law applicable to all) is now being enforced nationwide.
They want the minorities to continue to enjoy special privileges and have the unchecked freedom to act as they wish in public spaces. When governments encourage citizens to celebrate festivals within legal parameters, these individuals interpret such guidance as “warnings” and “threats.”
Why advocate for holding roads hostage
Apoorvanand’s argument: Everyone knows these warnings were aimed at Muslims ahead of Bakrid. Even earlier, Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari had threatened that nobody would be allowed to offer namaz on the streets. Orders were issued against the cow sacrifice. Mosques would not be allowed to make the azan call for prayers. And just before Bakrid, it was announced that the customary two-day holiday would now be reduced to a single day.
The Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh warned Muslims that they would not be permitted to offer prayers on the roads. If they failed to get the message, he said, they would be “made to understand” through other means. We all know what those “other means” signify.
Response: The persistence in collectively performing Namaz by blocking public roads could only be supported by an anarchist. The governments of Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal have explicitly stated that roads are designated for the general populace, ambulances and traffic, not for disturbing public order by hindering movement for the purpose of religious observances.
Does Apoorvanand genuinely think that obstructing other people’s path is a religious entitlement? CM Yogi’s reference to “administrative action” against breaches of the law should not be used to disseminate the bogus narrative of “covert threat” or “alternative measures.” The imposition of the law is aimed at offenders and troublemakers, not at law-abiding citizens.
Why did the advice to respect “Sanatan sentiments” cause such anger
Apoorvanand’s argument: The Chief Minister of Assam advised Muslims to conduct sacrifices “properly.” He praised Muslim voices that appealed against cow sacrifice. Himanta Biswa Sarma went so far as to say that Bakrid should eventually become entirely free of sacrifice. Muslims, he declared, were respecting “Sanatan sentiments,” and this, he said, would preserve peace in society.
Response: In a nation as diverse as India, when a Chief Minister calls for respect towards the “Sanatan sentiments” of the majority community, as well as for the veneration of cattle, in the interest of maintaining social harmony, why does this incite such discomfort and unrest among the Leftists? The Chief Minister of Assam expressed these views to promote peace and brotherhood within society.
Nevertheless, persons like Apoorvanand apparently do not seek a peaceful society and appear to favour conflict. They want these issues to persist, thus exacerbating polarisation so that their business of being “intellectuals” can continue to flourish.
Brazen defence of cattle smuggling and unlawful activities
Apoorvanand’s argument: Videos are circulating in which we see vehicles being stopped and attacked on suspicion that cows are being transported illegally for sacrifice. But the matter no longer ends with cows. Goats, too, are being seized. In Delhi, just before Bakrid, public activity in Nehru Hill Park was prohibited because of apprehensions that goats might be bought and sold there. Gau Rakshak bands are being formed on the eve of Bakrid to monitor the transportation of the sacred animal.
Response: There is a legal restriction on cow slaughter and smuggling in this country. Apoorvanand is skillfully referring to illegal cow smuggling as “transportation for sacrifice.” The fact remains that preventing the unauthorised transfer of animals is legally justified. This leftist professor acts as if he is entirely unaware of how Islamic mobs engage in violent attacks on police and civilians trying to halt such cow smuggling.
When the government increases security in public places like Nehru Hill Park to stop this trade alongside littering, depicting it as a “ban” targeting a specific religion shows their frustration.
Irritated by the truth about Mecca and PETA’s campaign
Apoorvanand’s argument: One television channel even travelled to Mecca to investigate whether cows and camels were being sacrificed there. These channels never went to Gaza while children were being slaughtered, nor to Sudan, where massacres continue unabated. But on the eve of Bakrid, they found it worthwhile to undertake the noble journalistic exercise of travelling to Mecca to collect this “important” information and disseminate it to the Indian audience – only to show that the “real” Muslims of Arabia are more reasonable than the “converted” ones of India.
The animal rights organisation People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, or PETA, launched a campaign in which a goat pleads with people not to sacrifice it. Children pause lovingly to caress the animal. Could anyone be so heartless, the campaign asks, as to slaughter such a helpless creature? Significantly, this campaign has been launched precisely before Bakrid.
Can PETA run a similar campaign at the Kamakhya temple? Could it carry out such a campaign in my own ancestral town of Deoghar, where multiple animal sacrifices take place during sacred-thread ceremonies, weddings and other rituals? It never has. It never will. There is less compassion for goats in PETA’s campaign than there is hostility toward Muslims.
Response: When a media channel shows that, even in core Islamic regions (such as Saudi Arabia or Mecca), affairs are managed strictly in accordance with local laws and order, the deceptions spread by Indian liberals are busted. Consequently, they resort to denigrating the media.
As for PETA, why do individuals like Apoorvanand keep their eyes closed when the group issues sanctimonious advisories, filled with unsolicited wisdom, urging people to save water during Holi or not burst firecrackers during Diwali? At those times, those posts never seem anti-Hindu to them. Furthermore, why did these people choose to remain silent over the murder of Tarun Kumar, which took place amid Holi? The young man was killed by Muslims, and Apoorvanand had published an article at the time to paint the Islamists as victims.
In his effort to rationalise the killing of goats during Bakrid, he intended to defame revered sites like Kamakhya and Deoghar. He conveniently overlooked that even in cases where these age-old customs continue to exist within Hindu culture, blood is not spilt publicly on the streets, nor are animals sacrificed in the thoroughfares. Moreover, it is often the members of Hindu society who lead the charge in courts and through reform movements in the battle against animal cruelty.
A vile attempt to sling mud at Hindu festivals
Apoorvanand’s argument: What is most distressing is that even decent Hindus often fail to see or feel this hatred directed at Muslims. Many Hindus innocently ask why prayers should be offered on roads at all. They regard restrictions on namaz as reasonable measures meant to ensure smooth traffic flow. But they never ask why roads outside Hanuman temples remain blocked for hours every Tuesday. During almost every Hindu festival, roads are occupied by idols and processions.
Whether it is Ganesh Chaturthi, Rath Yatra, Ram Navami, Durga Puja, Saraswati Puja, Mahaviri Akhara processions, Hanuman Jayanti, or countless others, roads are seized not merely for a day but often for many days at a stretch. And then there is the month-long Kanwar Yatra, during which entire highways are officially surrendered to the Kanwariyas.
Response: Apoorvanand raised questions on nearly all significant Hindu celebrations, including Ganesh Chaturthi, Rath Yatra, Ram Navami, Durga Puja and Kanwar Yatra, only to justify arbitrary conduct witnessed during Eid al-Adha and in public venues. Nevertheless, this leftist academic shrewdly neglected to mention that the crowds on the streets during Hindu festivals gather only once a year for a limited time, and strictly follow routes and permissions set by the authorities. Hindu society honours the established administrative framework. From the volume of DJ music to the designated paths of processions, everything is regulated by the police.
In sharp contrast, there seems to be no end to the Friday prayers (Namaz) that are held weekly by blocking public roads. In any part of the nation, on any major roadway, thousands of Muslims might suddenly congregate, bringing traffic to a complete halt. Suddenly, bricks and stones are thrown from the vicinity of mosques, targeting both police officers and everyday citizens. This very situation was vividly observed in Bareilly and other districts of Uttar Pradesh. Only those who live in these areas can adequately convey to this leftist commentator just how massive a nuisance it becomes for ordinary citizens to navigate through Muslim-majority neighbourhoods on a Friday.
The claim of “Muslim restrain” vs. real incidents of “stone-pelting” outside mosques
Apoorvanand’s argument: Muslims do not create public hysteria during their festivals. Christians do not either. They never march before temples performing sacrifices. Even during Muharram, Muslims do not stand before temples to perform mourning. Hindus alone demand the right to play loud music before mosques, to enter mosque premises and to desecrate Muslim religious symbols.
