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Infrastructure development under Yogi Adityanath government: A leap towards developed Uttar Pradesh

Divyansh Tiwari
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Infrastructure development under Yogi Adityanath government: A leap towards developed Uttar Pradesh

Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, has witnessed a remarkable transformation in recent years, transitioning from an area plagued by infrastructure constraints to a bustling hub of prosperity and opportunity. The state government, led by Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, has prioritised infrastructure as a key component of its development program. Significant funds have been allocated to highways, airports, urban housing, industrial corridors, and digital connectivity. In addition to improving accessibility and connectedness, this emphasis has boosted employment, the economy, and the standard of living for millions of people.

The unveiling of the Uttar Pradesh Budget for 2026-27 on February 11, 2026, marks a significant milestone in this journey. With an unprecedented allocation exceeding Rs 9 lakh crore, the largest in the state’s history, the budget underscores the government’s commitment to accelerating infrastructure development. During the budget’s tabling, Finance Minister Suresh Khanna emphasised how it adheres to the principle of ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas,’ guaranteeing inclusive advancement in areas such as agriculture, infrastructure, women’s welfare, and youth empowerment. Law and order improvements, infrastructural improvements, and general economic vibrancy have all contributed to the state’s 13.4% increase in Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP), which now stands at Rs 30.25 lakh crore.

From bottlenecks to breakthrough

In the past, Uttar Pradesh was frequently referred to as a bottleneck state because of its poor connectivity, insufficient infrastructure, and regional inequalities that impeded development. But since Yogi Adityanath took office in 2017, the state has become a breakthrough state, making noticeable progress in infrastructure, economic empowerment, and governance. Presented before the budget, the government’s first-ever Economic Survey for 2025-2026 predicts a 12% growth in GSDP of Rs 36 lakh crore, placing Uttar Pradesh among the fastest-growing economies in India.

This trend is visible in the large investments received through four groundbreaking ceremonies, which totalled roughly Rs 50 lakh crore in MOUs and are expected to generate 10 lakh jobs. UP is now India’s fourth-largest startup cluster, with exports of services, especially IT and IT-enabled services, surpassing Rs 82,000 crore in 2024-2025. The state’s desire to advance toward a tech-driven future is demonstrated by initiatives like Lucknow’s AI City. A strong infrastructure architecture that has completely changed the state’s terrain supports these advancements.

Roadways and Expressways: Connecting the heartland

The development of road networks is among the most obvious signs of advancement under the Yogi administration. With 22 expressways in operation, proposed, or under construction, the state has emerged as a major centre for national highways. Seven of them are already operational, significantly cutting down on travel times and increasing trade. By connecting the eastern and southern regions, for example, the Purvanchal and Bundelkhand expressways have promoted balanced growth and reduced regional disparities.

The government completed the construction of 161 roads totalling 1,410 km and connected the headquarters of 168 development blocks with double-lane roads. Almost 28,000 km of roads have already been renovated toward the goal of strengthening 46,600 km by 2025-2026. The administration’s emphasis on connectivity and job creation is further supported by the substantial funding of 34,468 crores allotted for highways, bridges, and expansion projects in the 2026-2027 budget. By increasing access to markets, healthcare, and education, these programs have not only improved logistics but also boosted rural economies.

Airports and Aviation: Soaring to new heights

The aviation sector in Uttar Pradesh has grown rapidly, which is consistent with the goal of establishing the state as a logistics powerhouse. Five international airports are among the 24 the government hopes to establish. With projects like the Jewar International Greenfield Airport slated to develop into a significant cargo and logistics gateway for North India, there are now 16 airports in operation.

By drawing in investors and tourists, this growth has established UP as a major participant in India’s aviation landscape. In order to boost development and enhance essential services, the budget places a strong emphasis on bolstering infrastructure, particularly airports, by allotting 2,111 crore rupees. Increased air connectivity has benefited industries, including manufacturing and tourism, which has led to a rise in employment and economic activity.

Urban development and housing: Building sustainable cities

With programs like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY) delivering over 3.637 million homes in rural areas, urban infrastructure has been prioritised. Smart city initiatives in Varanasi, Lucknow, and other urban areas have combined traditional legacy with contemporary conveniences. The government has prioritised sanitation, energy, and water delivery while guaranteeing fair access.

In order to reduce disparities in areas like Purvanchal and Bundelkhand, the 2026-2027 budget includes funding for housing and urban growth. Urban congestion has been reduced, and sustainable transportation has been encouraged by investments in metro rail systems, such as the Lucknow Metro and future developments in Kanpur and Agra. Cities are becoming thriving economic hubs thanks to these initiatives, drawing in international investors.

Industrial corridors and specialised hubs: Fostering innovation and growth

The establishment of specialised industrial hubs is part of the Yogi government’s strategic plan. Kanpur is being positioned as a drone manufacturing hub, Noida as an IT and electronics base, and Lucknow as an AI powerhouse. Manufacturing has been anchored by the Defence Industrial Corridor, which has also attracted investments and produced highly skilled jobs.

Intrastate logistics have changed as a result of seven expressways and specialised freight lanes, fostering the expansion of industry. By completing ongoing projects and introducing new ones, the budget’s emphasis on infrastructure will increase the state’s allure as a place to invest. Leading textile and electronics businesses are drawn to Uttar Pradesh, which ranks second in terms of ease of doing business.

Water, electricity and basic services: Ensuring Inclusivity

The Yogi government has been known for providing dependable access to essential services. Power cuts have decreased as a result of significant expenditures in electricity infrastructure, and rural electrification has nearly reached universal coverage. Millions of people have had access to safe drinking water because of water delivery programs like the Har Ghar Nal effort.

Millions of people have access to clean drinking water thanks to the Jal Jeevan Mission’s flagship Har Ghar Nal effort. The central government has committed ₹71,221 crore, of which ₹38,456 crore has already been released, and the state has approved 40,955 drinking water projects valued at ₹1,53,876 crore. It is anticipated that the remaining ₹33,300 crore will expedite construction and guarantee tap water connections in rural communities. The state has requested ₹6,000 crore in central help for water conservation initiatives, including the revitalisation of 60,000 ponds and grey/black water management projects, which are also supported by the budget.

The government’s objective of a dependable power supply has been in line with the notable growth of the electricity infrastructure. In support of green energy objectives, the state has installed 2,815 MW of solar power installations. Nearly all rural areas have been electrified, which powers economic activity and lowers outages. In order to guarantee power availability around the clock, the budget’s emphasis on capital investment supports continuous improvements like smart metering and grid modernisation, which have increased industrial output and improved consumer welfare.

With new hospitals and medical schools opening up in various districts, healthcare and family planning have also been strengthened. The 37,956 crores allotted to healthcare and family planning pays for expanded primary healthcare services, hostels for female medical college students, and emergency and trauma clinics in each district hospital. In addition to it, AAYUSH has been allotted 2,867 crores. These initiatives have been supplemented by Swachh Bharat sanitation drives, which guarantee hygienic living conditions. With inclusive programs that focus on women, youth, and farmers and uphold the Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas philosophy, these investments have helped millions of people escape poverty.

Digital infrastructure: Embracing the future

By utilising technology for innovation, economic growth, and governance, the Yogi administration has established Uttar Pradesh as a digital powerhouse. This trend is maintained in the 2026-2027 budget, which supports the state’s goal of becoming a trillion-dollar economy through investments in IT ecosystems and digital connectivity.

Increased broadband adoption has made it possible for e-governance programs to be implemented, which expedite services like online property records, bill payments, and public complaints. With intentions to draw in tech investments and support entrepreneurs, Lucknow’s AI City project is a prime example of forward thinking. With exports of IT and IT-enabled services surpassing ₹82,000 crore in 2024-2025, Uttar Pradesh is now India’s fourth-largest startup cluster. As part of the larger 19.5% capital spending (about ₹1.78 lakh crore total capex), the budget allots funding for updating MSME digital capabilities and purchasing new technologies.

UP is positioned as a digital hub thanks to data centres with a 700 MW capacity that are either under development or already operating and cost over ₹22,000 crore. While skill development centres operating under the PPP approach will teach youths digital skills, the Digital Entrepreneurship Scheme seeks to foster innovation. In addition to generating highly skilled jobs in cutting-edge industries like artificial intelligence and cloud computing, these initiatives have revolutionised administration by decreasing corruption and increasing efficiency.

Economic impact and employment generation

Uttar Pradesh’s economy has doubled from ₹12-15 lakh crore to ₹30.25 lakh crore in eight years, thanks to Yogi Adityanath’s infrastructure-led growth, and its GSDP is expected to reach ₹36 lakh crore at a 12% growth rate in 2025-2026. With a 19.5% capital expenditure and a ₹9.13 lakh crore outlay, the 2026-2027 budget is expected to maintain this trend by prioritising infrastructure and jobs.

While skill-building initiatives focus on young employment, the Uttar Pradesh Skill Development Mission will increase opportunities both domestically and abroad. With 96 lakh businesses sustaining 3 crore lives, MSMEs profit from central grants. This has been supplemented by welfare and poverty alleviation programs, which have boosted rural economies and decreased deprivation.