They raise slogans against Muslims and play songs abusing Muslims in their religious processions. It is as though, without doing this, their religious pleasure now feels incomplete.
Response: Only an Ostrich-like approach of an “Urban Naxal” could turn a blind eye to ground realities and claim that “restraint” is apparent during Muslim festivals. Is Apoorvanand oblivious to the fact that Hindu processions, such as those during Ram Navami or Durga Puja Visarjan, are subjected to attacks from mosques and rooftops of Muslim houses with stones, petrol bombs and swords in multiple states across the nation? Does he believe that the blame rests solely on Hindus, even for the violent instances that transpire during Hanuman Jayanti processions?
Does the general public not experience any discomfort or fear concerning the unsheathed swords and weapons displayed during Muharram processions? Apoorvanand, who refers to Hindus as “mentally ill,” remains entirely silent about the blatant violence and arson that occur during Tazia processions, as these events do not provide an opportunity for him to advance his agenda of playing the “victim card.”
A long history of ideological hatred and conspiracy to provoke riots
The minds of these self-styled “intellectuals,” these frauds, have become utterly vacuous. If you want to observe their duplicity, merely remember the Sabarimala temple controversy. During that time, these same Leftists eagerly jumped into the fray, wielding judicial rulings. They exerted every effort to depict Hindu customs as “backward” and “anti-female.” However, when Bakrid comes around, they shut their mouths. As roads are obstructed and animals are publicly sacrificed in the streets, they suddenly start to articulate their views on “religious freedom.” In such instances, they conveniently disregard all their “insight” and retreat into silence.
Today, on Bakrid, consider the historical actions of Professor Apoorvanand, the very individual who readily hits out at Hindus regarding their festivals. This is not the first instance of his hateful rhetoric. His name has even appeared in the charge sheets related to the anti-Hindu riots that occurred in Delhi. He has faced serious accusations of plotting to incite riots and provoking the mob.
Hence, for this professor to contribute to a disreputable platform like The Wire and write such an article is hardly a gesture of social reform. It is, quite frankly, a blatant move of defiance against the laws of India. It represents a malicious and calculated conspiracy to tarnish the reputation of the country’s majority community in the eyes of the global audience.
NCERT’s textbook mess is taking a heavy toll on students. Nearly two months have passed since the new academic session began, summer vacations are already underway, yet there is still no certainty over the availability of textbooks, especially for Class 9 students.
While the books are available in PDF format digitally, the syllabus has undergone major changes this year. As a result, studies that should have properly begun in April are yet to take off. Even school bookshops are unable to confirm when the printed books will arrive. The situation is reportedly even worse in Kendriya Vidyalayas and other government schools. Students are frustrated, teachers are anxious, and parents, after understanding the extent of the chaos, are blaming the entire system.
Parents are asking why the books were not printed in advance if the syllabus changes had already been finalised. If NCERT was unable to ensure timely printing, why was there a need to implement the new syllabus this year itself? Many are also questioning the sudden imposition of the three-language formula in Class 9. Students are already under pressure, and parents wonder how they are expected to manage additional academic burdens without adequate preparation or resources.
Teachers worried over the uncertainty surrounding textbooks
Ms Shivani (name changed), a science teacher at a reputed school in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, expressed concern over the delay in textbooks after the revised Class 9 syllabus was introduced. According to her, schools have received no clear information regarding when the books will finally become available.
“Unfortunately, this has become a recurring problem. The academic session begins in April, yet textbooks often remain unavailable for months. With the implementation of the three-language formula, Class 9 students are now expected to study a third language as well, but even the required textbooks for these courses are missing,” she said.
She added that the situation is worrying both as a teacher and as a parent of CBSE students. Such delays create uncertainty for schools, teachers, students and parents alike. More importantly, she believes the situation exposes a lack of preparedness, continuity and planning in the system. Educational reforms and curriculum changes, she argued, require timely planning, proper resources and an effective implementation strategy so that students’ education does not suffer.
Seema (name changed), a social science teacher at a Kendriya Vidyalaya in Delhi-NCR, said Class 9 social science has undergone major changes this year. Teachers are now forced to teach students through PDFs because students do not have printed books in classrooms. She explained that teachers have asked students to print copies of the PDFs to follow lessons properly. Meanwhile, summer vacations have already begun, and there is still no sign of the books.”Examinations will also begin soon. What exactly are teachers supposed to do?” she asked.
After Advanced Maths, Advanced Science enters Class 9
This year, Advanced Science has been introduced alongside Advanced Mathematics in Class 9. In 2024, CBSE schools introduced Advanced Mathematics, but NCERT has still not released a dedicated textbook for it. Even if such books were printed, they never reached students in most places.
As a result, teachers continue using the standard mathematics textbook. Slightly difficult questions are labelled as “advanced maths”, while easier ones are treated as “basic maths”. Critics argue that this creates confusion within the same classroom, where some students attempt advanced-level problems while others study the basic curriculum.
Now, a similar model is being introduced for science. Students planning to pursue science in higher classes are expected to take Advanced Mathematics and Advanced Science, while students intending to opt for humanities or commerce are not required to focus as heavily on science subjects. Critics question the logic of introducing such segregation from Class 9 itself when these distinctions naturally emerge in Class 11.
Even students who received books are struggling
Akshara, a Class 9 student studying at DPS Noida, said she finally received some books two or three days ago, but the social science textbook is still unavailable. She explained that her school has long used separate mathematics books anyway, but the NCERT science book has completely changed.
“Earlier, the first chapter in maths used to be Number System, but now it starts with Geometry. Earlier, there were more calculation-based questions, but now language-based questions have increased. Even in mathematics, it feels like understanding the language is becoming more important. It is becoming difficult to understand,” she said.
She added that the science book also feels significantly tougher and requires much deeper conceptual understanding. According to her, only students genuinely interested in science may be able to cope with the new structure independently.
Riyana, a student from Somerville School, Delhi, said she has not received any textbooks yet. According to her, school bookshops repeatedly tell students they have no information about when the books will arrive. Teachers have been sending PDFs and asking students to print them. “We somehow managed studies in April through PDFs. Teachers themselves remain stressed. Students are frustrated because there are no books. Even our Term 1 exams have already happened,” she said.
When local booksellers inside school campuses were contacted, they admitted they had no idea when the textbooks would arrive. Since summer vacations are ongoing, students may now have to wait until schools reopen in July to know whether books will finally become available.
However, a bookseller at Uttarakhand Book Shop in Kondli claimed that most books are now available except the Class 9 social science textbook. He also said books for Advanced Mathematics and Advanced Science are expected in the market soon.
Three-language policy adding to pressure
While students continue struggling with unavailable textbooks, the mandatory three-language policy introduced in Class 9 this year has become another source of stress. Students are now expected to study a mother tongue, a regional language and a foreign language. In many schools, this effectively means Hindi, Sanskrit and English are being taught together, while foreign languages such as German, French and Spanish are being phased out. Teachers associated with those languages are also reportedly losing jobs.
Alpana Rai, mother of a Class 10 student studying at DAV School Ghaziabad and also a tutor herself, said students only received books a few days ago. She pointed out several shortcomings in the new books.
“The science syllabus is extremely vast and difficult for children to understand independently. Even teachers will have to study deeply before teaching it. Mathematics is similar. The social science book is still unavailable. Since April, students have had no books. The syllabus changed, yet books were unavailable. What is a child supposed to do?” she asked.
She stressed that Class 9 forms the foundation for students’ future education, making such negligence deeply concerning. In her view, the compulsory three-language formula is adding further burden on children.
Jasmine Tirkey, mother of a student studying at Somerville School Noida, said she opposed the mandatory three-language policy before the school administration. She explained that parents had already purchased old textbooks from schools in April because those books were still being sold then. Now, after the syllabus change, parents are being forced to buy new books again, resulting in double expenditure.