A roadmap to self-reliance

The Yogi government’s plan for Uttar Pradesh places a strong emphasis on balanced development and rapid infrastructure in order to promote self-reliance. With sizeable allotments for finishing off ongoing initiatives and starting new ones, the 2026-2027 budget offers a starting point.

With an emphasis on Purvanchal and Bundelkhand via highways and industrial corridors, regional balance is crucial. Voter-friendly policies in the budget, such as ₹10,000 crore for MSMEs and skill centres, are intended to promote innovation and create jobs. These plans offer long-term prosperity and a key role in India’s development by 2047, as UP aims to achieve a trillion-dollar economy.            

Assam govt’s anti-encroachment drive to free forest land is valid and needed, says SC: Read how Opposition and media have been vilifying a lawful process

Aditi
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Assam govt’s anti-encroachment drive to free forest land is valid and needed, says SC: Read how Opposition and media have been vilifying a lawful process

The Supreme Court on Tuesday (10th February) gave a nod to the Assam government’s decision to remove encroachments from 3,62,082 hectares of reserved forest land in the state. A bench of Justices PS Narasimha and Alok Aradhe noted that the process of removal of encroachment proposed by the Himanta Biswa government contains sufficient safeguards and follows due process.

The present petition challenged an order passed by a Division Bench of the Gauhati High Court in August 2025, upholding a Single Bench decision extending the time given to the petitioners to vacate the forest land. The Division Bench directed the state government to frame necessary regulations to prevent unauthorised encroachment of reserved forest land. It further asked the state government to issue show-cause notices to the petitioners, giving them a 15-day deadline to submit an explanation and an additional 15-day period to vacate the encroached forest land if they are asked to do so.

Petitioners claimed that they have been living on the land for 70 years

The matter came up before the Supreme Court after residents of villages located in Doyang Reserved Forest, South Nambar Reserved Forest, Jamuna Madunga Reserve Forest, Barpani Reserved Forest, Lutumai Reserved Forest and Gola Ghat Forest challenged eviction notices issued by the State through a Special Leave Petition. The petitioners, including Abdul Khalek and others, claimed that their families have been residing in the area for over 70 years and that they possess Aadhaar Cards, Ration Cards, and other identity documents. They requested the Apex Court to restrain the eviction or coercive action of the state government against them.

Encroachers have grabbed 19.92% of the state’s forest area: State

The state government, on the other hand, submitted before the Supreme Court that the land occupied by the petitioners falls within the reserved forest and therefore they have no legal right to occupy it. The state government produced substantial data before the court, pointing out that encroachment is rampant in the vast areas of forest land, and currently, 19.92% of the reserved forest area of the state has been illegally encroached upon by the settlers.

Supreme Court highlights the significance of the forest land

The Supreme Court noted that encroachment on the forest land has “emerged as one of the gravest challenges confronting environmental governance in the country.” The court added that in a “climatically vulnerable” country like India, forests have greater significance. “In a country as ecologically diverse and climatically vulnerable as India, the role of forests assumes even greater significance. Encroachment upon forest land has emerged as one of the gravest challenges confronting environmental governance in the country,” the Supreme Court stated.

“The Constitution casts a clear and unequivocal obligation upon the state to protect forests and the environment. Article 48A, forming part of the Directive Principles of State Policy, mandates that the State shall endeavour to protect and improve the environment and to safeguard the forests and wildlife of the country,” the Court added.

“Forests constitute one of the most vital natural resources of the nation. They are not merely repositories of timber or land capable of alternate use, but complex ecological systems indispensable for maintaining environmental balance. Forests regulate climate, preserve biodiversity, recharge groundwater, prevent soil erosion, and act as a natural carbon sinks mitigating the adverse effects of climate change,” the court said, highlighting the significance of forest land.

State’s plan for eviction is fair and reasonable: Supreme Court

Solicitor General Tushar Mehta apprised the court that, as per the state’s process to remove encroachment, a committee of forest and revenue officials will issue notices to people in occupation of the land. These people will be given a chance to furnish documents to prove their right to the land. In case the occupants are not able to prove their claim over the land, a speaking order will be passed. Such occupants will be given 15 days to vacate the land, and only after that period will removal action begin. Additionally, if an occupant is found to be within revenue limits and outside the notified forest area, the matter will be sent to the revenue department for further action.

The top court examined the process laid down by the state government for conducting the anti-encroachment drive and observed it conforms to the principles of fairness, reasonableness and due process. “In our opinion, the course of action to be adopted by the State Government while removing the encroachment from the reserved forest contains sufficient procedural safeguards. The process sought to be adopted by the State Government for the removal of encroachment conforms to the principles of fairness, reasonableness and due process,” the Supreme Court said.

Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma welcomed the Supreme Court’s decision approving the Assam government’s anti-encroachment drive. “In a landmark judgement, the Supreme Court has empowered Assam to effectively fight encroachments in forests. A committee will be constituted to determine whether an area is forest or revenue land- once that determination is done, evictions can begin in just 15 days,” CM Sarma wrote on X on Wednesday (11th February).

CM Himanta Biswa targeted by the opposition and media for protecting the state’s land

The Assam government under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has launched a major crackdown on encroachment across the state. In the past year, the state government intensified its efforts to free government land from the clutches of land grabbers and freed thousands of acres of land. CM Sarma has maintained that the anti-encroachment drive is part of the state government’s resolve to put an end to the “demographic invasion” of Assam by infiltrators. He asserted that the removal of the government and forest land is important to prevent the systematic alteration of the state’s demography.

His strong stance against infiltrators and encroachers has put CM Sarma at the target of the opposition as well as the leftist media, who have been maligning his government’s legitimate anti-encroachment action as ‘anti-Muslim’.

Screenshot from The Hindu report

The media have been portraying the Assam government’s legally compliant action of removing land-grabbers from the government land as a targeted action against the state’s Muslim population.

Report against the anti-encroachment drive

CM Sarma has clarified on multiple occasions that the action of his government concerns Bangladeshi infiltrators who have entered the state illegally and have settled here after forging documents to avail benefits meant for natives and not local Muslims.

Now, even the Supreme Court has upheld the Himanta government’s action as fair and reasonable and necessary to protect the forest land.

Apples, alarmism and half-truths: How media coverage is warping public perception of the India–US Trade Deal

Shraddha Pandey
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Apples, alarmism and half-truths: How media coverage is warping public perception of the India–US Trade Deal

Ever since India and the United States announced a framework for an interim trade deal, common people are curious about what the final agreement will look like, politicians are either fully endorsing it or trashing it, and traders are seeing the impending agreement with cautious optimism. As part of the India-US agreement, India has agreed to grant the US quota-based concessions on specific agricultural products, including apples. However, the prospect of American apples entering Indian markets has alarmed Indian growers, particularly in Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttarakhand.

The quota allocation for US apples, concerns of Indian growers and the Central government’s assurance

Under the India-US trade agreement, the Indian government has reduced import duty on US apples from 50% to 25%, coupled with a Minimum Import Price (MIP) of Rs 75 to 80 per kg. This move effectively prevents very cheap apples from flooding Indian markets and harming the business of local growers, as the landed cost would be around Rs 100 per kg or more after duty.

However, despite the quota-based system providing protection, apple growers in Jammu and Kashmir, particularly the Kashmir Valley, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttarakhand, have raised an alarm. They fear that even limited imports of American apples, which are deemed uniform, high-quality and competitively priced, could depress prices, especially for stored domestic apples sold off-season.

Notably, Kashmir accounts for around 70 to 80% of Indian apple production, thus making the fruit immensely significant for local employment and stability. In Jammu and Kashmir, the apple economy is estimated to be worth Rs 12,000 crore, providing livelihood and direct and indirect employment to around 3.5 million people. In the 2024-25 season, around 21 lakh tonnes of Kashmiri apples were sold across Delhi, Bengaluru, Chennai, Ahmedabad, Kolkata, and Mumbai, etc.

Besides Jammu and Kashmir, a section of farmers in Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand are also linking the entry of US apples in India to their survival. They argue that surging input costs, climate-related losses, limited cold storage facilities, and transport disruptions have already affected margins for local growers. They fear that the influx of American apples during the peak season would depress prices and disrupt local economies.

The Kashmir Valley Fruit Growers Cum Dealers Union has written a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, demanding an import duty of over 100% on apples from the US and Europe. The traders and orchardists cautioned that a liberal import of foreign apples would turn India’s horticulture sector into a “sick industry”.

In Himachal Pradesh as well, concerns have been raised that domestic premium apples sell between Rs 100 and Rs 150 per kg, and if US apples are available at similar prices, people will opt for the imported apples. While some opine that the MIP on American apples should have been Rs 100 per kg, many other growers are of the view that the India-US trade deal will have very little effect on the domestic apple economy. They believe that the local premium apples are good enough to compete with imports, and that instead of urging the government to raise MIP on American apples, local growers should seek subsidies and better planting material.

Amidst all this, Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal has given repeated assurances that the domestic growers are “fully protected”. Not only in the context of apple growers, but the Minister has also maintained that now or ever in future, India also will not enter into any trade agreement with a foreign country that breaches its redlines in the agriculture and dairy sector.