However, she clarified that she does not oppose syllabus revisions themselves. “Curriculum should evolve with changing times. But once the syllabus changes, textbooks must also be available on time. Otherwise, students depend entirely on PDFs. Our attempts to keep children away from excessive mobile usage become meaningless,” she said.
According to her, reforms should be implemented only after proper planning. “Changes are welcome, but not at the cost of disrupting students’ academic continuity. If the changes were implemented next year instead, textbooks would have been available, and students would have been better prepared,” she added.
The problem is not limited to Class 9
This crisis is not limited to Class 9 students. In 2025, the syllabus for Classes 4 to 8 was also revised, and students faced similar textbook shortages for months. Some Class 5 and Class 8 students reportedly waited until June to receive books.
Despite this previous experience, critics argue that NCERT learned no lessons and again failed to ensure textbook availability after revising the Class 9 syllabus in 2026. Once again, students are dependent on PDFs and teachers’ handwritten notes.
Observers also raise concerns about rural students. How will students in villages or small towns access PDF files? Do they even have stable internet access? Another criticism is that English-medium textbooks often reach markets earlier, while Hindi-medium books arrive much later, leading to allegations of inequality.
Beware of fake textbooks
Another issue complicating matters further is the widespread use of expensive private publisher books in private schools. Parents are often pressured into purchasing these books. The National Human Rights Commission has reportedly issued notices to state governments asking why schools force parents to buy costly private books when NCERT books are available at lower prices.
However, even the availability of NCERT textbooks remains questionable.
Because of the shortage, fake NCERT books have flooded markets in several places. Demand for textbooks remains extremely high while supply fails to keep pace. As a result, counterfeit and pirated book rackets have become active. These books are printed on poor-quality paper, use low-quality ink and often lack official logos, adversely affecting both students’ studies and eyesight.
In 2020 alone, fake textbook sales worth nearly Rs 5.64 crore were reported in Meerut and nearby areas. In 2025, authorities in Delhi’s Shahdara busted another fake textbook racket and seized more than 1.7 lakh counterfeit books worth approximately Rs 2.4 crore.
The larger point, critics argue, is that students and parents must now remain cautious not only about textbook shortages but also about fake textbooks thriving because of the shortage.
NCERT textbook controversies and revisions
NCERT has already faced multiple controversies over textbook revisions in recent years.
A major controversy erupted after a Class 8 social science book included references to “corruption in the judiciary.” The Supreme Court strongly objected to the content, calling it damaging to the institution’s dignity. NCERT later apologised and withdrew the book from the market.
Another controversy arose when a Class 8 social science textbook showed several Rajput princely states, such as Jaisalmer, Bikaner and Bundi, as part of the Maratha Empire in a 1759 map. Following criticism, NCERT admitted it had made a serious mistake and acknowledged that the map lacked any valid historical source.
Opposition parties also protested after chapters related to the Mughal Empire and Delhi Sultanate were removed from Class 7 and Class 12 textbooks. NCERT later expressed regret over the removal of certain portions related to the freedom struggle and promised corrections in future academic sessions.
During the Covid period, NCERT also removed Darwin’s theory of evolution and the periodic table from the Class 10 curriculum, triggering criticism from educationists. NCERT later clarified that these topics had not been entirely removed but shifted to the more detailed science curriculum of Classes 11 and 12.
Environmental chapters such as Sources of Energy and Management of Natural Resources were also removed, attracting further criticism.
Overall, critics argue that NCERT urgently needs a more robust strategy both for curriculum revision and textbook distribution. Students have been facing textbook shortages for years. The question being repeatedly asked is simple: why are textbooks printed in insufficient quantities, despite knowing this leads to black market and counterfeit books?
When books themselves are unavailable in the market, what are students expected to do? Their studies suffer, learning gaps emerge and motivation declines. Schools often appear helpless. Critics say the situation is even more worrying for students in villages who are trying to study without proper books, stable internet access or clarity regarding the syllabus.
The Supreme Court on Wednesday, 27th May, upheld the Election Commission of India’s decision to conduct a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls and said the exercise was aimed at strengthening free and fair elections in the country. The judgment came in response to a batch of petitions challenging the Election Commission’s decision to conduct the SIR process in Bihar last year.
A bench comprising Chief Justice Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi held that the Election Commission has the constitutional authority to carry out such a revision under Article 324 of the Constitution, along with powers granted under the Representation of the People Act, 1950, and the rules framed under it.
Big Victory For Election Commission, SC Upholds EC's Power To Conduct SIR — 'We Are Equally Satisfied…'https://t.co/sOU8GqdWBe
The Court said the Special Intensive Revision was directly connected to ensuring the “integrity, accuracy and purity” of electoral rolls, which form the foundation of the democratic process.
The Supreme Court framed four key questions
Delivering its verdict [pdf] on a batch of pleas questioning the legality of the SIR exercise, the apex court identified four key questions for consideration:
Does the Election Commission of India have the power to conduct the Impugned Special Intensive Revision?
Whether the Impugned Special Intensive Revision is founded on a legitimate purpose, and if so, whether the measures adopted by the Election Commission of India are proportionate to the object sought to be achieved?
Whether the procedure adopted by the Election Commission of India in conducting the Impugned Special Intensive Revision is contrary to, or in violation of, the provisions of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 and the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960?
Whether, in the exercise of its constitutional mandate of preparation and maintenance of electoral rolls, and in furtherance of the statutory conditions governing such registration, the Election Commission of India is empowered to scrutinise the citizenship status of persons seeking inclusion or continuation in the electoral roll?
Court says ECI has constitutional power to conduct SIR
Addressing the first issue, the Supreme Court clearly ruled that the Election Commission was fully empowered to conduct the Special Intensive Revision.
The Court observed that the SIR process was authorised under Section 21(3) of the Representation of the People Act, along with Article 324 of the Constitution. It rejected arguments that the exercise violated existing election laws.
“The impugned SIR does not supplant the RP Act or the 1960 Rules. It rather breathes life into the constitutional mandate of Article 324,” the Court said.
An excerpt from the judgment
The bench further clarified that the Election Commission was allowed to adopt a different procedure from ordinary revisions if circumstances required it.
“So long as the Commission acts within the bounds of the statute, records reasons for recourse to the special power, and does not transgress any express prohibition contained in the Act or the Rules, the exercise cannot be struck down merely because it adopts a procedure different from that applicable to an ordinary revision,” the judgment stated.
The Court also linked the SIR directly with the constitutional requirement of free and fair elections.
“Free and fair elections do not rest merely upon the mechanics of polling. They equally depend upon the integrity, accuracy and purity of the electoral roll,” the bench observed.
The judges noted that more than two decades had passed since the last intensive revision and that rapid urbanisation, migration and large-scale additions and deletions in voter rolls justified the fresh verification exercise.
The court says SIR has a legitimate purpose
Addressing the second question, the Supreme Court held that the objective behind the SIR exercise was both legitimate and constitutionally necessary.
“The objective sought to be achieved by the Commission, namely, the restoration of accuracy, completeness, and integrity of the electoral roll, is not only legitimate but is integral to the constitutional mandate entrusted to it,” the Court said.
The Court rejected the argument that the SIR lacked a proper purpose or was politically motivated. It held that the reasons given by the Election Commission had a “direct and rational nexus” with maintaining a credible electoral process.
An excerpt from the judgment
The bench also examined whether the methods used during the SIR exercise were proportionate to the objective. The Court found that the measures adopted by the Election Commission, including house-to-house verification and collection of updated forms, were reasonable.
“These measures are not only logically connected to the stated objective but are, in fact, intrinsically designed to achieve it,” the Court observed.
The Court noted that physical verification helped identify outdated or duplicate entries, while standardised forms ensured uniform scrutiny across constituencies.
The judgment also highlighted that procedural safeguards existed within the process, including scrutiny by officers, notices in doubtful cases, hearings and appellate remedies.
“These procedural safeguards reinforce the rational connection between the means adopted and the objective sought to be achieved,” the Court said.
Concluding this issue, the Court ruled, “We are satisfied that the impugned SIR bears a direct and proximate nexus to ensure the purity and accuracy of the electoral roll.”
Court rejects challenge to SIR procedure
While examining the third issue, the Supreme Court rejected claims that the SIR process violated Rule 21A of the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960.
The petitioners had argued that the exercise allowed deletion of names without adequate safeguards. However, the Court said that safeguards such as notice, inquiry, hearing and reasoned determination were still available within the SIR framework.
An excerpt from the judgment
The Court clarified that these safeguards were spread across different stages of the process, including enumeration, draft publication and claims-and-objections proceedings.
“The statutory framework does not mandate a rigid or singular procedural format but instead requires fairness in action,” the Court said.
The Court also upheld the Election Commission’s decision to prescribe a documentary verification system.
According to the bench, the documentation requirement was aimed at ensuring “administrative consistency and evidentiary reliability.”
The petitioners had objected to the exclusion of documents like ration cards and voter ID cards from the accepted list. However, the Court refused to interfere with the Election Commission’s discretion in deciding which documents should be accepted.
“The choice of proposed documents for verification of electoral rolls and their evidentiary standards necessarily fall within the discretionary domain of the Commission,” the Court observed.
The Court finally held that the documentation framework was neither arbitrary nor illegal.
“We hold that the documentation regime prescribed by the Commission represents a considered exercise of its administrative discretion in furtherance of its Constitutional mandate,” the bench stated.
An excerpt from the judgment
ECI can examine citizenship for voter rolls, says SC
The fourth issue dealt with whether the Election Commission had the authority to examine questions related to citizenship while preparing electoral rolls.
The Supreme Court ruled that the Election Commission does have the power to examine citizenship-related questions for the limited purpose of deciding eligibility for inclusion in electoral rolls.
However, the Court also made it clear that the Election Commission’s findings would not amount to a final declaration on someone’s citizenship status. “It concerns not merely the scope of the Commission’s powers, but the manner in which those powers are to be exercised in a domain that directly engages the status of citizenship,” the Court observed.
An excerpt from the judgment
The Court accepted the Election Commission’s argument that Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution, along with Section 16 of the Representation of the People Act, empower it to verify whether a person fulfils the conditions required for voter registration.
At the same time, the bench stressed that citizenship is a serious constitutional issue and cannot be conclusively decided by the Election Commission alone.
The judges clarified that if the Commission finds doubts regarding someone’s citizenship, it must refer the matter to the competent authority under the Citizenship Act for final adjudication.
Court’s concluding directions
The Supreme Court later clarified several questions and laid down clear safeguards regarding cases involving doubtful citizenship and rumoured claims.
“In cases where the Commission is not satisfied that a person meets the statutory conditions for inclusion in the electoral roll, it would be incumbent upon it to refer such an individual to the competent authority within the Central Government for adjudication in accordance with law,” the Court said.
The bench added that the Election Commission’s findings would remain limited only to electoral purposes and would not finally determine citizenship.
The Court also directed the Election Commission to refer, within four weeks, all cases where names had been deleted from the 2003 electoral rolls on citizenship-related grounds.
The competent authority under the Citizenship Act was asked to decide such cases after giving proper notice and hearing to affected individuals. The Court further clarified that if any deleted individuals are later found to be Indian citizens, their names must be restored to the electoral rolls.
Background of the case
The controversy began last year when the Election Commission ordered a Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in Bihar ahead of the Assembly elections. Multiple organisations, including the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and the National Federation for Indian Women (NFIW), challenged the process before the Supreme Court.
The petitioners argued that the SIR exercise could lead to the arbitrary deletion of voters and might disenfranchise lakhs of genuine citizens.
However, the Election Commission defended the move, saying the revision was necessary to remove duplicate, inaccurate and ineligible entries from voter rolls.
Initially, around 65 lakh names were removed from Bihar’s draft electoral rolls published on 1st August. Later, after appeals and corrections, the number came down to around 47 lakh.
As the hearings continued over months, the Supreme Court stepped in to add balanced safeguards. The Court directed the ECI to issue a formal notice explicitly stating that Aadhaar would be accepted as a valid identity proof document for the inclusion of voters in the revised lists being prepared under the SIR. The SIR exercise in Bihar was completed on 30th September.
According to official figures, Bihar had 7.89 crore voters before the revision process began, while 7.42 crore voters remained on the revised list after completion of the exercise.
The Election Commission later extended the SIR process to other states as well and issued a notification on 27th October to conduct it in West Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, which led to further legal challenges and eventually resulted in the Supreme Court’s final verdict upholding the exercise.
India is home to diverse religions and cultures. Constitutionally secular, India, that is Bharat, is rooted in the Hindu Sanatan consciousness. Our country has long covered up confrontations emerging from contradictions in religious beliefs with ‘secularism’ and ‘tolerance’. Cow slaughter exemplifies confrontation.
Muslims in India ‘celebrate’ Eid by slaughtering certain animals, mainly goats, on this occasion. However, there have been incidents of this ‘minority’ slaughtering cows and even reaching courts to seek permission for the same, despite knowing that cows are sacred for Hindus.
Recently, the Calcutta High Court dismissed a batch of petitions, including the petitions filed by ‘secular’ political parties, Trinamool Congress and the CPIM, challenging the notification issued by the Suvendu Adhikari government, which prohibited Qurbani of cows and bulls on Eid-ul-Adha or Bakrid.
The High Court upheld the notification issued by the BJP government in West Bengal and stated that the sacrifice of a cow was neither a part of the festival of Eid-ul-Adha nor was it a requirement under Islam. A similar ruling was also delivered by the Madras High Court on 27th May.
Constitution on cow protection and landmark court rulings
Under Article 48, a Directive Principle of State Policy (DPSP), the Constitution of India mandates the State to endeavour to prohibit the slaughter of cows, calves, and other milch and draught cattle. Although as a DPSP, Article 48 is non-binding, it is fundamentally meant to guide the government in policymaking and legislation.
While several states have enacted cow protection laws, Kerala, some northeastern states, and West Bengal (until now) do not enforce a blanket ban on cow slaughter.
In the Mohammad Hanif Quareshi & Ors. Vs. State of Bihar (1975) case, a five-judge constitution bench of the Supreme Court decided on the challenge to a ban on cow slaughter in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. The challenge was put forth on the grounds of a violation of fundamental rights. The Supreme Court held that since cow slaughter is not an essential practice in Islam, there is no question of a conflict with the right to religious freedom under Article 25.
In the 2005 State of Gujarat v. Mirzapur Moti Kureshi Kassab Jamat case, a seven-judge Supreme Court bench ruled that the Bombay Animal Preservation (Gujarat Amendment) Act, 1994, which imposed a complete ban on the slaughter of cows and bulls, was constitutionally valid.
Constitution and courts believe cows should be protected from slaughter, but Muslims don’t
Eid al-Adha commemorates the Islamic prophet Ibrahim’s supposed willingness to slaughter his son Ismail, as an act of submission to Allah. While Ibrahim performed Qurbani of his son, Muslims don’t follow his example exactly. As per the Quran, Muslims can slaughter goats, sheep, cows, buffaloes, and camels for Eid al-Adha. However, there is no Quranic mandate requiring cow slaughter specifically for Qurbani, although cow meat consumption is considered ‘Halal’ (permissible).