The commerce minister said that the interests of Indian farmers and MSMEs are fully protected. On the specific American apples import issue, the minister said that domestic production of apples is not in surplus against the demand. Domestic production stood roughly at 20-21 lakh tonnes, while the demand is more than 25-26 lakh tonnes. India already imports around 5.5 lakh tonnes of apples annually, with the US being the major supplier. Minister Goyal explained that the eventual price of imported American apples would be around Rs 100, and thus, the local growers and traders should not fear loss of profits.

“We are not surplus in apples. The demand for apples is more than 25-26 lakh tons. We produce about 20-21 lakh tons. As we speak, we import 5.5 lakh tons of apples every year. And a large quantity of that comes from the United States of America. We have not opened up apples. We have given them a quota on apples, which we will procure from there. That is less than the Current imports of apples from the USA,” he said.

“We have been very cautious in our opening up. Today, Apple has a minimum import price of Rs 50. And there’s a 50 per cent duty which adds Rs 25. So, Rs 75 is the base, or the floor, below which goods don’t enter the country. So in some sense, that’s the protection that the apple farmers also get, that nobody can dump material and make it so cheap that apples don’t get a fair value. Even in the quota we have given to the US, the minimum import price is Rs 80. They make high-quality apples. It’s Rs 80. There’s a Rs 20 duty on that. So, the landed price of that will be 100 rupees,” the minister said.

Further asserting that the local apple industry will not be hurt by the regulated entry of US apples, Piyush Goyal said, “It’s not in competition with our farmers. Not hurting the apple industry over here. And again, limited to a quota that is less than what they are exporting to India even today. And certainly, only a portion of the 5.5 lakh tons of apples that we are importing into India. Tell me which farmer in any hill state is hurt by this. Let any farmer explain to me what is the hurt in this.”

The prism of victimhood: Indians must escape the spiral of outrage over every progressive step

Despite the Modi government ensuring a calibrated concession for American apples and not a full market opening, local stakeholders are indulging in and also falling for the fearmongering. However, the issue transcends apples. There is evidently a deep-seated tendency in Indian policy and public discourse to frame exposure to global competition, even when it is in a controlled fashion, as victimisation rather than a catalyst for self-improvement. There is a serious need to pivot from the existing “they are harming us” mindset to “how do we make things better to meet this?”

India has a robust economy and a massive market that every major country wants enter. India aspires to become a developed nation and is relentlessly pursuing this aspiration. Such a purpose-driven country cannot have its business and traders continue using protectionism as a convenient shield. Retaliatory duties, high tariffs, and non-tariff barriers, etc, allowed local producers to avoid hard reforms. In fact, the 2020 farmers’ protest showed that reforms, no matter how good and how well-intentioned they are, are not easily accepted and even get rejected.

Coming back to the US apples issue, Indian apples, despite being flavourful, are inconsistent in quality. Issues like inadequate grading and packaging, weak cold-chain infrastructure, and reluctant adoption of modern orchard management get blamed on ‘external factors’ rather than their own shortcomings. American apples get an edge over Indian apples due to quality, which is backed by the use of advanced technology, better pest management, controlled atmosphere storage ensuring longer shelf life, and adherence to quality standards.

The excuses of ‘sanctions’ and ‘unfair foreign competition’ have already caused delay in investments that competitive markets, be it New Zealand or Chile or the US, made decades ago. If Chilean, Turkish and the previous imports of foreign apples did not wipe out Himachali or Kashmiri apple growers, the sudden hue and cry over US apples does not make much sense.

The fact is that local apples carry cultural appeal, a lower base price, and domestic traders have established supply chains, giving Indian stakeholders an edge over foreign competition. The real differentiator in this scenario would be consumer preference; if US apples gain dramatically high preference, then there will be a noticeable quality or value gap which domestic producers will have to match.

Higher quality, diverse options and competitive prices create value and generate pressure for improvement. It is high time that instead of outraging, protesting and playing victim, domestic producers and traders level up their game, focus on improving quality, going for better branding, and investing in better infrastructure like cold-storage, etc, instead of pressuring the government to shut doors to foreign trading partners. In fact, the domestic stakeholders should seek the government’s help in filling in the quality, technology and infrastructure gaps.

There may be immediate disruptions; however, competition does not devastate capable producers; rather, it weeds out inefficiency and rewards adaptation. The post-1991 liberalisation trajectory of India’s auto, telecom, and consumer goods sectors serves as a fitting example of this. Domestic producers may try to bend the government into giving the desired reprieve; however, it is the consumers who are deprived of diverse and perhaps better options and paying higher prices. Thus, the culture of fostering complacency must be ditched.