While the Constitution’s DPSP and court state that cow slaughter should be prohibited, a significant section of Muslims take delight is disregarding what the Constitution, which they brandish when convenient, and slaughter cows to deliberately hurt Hindu sentiments.
What is Aghnya for Hindus is ‘Halal’ for Muslims
In the Hindu Sanatan Dharma, the cow is revered as Gau Mata, symbolising motherhood, nourishment, purity, non-violence, and a life-giver. Vedas describe cows as “Aghnya” or “not to be harmed or killed”. In the Hindu scriptures, particularly the Rig Ved and the Atharv Ved, cows are directly equated with abundance, purity, divinity, and sustenance. Cow milk and other derivative products are essential to Vedic yajnas and other rituals.
The Rig Ved 1.164.27 hymn, “Aghnyeyam sā vardhatām mahate saubhagāya” says he aghnya cow (not to be killed) brings us health and prosperity. The Vedic texts even mandate punishments, including banishment or execution, for those who slaughter cows.
However, after centuries of Islamic invasions, British colonialism, and decades of Congress rule, Hindu beliefs, traditions, and pride have all been suppressed to appease Muslims for political gains, emboldening the otherwise ‘oppressed’ ‘minority’ to slaughter cows, consume cow meat, and even approach court seeking reversal of cow slaughter bans in the name of ‘religious freedom’.
The Islamist demeaning of feminine representation in Sanatan
In November 2023, the Amreli Sessions Court sentenced three Muslim men, Kasim Haji Solanki, Sattar Ismail Solanki and Akram Haji Solanki to life imprisonment for slaughtering cows. During a raid by the Amreli Sessions Court, a house in the Motakhatkiwad area of Baharpara village was raided following a tip-off. The police recovered 40 kg of animal meat from the residence of the three named Muslim men.
In March 2025, a police team found the remains of a calf in a field in a village in Uttar Pradesh’s Shamli district. A man named Sameer was sentenced to life imprisonment under the National Security Act, for killing two calves and a cow in the forest during last year’s Holi season.
In February this year, a Muslim mob attacked Hindu gau rakshaks and police with sharp weapons during an operation to stop cow slaughter in Gujarat’s Surat. The Muslim butchers wanted to slaughter cows during the Islamic month of Ramzan despite the fact that cow slaughter is strictly banned in the state.
On 27th February, the Allahabad High Court upheld the detention of Sikandar, Saiyyaj Ali, and Hasnen for slaughtering cows during the Hindu festival of Navratri in Uttar Pradesh’s Jalaun. The accused trio was arrested on 31st March after the police seized approximately two to 3 quintals of beef, knives, and other materials.
There have been numerous such cases wherein remains of cows have been found dumped in drains and in secluded areas, eventually leading to Muslims who butchered cows.
In fact, in recent years, there have been incidents wherein Muslims have deliberately slaughtered cows and thrown their remains inside Hindu temples to mock and provoke Hindus.
Over the years, there has been a significant increase in incidents of throwing meat pieces in front of temples, with Muslims being the culprits in most cases. In Assam’s Muslim-dominate Dhubri a cow head was found near a Hanuman temple on Bakrid in 2025.
Similarly, a cow was slaughtered near a Hindu temple located in a Hindu-majority area in Assam’s Sribhumi district on Bakrid or Eid-ul-Adha. In Goalpara, Hazrat Ali and 4 others dumped the severed head of a cow near Kali Mandir. In June 2025, 7 Muslim men were arrested after cow skulls were recovered near a prayer hall in Assam’s Lakhimpur. In October 2024, Islamists hurled meat pieces at Hindus during a Navratri procession. In 2021, 4 cows were slaughtered in Delhi’s Kalindi Kunj and their remains were thrown near the temple
OpIndia documented similar incidents from Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, and other states in recent years, wherein cow meat, severed heads, and other remains have been thrown inside Hindu temples, in a clear act of mocking Hindus and their religious beliefs.
Besides slaughtering cows on Eid and throwing cow remains inside Hindu temples, there have been cases wherein Muslims were caught selling samosas stuffed with cow meat to unsuspecting Hindus. In April 2024, Gujarat Police raided a Vadodara-based samosa shop, ‘Huseni Samosa center’, and arrested six persons, including eatery owners Imran Yusuf Qureshi and Naeem Sheikh, for selling samosas stuffed with beef (cow meat).
In April 2023, an eatery run by Ahmad Mohammad and Chacha Ajim Bhai in Gujarat’s Navasi was found to be selling cow meat-stuffed samosas, calling them chicken and mutton samosas.
Over the years, there have been thousands of reported cases of love jihad, wherein Muslim men would lure Hindu women by feigning love and sometimes faking religious identity, establish sexual relations on a marriage pretext, blackmail, impose Islamic dressing like Hijab or Burqa, and eventually force them into converting to Islam and marrying them. A common practice found in most such cases is the force-feeding of cow meat to Hindu women.
Be it cow slaughter or the force-feeding of cow meat of Hindu women, these acts by Islamists are essentially meant to mock and humiliate Hindus and violate the sanctity of Hindu femininity.
From Durga Puja, Navratri, and Chhath to the worship of holy rivers like Ganga, Yamuna, and Saraswati, among others, as deities or Devi, Hindu Dharma places special significance on divine feminine representation. In Islamic tradition, on the contrary, women are treated as second-class subjects, whose identities revolve around their male ‘protectors’.
Islamic texts prescribe that Muslim women fully cover their bodies, perform namaz at home, go out only when accompanied by a male Mehram, and men are allowed to take four wives and even lay down the procedure of wife-beating.
While Muslim men are mandated to protect and almost hide their women, Islamic texts allow Kafir women as spoils of war or Maal-e-ghanimat. In fact, many contemporary Islamic scholars have also commented on how Islam allows Muslims to take women as sex slaves and rape them as acts of humiliation during Jihad against Kafirs or infidels, essentially, non-Muslims.
This reminds one of how Pakistani Islamists sat on podcasts and national television in May last year, to discuss how they would take Hindu women, particularly, specific Bollywood actresses as ‘Maal-e-Ghanimat’ after ‘defeating’ India in the war.
This perverted mindset that kafir women are tools of humiliating kafir men and their religion is shared by fundamentalist Muslims across the world. From individual rape jihad cases, Muslim rape gangs in India targeting Hindu women, to Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs in the UK, Islamists use weaponised rape as a means of religious conquest and supremacy establishment.
The love jihad cases in Kerala, and the recent TCS Nashik conversion jihad case, show how even Muslim women sometimes aid their male coreligionists in targeting Hindu women for rape jihad and conversion to Islam.
Slaughtering cows or raping Kafir women, Islamists consider it a religious duty to insult non-Muslims, especially the idol-worshipping Hindus, since idol-worship is described as the worst of sins in the Quran.
On social media, Muslim men have created highly derogatory hashtags wherein they publish their rape fantasies involving Hindu women in India and non-Muslim women across the world.
These are some contemporary examples of how fourth and fifth-generation descendants of the Hindu victims of Islamic invaders exhibit their hatred for Hindus. In fact, even during the medieval era, when Islamic barbarians invaded India, they would often place cows before their armies as a war tactic, knowing that Hindus revere cows and won’t attack them.
A new terrorist organisation, Tehreek-e-Taliban Hindustan (TTH), has come under the scanner of Indian security agencies after it claimed responsibility for the killing of three police personnel in Punjab, two in February and one in May. In its latest poster, in which it claimed responsibility for the murder of Punjab Police ASI Joga Singh in Majitha, Amritsar, the organisation issued threats to police, army, RAW officials and government employees.
It is now being examined as a Pakistan backed proxy. According to the latest reports, Shahzad Bhatti, a gangster-turned-terrorist from Pakistan who has links to the ISI, is the mastermind behind TTH.