Clinging to the idea of monopoly and victimhood at the same time limits the potential of Indian producers. They need to reckon with realities, upgrade practices, enhance post-harvest handling, and become competitive against global standards. Competition is essentially a market mechanism that triggers the raising of standards, not victimisation. This victimhood mindset only keeps producers and the nation weaker in the long run. Understandably, all this is better said than done; however, Indian producers and traders have to choose between stagnation disguised as ‘protection’ and dynamic growth by facing competition.

It is also the responsibility of the state/UT administration as well as the Central government to address the genuine concerns raised by the domestic producers and traders, and provide all necessary transition support to ensure that their interests are not crushed between foreign competition, consumer preferences and existing climatic, infrastructure or high production cost-related challenges.

Mainstream media amplifying the Kashmiri apple grower’s victimhood narrative

However, outrage over every progressive step merely because it may cause immediate discomfort is not good for the country. Every trade deal creates winners and losers. A mature economy like India must absorb the short-term disruptions with confidence, with its people showing the resilience to adapt, upgrade skills, and meet global competitive standards instead of lamenting the loss of a protected advantage.

The mainstream Indian media should also instead of plainly amplifying Kashmiri apple growers’ victimhood narrative; framing the limited and safeguarded import of US apples as some sort of existential threat. Instead of reinforcing a victimhood prism and lending credence to the opposition’s ‘total surrender’ rubbish, the media should have highlighted how India already imports apples year-round from various countries without crushing domestic production. Amidst the whole alarmist and victimhood noise amplified by the media, the fact that American apples will be competing mainly in the premium-urban segments, and not wipe out local ones, is getting suppressed.

‘I am a thakur, don’t mess with me’: HDFC employee Aastha Singh breaks silence on incomplete viral video; reveals she is now receiving rape threats

OpIndia Staff
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‘I am a thakur, don’t mess with me’: HDFC employee Aastha Singh breaks silence on incomplete viral video; reveals she is now receiving rape threats

A short video clip of Aastha Singh, an employee of HDFC Bank, has gone viral on social media and triggered a heated debate around caste, identity and online judgment. In the video, Aastha is heard saying, “I am a Thakur… don’t do this nonsense.” Soon after the clip spread, many users began accusing her of promoting casteism.

Aastha Singh later responded, saying the video being shared online is incomplete and shows only her reaction, not what led to the confrontation. She said she is being targeted based on a cropped clip and repeated that she is a Thakur and is proud of her identity.

Strong backlash on social media

After the video started circulating, Aastha Singh faced intense criticism online. Several users accused her of showing caste pride inside a bank and labelled her actions as caste arrogance. Some comments went beyond personal criticism and targeted the entire upper caste community, including Brahmins and Thakurs.

An X user, Suraj Kumar Bauddh, wrote that Aastha had flaunted her caste inside the bank and called for strict action against her.

Another user, Nher, claimed the video showed the “real face of casteists” and linked the incident to the need for new UGC rules.

Other users made crude and abusive remarks, with some even demanding reservations in the private sector.

The outrage did not stop at individual comments. Some verified and official social media handles also shared the clip with sharp remarks. In many posts, Rajputs, their history, and even Thakur women were insulted, all based on a short, edited video of about 10 seconds.

The context of the UGC regulations adds fuel

The video gained even more attention because it surfaced during ongoing debates around University Grants Commission (UGC) regulations. While many from Brahmin, Thakur, and other upper caste communities claim they are being sidelined by the new rules, lower caste groups have long accused upper castes of discrimination.

In this atmosphere, the clip of Aastha Singh was quickly framed as an example of caste arrogance by some users, even though the full background of the incident was not clear at that time.

Many netizens come out in support of Astha

Amid the backlash, several users also spoke in support of Aastha Singh. They pointed out that the viral clip was incomplete and accused people of jumping to conclusions without knowing the full story.

An X user, Being Political, said people were quick to label her casteist just because she mentioned her caste, but ignored the possibility that she was provoked first. The user questioned why the narrative quickly turned into blaming the “Thakur community” instead of looking at the full incident.

Another user wrote that they respect women who stand up for themselves, regardless of caste, and added that the clip was too short to judge what really happened.

Advocate Ashutosh J Dubey also defended Aastha, saying the complete video shows she was abused first and only reacted in self-defence, not discrimination.

Yadu Singh, another user, said that responding to harassment is not a crime and that no law under the IPC 2023 (BNS) was violated. He also criticised the sharing of edited clips, calling it an attempt to push an agenda.

Aastha Singh explains the full Incident

After days of outrage and online attacks, Aastha Singh herself came forward to explain what actually happened. She said the viral clip was incomplete and did not show what led to her reaction.

According to Aastha, the incident took place on 6th January at her bank branch. On that day, a fellow employee, Ritu Tripathi, had submitted her resignation and requested to be relieved the same day. Ritu’s sister-in-law was present at the branch since morning, and a minor argument took place during the process.