TTH claims responsibility for ASI Joga Singh’s killing
The most recent claim by TTH surfaced on 24th May 2026, when the terror outfit released a post claiming responsibility for the murder of ASI Joga Singh in Amritsar, Punjab. The poster, written in English and Punjabi, claimed that the “Al Burq Bde” of TTH had carried out the attack. TTH congratulated one “Commander Sangar Yar”, described as “Naib Sipah Salar”, for the “coordinated attack”.
Source: PTC News
Furthermore, the poster also issued open threats to government officials and warned them to resign from service if they wanted to live. It further called upon TTH commanders to carry out attacks against serving personnel of police, army and RAW. TTH added that it would release a video of the murder, which, according to The Indian Express, was later released.
The poster included images showing ASI Joga Singh in uniform, visuals purportedly from the attack, and a photograph appearing to show him riding a motorcycle. The authenticity of the poster is yet to be verified, and Punjab Police stated that the outfit might not even exist. However, security agencies are still looking into it, considering Shahzad Bhatti’s name has appeared as the mastermind behind it.
Video of the killing and pattern seen in earlier attacks
Two days after the attack, TTH reportedly released the video showing the attack on social media. According to media reports, the footage showed the officer travelling on his motorbike before being shot at close range. The attackers then allegedly filmed his body from close range.
The pattern followed by TTH in this case is significant because a similar public claim was made by TTH after the murder of two police personnel at the Dorangla police outpost in Gurdaspur district in February 2026. In that case too, a video was reportedly transmitted to Pakistan based handlers and later circulated online.
Punjab Police is probing whether TTH exists as an independent outfit or whether the name is being used as a proxy identity by Pakistan based handlers to create fear, claim terror attacks and maintain plausible deniability for the ISI.
What is Tehreek-e-Taliban Hindustan
Tehreek-e-Taliban Hindustan, or TTH, has appeared in recent months as a name attached to terror claims, graffiti, recruitment attempts, and threats against Indian security personnel. Investigation agencies quoted in multiple reports have described it not as a well established terror organisation with a conventional structure, but as a propaganda driven proxy identity allegedly backed by Pakistan’s ISI.
The name appears to echo Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, which has repeatedly attacked Pakistani security forces. According to intelligence officials quoted in media reports, Pakistan’s larger plan appears to be to create a narrative that a Taliban style outfit exists inside India, and then link this imagined or manufactured ecosystem to the TTP.
This helps Pakistan in three ways. First, it gives Pakistan a deniability layer for attacks on Indian soil. Second, it helps Islamabad float the claim that India is somehow connected to the TTP, which has become a major internal security headache for Pakistan. Third, it allows Pakistan’s handlers to recruit disposable foot soldiers in India without publicly exposing the Pakistani command structure behind the operations.
The man behind TTH, Shahzad Bhatti
Shahzad Bhatti’s name appears repeatedly in investigations linked to TTH. Indian investigation agencies and police sources have described him as a Pakistan based gangster, terrorist operative and ISI proxy. He is believed to be a resident of Lahore and is suspected to be operating from Dubai while moving between Pakistan, Dubai and other Middle Eastern countries.
Bhatti has been named as a key figure in several investigations linked to terrorism, organised crime, narco terror financing, illegal arms movement, online radicalisation and target killings. Jammu and Kashmir Police DGP Nalin Prabhat directly named him while warning Pakistan sponsored narco terror networks. He called him an ISI associate involved in pumping narcotics into India.
According to Indian security officials, Bhatti functions as a bridge between criminal syndicates and extremist operatives. His network is suspected to use social media platforms, encrypted messaging apps and local criminal elements to identify vulnerable youth, assign small tasks, and then gradually push them towards violent operations.
Graffiti as the first step of terror branding
One of the early projects assigned by TTH to an Indian operative was graffiti. According to media reports, Delhi Police Special Cell arrested a man named Sohail from Delhi. He reportedly had a prior criminal record. During the investigation, it was found that Bhatti had assigned him the task of painting “TTH” across prominent walls and locations in Delhi and Faridabad.
Reportedly, he was instructed to paint the letter “S” below the TTH acronym, which was meant to act as Bhatti’s personal signature. Agencies also found that money was sent to him from Pakistan for this “test task”.
This graffiti strategy was not limited to Delhi and Faridabad. In separate investigations, accused persons linked to Bhatti were allegedly asked to paint TTH graffiti in Punjab, Uttarakhand and other places.
Recruitment of Indian youth through social media
Investigators have found that handlers allegedly scan social media profiles to identify unemployed or vulnerable youth, lure them with money, and begin with small assignments.
The initial tasks assigned to them reportedly included painting graffiti, filming police stations, conducting reconnaissance of public places, recording videos with firearms, or tracking security personnel. Once the recruit is trapped inside the network, the tasks become more serious, including firing at clubs, throwing grenades, targeting police personnel, and filming terror acts.
Delhi Special Cell arrests and failed attempt to shoot a policeman
Recently, Delhi Police Special Cell arrested three youths who were reportedly in direct contact with Bhatti, Adib Jatt and Ajmal Gujjar. Reports suggest that they were ordered by Bhatti to record videos displaying firearms and film themselves shooting a policeman. Bhatti had promised them large sums of money on completion of the task.
The accused reportedly tracked a police personnel from Uttar Pradesh and filmed the pursuit. They attempted to open fire. However, the country made pistol got jammed at the last moment. When the policeman turned around, the suspects fled. They were later tracked down and arrested by the Special Cell.
A senior officer told the media that the two connected cases helped police conclude that TTH was being used as a front by Bhatti, with alleged strategic backing from the ISI.
Sirsa women police station grenade attack and NIA chargesheet
In November 2025, a grenade attack took place on the Sirsa Women Police Station in Haryana. The incident is being investigated by the National Investigation Agency (NIA), which linked it to Shahzad Bhatti. On 26th May 2026, NIA said it had filed a chargesheet against nine accused, including two Pakistani nationals, in connection with the case.
Nine accused, including two Pakistan nationals, have been chargesheeted in connection with the November 2025 grenade attack on the Sirsa women police station in Haryana. The attack was carried out by Indian operatives on directions of Pak-based handlers. pic.twitter.com/VL8NLbmX1V
The chargesheet named Pakistani nationals and handlers Shahzad Bhatti and Sohail Ahmad alias Sohail Baloch. The arrested Indian nationals named were Dheeraj alias Dhiru, Vikas alias Vikky, Sandeep alias Daimar, Vikas, Sushil alias Sillu, Mohammad Sijaan alias Sijaan alias Ghazi, and Gurjant Singh.
NIA said in a press release that the accused were charged under relevant sections of the UAPA, BNS and the Explosive Substances Act. The agency said the attack was part of a conspiracy orchestrated by Pakistani gangster and terrorist Shahzad Bhatti to create terror by targeting police establishments and personnel in India.
NIA said Bhatti and Sohail Baloch recruited and radicalised Indian accused through social media platforms and encrypted communication channels. Operational modules were established in India, local operatives were assigned to carry out grenade attacks, and Dheeraj was identified as the principal India based operative responsible for coordinating attacks with local modules.
After reconnaissance, the accused chose the women police station in Sirsa as the target. They travelled to Amritsar to procure the grenade from Gurjant Singh. The attack was carried out on 25th November 2025, and it was also recorded on a mobile phone for dissemination and publicity.
The NIA said its investigation established a chain of recruitment, financing, operational coordination, procurement of explosives and execution of the terror act under directions from Pakistan based handlers.
Delhi NCR terror plot and the Bhatti module
In April 2026, Delhi Police Special Cell uncovered another plot involving shootings, grenade attacks and planned murders in Delhi NCR. Two men, Rajveer and Vivek Banjara from Madhya Pradesh, were arrested.