Later, Ritu informed her husband, Rishi Tripathi, who arrived at the branch after closing time. Aastha said he behaved rudely and came to her desk, where he asked her caste and made threatening remarks like, “I will take away your arrogance and anger.”

She explained that the viral video only shows her response to those comments and not the provocation she faced before that.

“I am a thakur, and I am proud of it”

Aastha Singh said she stands by her statement and has no regret in asserting her identity. She said the issue was wrongly projected as casteism when it was actually about self-respect.

“If anyone speaks rudely to me, I will not tolerate it. I am a Thakur, and I am proud of it,” she said, adding that being proud of one’s identity does not mean insulting others.

She also said that the edited video was used to target her personally and turn the matter into a caste-based controversy.

Rape threats and abuse after the video goes viral

The controversy took a darker turn when Aastha revealed that she had been receiving rape threats and threats of violence after the video went viral. Speaking to the media, she said she was shocked by the level of hatred directed at her.

“Everyone wants to be famous, but not in the wrong way. I am becoming famous in the wrong way,” she said. She added that such threats have caused mental stress and fear, and no one deserves this kind of abuse over a misrepresented video.

Company response and legal options

Aastha said she has informed her seniors and sent internal emails explaining the full situation. According to her, the management is aware that she is not at fault, which is why no immediate action was taken against her.

However, she also said that if the harassment continues, she will consider filing a defamation case against those spreading false narratives using edited clips.

As the debate continues online, the incident has once again raised questions about social media trials, edited videos, and how quickly narratives are formed without full context.

Where the soul experiences union with Shiva: Read about the Bhavnath Fair held on Shivratri, known as Gujarat’s ‘Mini Kumbh’

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
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Where the soul experiences union with Shiva: Read about the Bhavnath Fair held on Shivratri, known as Gujarat’s ‘Mini Kumbh’

At the foothills of the sacred Girnar mountain, regarded as a land of penance for yogis, a nurturing refuge for sages and saints, and a place that offers devotees supreme peace and spiritual bliss, the Bhavnath Fair has been held for centuries. This grand confluence of devotion, faith, and spiritual splendour begins on Maha Vad Nom and continues till Mahashivratri. Sadhus, saints, mahants, and devotees from across Gujarat and the rest of India gather here for satsang and the worship of Lord Shiva.

This year, the Bhavnath Fair is being held from 11 February and on a much grander scale than usual. Considering the scale of preparations and magnificence, the fair is being described as a “Mini Kumbh.” This year, the administration of the Bhavnath temple is also under the government, which is making special efforts to preserve the sanctity of the fair and give it recognition at the national and global level. Final touches are currently being given to the arrangements and preparations.

The fair is organised at the highly sacred Bhavnath Mahadev Temple, situated on the banks of the Suvarnarekha River at the foothills of Girnar. The Shiva Linga in the temple is self-manifested (swayambhu). The name “Bhavnath” means the “Lord of Bhava” (the manifested world), that is, Lord Shiva, the creator and master of worldly existence.

What are the legends associated with the temple?

According to legend, during the time of cosmic dissolution (Pralaya), the entire creation merged into Rudra, and the day of Brahma came to an end. At dawn, Brahma, Vishnu, and Rudra manifested again in the forms of Sattva, Rajas, and Tamas. During Pralaya, Lord Shiva was in deep meditation within the waters. A dispute arose among the three about who was supreme. Shiva intervened, assigned Brahma the task of creation, Vishnu that of preservation, and Rudra that of destruction, and thus resolved the conflict.

Brahma, the father of the world, then requested Shiva to reside in the world and help resolve the joys and sorrows of human beings. Lord Shiva surveyed the earth, and his gaze fell upon the forest-clad Ujjayant mountain (Girnar), where he chose to reside. Meanwhile, in Kailash, Parvati could not find Mahadev and began searching for him.

After hearing from the other gods, she set out in anger to find Shiva and, along with the deities, reached Girnar. On that day, Lord Shiva manifested here in the form of Bhavnath, it was the full moon day of Vaishakh Shukla Paksha. Parvati came to reside on Girnar in the form of Ambika, Vishnu took the form of Damodar and stayed at Damodar Kund, and other gods, yakshas, and gandharvas also made different places on Girnar their abode, such is the popular belief.

The story of Mrigi Kund, located beside the temple of Lord Mahadev, is equally fascinating. It is said that King Bhoj of Kanyakubja was told by his attendants that in the forests of Revatachal (Girnar) there roamed a being with the face of a deer and the body of a woman. After much effort, King Bhoj brought her to his palace, but scholars could not solve the mystery. Finally, the king went to an ascetic practising severe penance at Kurukshetra.