Police said both were working at the behest of Shahzad Bhatti, described as a Pakistan based gangster and ISI proxy. The Special Cell had received inputs that Bhatti and his men were planning major criminal acts in Delhi NCR. A case was registered on 31st March, after which the police tracked the accused through technical and human intelligence.
Vivek Banjara was arrested on 16th April from Dabra in Gwalior, while Rajveer was arrested on 18th April from Sarai Kale Khan in Delhi. A pistol and six live cartridges were recovered from Rajveer. Their phones reportedly contained incriminating videos and voice notes exposing the network.
In a statement, police said that Rajveer was preparing to target a major hotel in Delhi NCR. He was receiving instructions from Pakistan. Reportedly, he was inducted through social media by “Rana Bhai”, believed to be a close associate of Bhatti. Later, Rajveer recruited Vivek.
In March, Bhatti instructed Rajveer to procure weapons from Ahmedabad, but the delivery failed. On 9th April, both accused travelled to Amritsar, where they were given a pistol, around 20 cartridges and Rs 20,000 in cash. They were told to open fire at a club in Zirakpur that was already receiving threats from Bhatti. On 11th April, Rajveer attempted the shooting, but the pistol malfunctioned. Vivek recorded the attempt, apparently to send it to the handler.
Later, Rajveer hid the weapon and sent its location to the Pakistani handlers. He went to Faridkot, received another pistol and cartridges, and returned to Delhi with the intention of targeting a major hotel before being arrested.
Dehradun sleeper cell and TTH graffiti
The Bhatti network has also been probed in Uttarakhand. In April this year, Uttarakhand STF and Dehradun Police arrested a man named Vikrant Kashyap from the Jhajhra area under Premnagar police station limits during “Operation Prahar”.
Media reports suggest that Kashyap was in contact with Bhatti and his associates through Instagram and WhatsApp. Security agencies recovered a .32 bore pistol, seven live cartridges, a spray paint can and a mobile phone from him.
Investigators reportedly found that Kashyap had conducted reconnaissance of sensitive and important places in Dehradun, including the police headquarters and ISBT. He was also involved in painting Tehreek-e-Taliban Hindustan graffiti in different parts of Dehradun to create fear and confusion. He was reportedly promised a Dubai visa via Nepal after completing the assigned tasks.
Reports further said that he had been asked to throw grenades at a lawyer known for making anti Muslim speeches, while another operative named Gurjar was supposed to supply bombs to him.
Punjab and Gurdaspur killings
TTH first came into the public glare in February 2026 when it claimed responsibility for an attack on a police post in Gurdaspur, close to the international border. ASI Gurnam Singh and Home Guard jawan Ashok Kumar were killed in that attack.
Hours after the attack, a social media statement attributed to TTH claimed responsibility. Soon after, Pakistani gangster and ISI operative Shahzad Bhatti issued a video, with a purported voiceover, showing the two police personnel being shot from close range.
Punjab Police sources have reportedly said there is enough evidence to show that the Gurdaspur attack was carried out on the direct instructions of Pakistani intelligence operatives across the border. At the same time, they have also cautioned that there is no conclusive evidence that TTH exists as an independent structured outfit. The more likely scenario, according to security sources, is that the name is being used as an ISI proxy brand.
Jammu resident arrested for links with Shahzad Bhatti
Ahead of Republic Day celebrations on 26th January, Punjab Police arrested a Jammu resident, Raman Kumar alias Golu, for his links with Pakistan based terrorist Shahzad Bhatti. The arrest was made by the State Special Operation Cell, SAS Nagar. Punjab DGP Gaurav Yadav confirmed the development in a post on X and said that a .30 bore pistol was recovered from the accused.
According to the police, Raman Kumar was a key associate of Shahzad Bhatti and was in direct contact with the Pakistan based gangster through Instagram and WhatsApp. DGP Yadav said Raman was also involved in the Ambala Police Station blast case and had provided financial support to the perpetrators. His arrest further strengthens the pattern of Bhatti using social media and local operatives in India to build modules, arrange logistics and support terror linked activities.
Why Pakistan may be pushing the TTH narrative
The creation or projection of TTH appears to have a strategic narrative purpose for Pakistan. The ISI has long attempted to run terror operations in India through proxy names, local modules and criminal networks.
According to intelligence officials, Pakistan wants to link TTH with TTP to build a false narrative that India and Afghanistan are nurturing terror groups targeting Pakistani security forces. This comes at a time when relations between Pakistan and the Afghan Taliban have worsened, while India has reopened diplomatic engagement with the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.
Pakistan has accused the Afghan Taliban of sheltering or enabling TTP. By projecting TTH as a supposedly India based offshoot or ideological cousin of TTP, Islamabad may be attempting to claim that India is also involved in sustaining the TTP ecosystem. This would allow Pakistan to deflect attention from its own long history of using jihadist and criminal proxies for strategic goals.
The apparent aim is to keep the cost low and the fear high, with Indian recruits carrying out attacks while Pakistan based handlers remain hidden.
Shahzad Bhatti’s wider criminal and terror network
Bhatti’s name has appeared in several cases beyond TTH. In March 2024, he was reportedly involved in orchestrating a grenade attack near the residence of YouTuber Rozer Sandhu in Jalandhar. He has also been linked in reports to the murder case of NCP leader Baba Siddique in Mumbai, with allegations that he helped key conspirator Zeeshan Akhtar flee India.
Over the last few months, more than a dozen FIRs have reportedly been registered against Bhatti in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand for recruiting youth to carry out terror activities. The NIA has also reportedly registered two FIRs against him. Many of these cases include BNS Section 152, dealing with acts endangering the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.
Investigators suspect that Bhatti has never visited India and is not an Indian citizen. This makes extradition and prosecution dependent on diplomatic coordination with countries where he may be operating, including Dubai and Pakistan.
Security agencies have also been trying to take down his social media accounts and accounts linked to him. However, officials say new accounts keep appearing, continuing the cycle of propaganda and recruitment.
Social media as weapon and recruitment pipeline
Bhatti’s alleged network seems to depend heavily on social media. Reports say he claims to have a gang of 200 to 300 youths spread across 16 to 17 countries. Whether this claim is true or propaganda, it serves the purpose of projecting power. The videos, posters, graffiti tasks and attack recordings appear designed to create visibility and fear.
The same pattern was seen in the Sirsa grenade attack, which NIA said was recorded for dissemination and publicity. It was also seen in the Gurdaspur and Amritsar cases, where videos of attacks were allegedly circulated after the killings.
Links to narco terror, arms and foreign networks
Jammu and Kashmir Police have accused Bhatti of being part of Pakistan sponsored narco terrorism aimed at reviving terrorism in J&K and other parts of India. Agencies have alleged that he is linked to narcotics smuggling and arms trafficking networks connected to Pakistan’s ISI, with operational links extending to Pakistan and Dubai.
Security officials also claim Bhatti has been involved in criminal activities such as bomb making and the supply of illegal arms and ammunition to India, Dubai, the US and Canada. His alleged links with Rawalpindi based politician and businessman Farukh Khokhar have also come under scrutiny.
A purported video from 2024 showed Lawrence Bishnoi speaking to Bhatti on Eid. However, reports suggest that the relationship later soured after the Pahalgam terror attack, with Bhatti reportedly daring Lawrence and his gang to come to Pakistan. In February, Bishnoi’s gang claimed an attack on Bhatti in Portugal.
The emerging picture
From the cases reported so far, TTH looks less like a conventional outfit and more like a name being used for propaganda, fear and deniability. Shahzad Bhatti appears to be the man operating the machinery from Pakistan and Dubai. Indian recruits are being lured through social media, given money, weapons and instructions, and then pushed towards attacks on police personnel, public places and security targets.
Graffiti is used to create visibility. Videos are used to create fear. Small crimes are used as recruitment tests. Bigger attacks are assigned once handlers establish control. Police personnel are being deliberately targeted because such attacks generate panic, challenge the state and provide propaganda value.
From Sirsa to Gurdaspur, from Delhi to Dehradun, from Amritsar to Zirakpur, the same name has repeatedly surfaced, Shahzad Bhatti. Tehreek-e-Taliban Hindustan may or may not exist as a conventional terror organisation, but the network operating under its name is now a major counter terrorism concern for Indian agencies.
A new chapter unfolded in the ongoing “Game of Thrones” in Karnataka, as Chief Minister Siddaramaiah submitted his resignation to R Prabhushankar, special secretary of Governor Thawar Chand Gehlot, on 28th May (Thursday). The move aimed to allow his deputy, DK Shivakumar, to take over following intense pressure from the Indian National Congress high command. Rahul Gandhi is reported to be the catalyst for the decision, which took place after significant reluctance and resistance from Siddaramaiah.
The unresolved dispute was once again put in the spotlight after both Kannadiga leaders landed in Delhi for separate meetings with senior Congress leaders, including All India Congress Committee (AICC) President Mallikarjun Kharge and Rae Bareli MP Rahul Gandhi. The political buzz escalated as rumours about a possible change in leadership flew, and it now seems to be taking shape.
However, the party has consistently denied any such conflict, claiming, “There is only speculation, no reality at all,” despite repeated reports of the power tussle that erupted as soon as it returned to power in the state in May 2023.
Speaking to the media after resigning, Siddaramaiah said, “I have submitted my resignation today after the high command told me earlier to resign. I am fully confident that the Governor will accept it when he comes because it has to be done according to the Constitution…We are in the absolute majority. Therefore, it is constitutional that the Chief Minister should be allowed (to form govt)…I would like to express my immense gratitude to Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, who have provided this opportunity.”
Bengaluru: Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah says, "I have submitted my resignation today after the high command told me earlier to resign. I am fully confident that the Governor will accept it when he comes because it has to be done according to the Constitution…We are in the absolute… pic.twitter.com/zY2OT4B69d
The battle for the top role commenced between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar after the assembly election results were announced. Siddaramaiah was considered a mass leader and administrative symbol, while the latter was credited for reviving the party’s organisation in the state and a major force behind its victory.
The newly elected lawmakers were consulted. However, the top brass of Congress had to intervene to overcome the impasse. Several days of negotiations happened in the national capital. An agreement was eventually reached after which Siddaramaiah was appointed as the chief minister, and Shivakumar was declared as the deputy chief minister. A power-sharing formula was also introduced to placate both leaders.
It was reported that Siddaramaiah would serve as the chief minister for first 2.5 years and the position will be held by Shivakumar for the remaining equal period. This arrangement was never formally recognised by Congress. The peace which resulted from this compromise was both fragile and temporary.
Instability rears its head as peace shatters within a few months
The government was beset by the problem since its first year in office. The hostilities surfaced for the first time in November when some MLAs indicated that Shivakumar would be the chief minister after a period of 2.5 years. Over the following two years, Congress leaders picked sides as two camps rose within the party and the internal split deepened.
Shivakumar’s supporters openly voiced their desire to see him as the chief minister, displeasing the senior leaders. Vokkaliga seer Kumara Chandrashekaranatha Swami also requested Siddaramaiah to relinquish his seat for Shivakumar in June 2024.
According to reports, the two sides, which included ministers and MLAs, were asked to refrain from discussing the leadership issue in public by July 2025. Shivakumar also communicated his dissatisfaction and responded, “What alternatives do I possess? I have to stand by him and provide my support.”
Nevertheless, these statements continued to transpire and show cause notices were also issued for the same, but Congress remained firm in its rejection of any rebellion and contended that no leadership modification was in the works as the issue deteriorated.
Furthermore, Siddaramaiah’s son and Congress MLC Yathindra exacerbated the matter by remarking that the post could be awarded to Public Works Minister Satish Jarkiholi, who is a member of the scheduled caste community in October.
In November, Siddaramaiah’s followers had a breakfast event while Shivakumar loyalists congregated at a different location to show their political might within the legislature party, aggravating the situation. Shivakumar’s faction even rushed to Delhi at the conclusion of the first half of the government’s five-year term in that month to exert pressure on the central leadership to honour their part of the commitment and designate him as the chief minister for the remainder of the duration.
“Siddaramaiah has made a promise. He will keep his word,” emphasised former Lok Sabha MP DK Suresh, brother of Shivakumar. The latter also uploaded a cryptic message, “Word power is world power,” on social media in an indirect attack on Siddaramaiah. “Keeping one’s word is the greatest power in the world,” he wrote.
Will complete the term: Siddaramaiah asserts to be in charge
On the other hand, Siddaramaiah’s supporters convened meetings and demanded that he carry out his entire five-year tenure. He also met with Kharge over the issue and stressed, “There is no kranti (revolution) or bhranti (confusion). People have given us five years. We will sincerely work to fulfill the five guarantees,” he insisted at the time. He alleged that there was no need for any conversations about modification in leadership.
Siddaramaiah argued that the discussion on power-sharing could have started when he had previously informed the senior leaders that a cabinet reorganisation might be taken into consideration upon the government’s end of the first half of its five-year mandate. Interestingly, he even dismissed the “superstition” that visitors to Chamarajanagar lose their power mid-way, reacting, “I will continue to remain strong.”
Breakfast meetings were scheduled between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar to present a united front in the next month. DK Suresh also returned from Delhi after meeting Congress leaders and mentioned, “It was a personal visit. I cannot reveal everything. Things are moving smoothly. Breakfast meetings are taking place. There is another breakfast meeting tomorrow. Everything will reach its conclusion in due course.”
Siddaramaiah maintained that he is both the present and future chief minister, pledging to fulfill the five-year term in the Legislative Assembly. Home Minister Dr G Parameshwara’s name was also floated in February but purportedly refused to lobby for the chair whereas 30 MLAs backing Shivakumar attended a dinner party at a private hotel to advocate for his candidacy. He also travelled to Delhi in April to address the concern with Kharge and AICC General Secretary KC Venugopal.
“Is there any vacancy for chief ministership? I am very much here before you. I am the chief minister of Karnataka. There is no 50-50 formula,” Siddaramaiah continually countered earlier, rebuffing any such discussions. Shivakumar asserted to have made the sacrifice for the part and stated, “Whatever decision is taken by the high command, both of us will follow. We will obey it.”
Notably, the high-profile power struggle has often encountered violence from the supporters of these leaders at different instances including the confrontations at Delhi’s Karnataka Bhavan involving a shoe-attack on an official of Shivakumar’s camp by Siddaramaiah’s aides, altercations at the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) office and recent try to breach the convoy of Shivakumar.
#BREAKING | Supporters of CM Siddaramaiah raised slogans during DK Shivakumar's arrival, one attempted to breach his convoy but was detained by police.
However, the face-off seemingly came to a standstill as Siddaramaiah was compelled to vacate his seat in a likely exchange for a Rajya Sabha position. He disclosed the decision to his cabinet colleagues and now Shivakumar will be sworn in as the state’s chief minister, providing a brief respite for the people from the political drama. Congress also wants to avoid a factional crisis similar to the trouble that occurred in Rajasthan, contributing to Bharatiya Janata Party’s triumph in 2023 assembly election.
However, protests have already been launched by Siddaramaiah’s sympathisers while Shivakumar’s supporters are bursting crackers and distributing sweets, highlighting the uncertainty in both life and politics. A Congress Rajya Sabha MP already hit out at the Gandhi scion and raised objections in relation to the ouster of the sole Other Backward Class (OBC) chief minister of the party. It now remains to be seen how long this tenuous truce can be sustained before the cracks begin to reappear.