The sage granted the “deer-faced woman” the power of human speech. She narrated her past life: earlier, King Bhoj was a lion, and she was a doe. While being hunted, her head got stuck in a bamboo thicket, and her body fell into the Suvarnarekha River. By the sacred waters of the river, her body assumed a human form, but her face remained that of a deer.

On the sage’s instructions, the king retrieved the skull of the doe from the thicket and immersed it in the waters of the Suvarnarekha. As a result, her entire body became human. King Bhoj then married her, and at her suggestion, built this kund at the foothills of Girnar, hence it came to be known as Mrigi Kund. This is a legend based on popular belief, and even today, on Shivratri, sadhus take a ritual bath here.

Why is this place called “Vastraput Kshetra”?

This region is also known as “Vastraput Kshetra.” According to a story mentioned in the Skanda Purana, Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati were once travelling in a celestial chariot when one of Parvati’s divine ornaments fell at this spot. Since then, the place came to be known as Vastraput Kshetra. This story is also mentioned in the Gujarat government’s Information Department publication “Gujaratna Lokotsavo ane Mela” (Folk Festivals and Fairs of Gujarat).

The special significance of the sadhus’ bath at Mrigi Kund

The central focus of this fair is not householders but sadhus and saints. On the day of Nom, the fair is formally inaugurated by hoisting the flag at the Bhavnath temple, in the presence of sadhus who come from all over the country. The administration takes responsibility for arranging their camps and accommodations. On one side are the ascetics’ camps, and on the other, service organisations set up tents. Religious stalls come up, and for four days, the entire foothill area becomes immersed in devotion to Shiva.

Although the fair has been held for centuries and has seen some changes over time, its essence remains intact, the ritual bath by sadhus in Mrigi Kund. Just as the Shahi Snan is significant at the Kumbh Mela, the bath at Mrigi Kund holds special importance at this fair.

The midnight processions of sadhus on Shivratri are the main attraction

The biggest attraction of the fair is the chariot processions and ceremonial parades taken out by sadhus at midnight on Shivratri. Naga sadhus, Aghori sadhus, and ascetics from various akhadas ride on horses, carriages, or elephants, proceeding with conch shells and bands playing music, on their way to take a ritual bath at Mrigi Kund. Along the way, they also display feats like physical exercises, swordplay, and staff-fighting.

The Shahi Snan is led by the Panchdashnam Juna Akhada, along with mahants, mandaleshwars, and thousands of sadhus from other akhadas. These processions reach Mrigi Kund one after another, and the saints and Naga sadhus take turns bathing.

It is believed that Naga sadhus who live in the caves of Girnar also join these processions, and there is a popular belief that some sadhus disappear after bathing and are never seen emerging from the kund again. After the sadhus complete their bath, aarti and maha puja of Lord Shiva are performed at the Bhavnath temple. By morning, the fair comes to its conclusion.

Speaking to OpIndia, Mahant Ramjubapu of Ambika Ashram said, “This fair is as sacred and purifying as the Kumbh. Here, on Mahashivratri, thousands of Naga sadhus and Aghoris take the Shahi Snan in the kund, but they do not come out after bathing. To this day, no one knows where these sadhus come from and where they disappear after taking a dip in Damodar Kund.”

Social organisations engage in service activities

On the land of Saurashtra, such a religious congregation cannot happen without service activities. At the Bhavnath Fair too, social organisations and donors from across Gujarat and India arrive in caravans from as early as the fifth day to serve the sadhus and devotees. Their camps and lodgings are pre-decided, such as Jerambapa’s Girnari camp, Toraniya’s camp, Parab’s camp, Bhurabhagat’s tent, Laxman Barot’s camp, Khodiyar Ras Mandal’s tent, and others.

At these places, arrangements are made for meals three times a day and for overnight stay. Continuous bhajans, satsangs, and saintly discourses go on. Some well-known artists also arrive and participate in devotional performances. Devotees keep coming and going throughout the day, and all arrangements are made so that they can partake in both food and worship.

The Bhavnath Fair held at the Bhavnath temple is not merely a festival; it is a unique confluence of devotion, penance, service, and satsang, where the soul experiences union with Shiva.

What is rat-hole mining? As the Meghalaya explosion kills 30, read why this practice continues despite govt ban and court orders

Rukma Rathore
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What is rat-hole mining? As the Meghalaya explosion kills 30, read why this practice continues despite govt ban and court orders

On 5th February (Thursday), an explosion took place in an illegally run rat-hole coal mine in the East Jaintia Hills area of Meghalaya, which resulted in 30 fatalities. The figures also include those who succumbed to their wounds. The tragedy happened at an unlawfully operated coal mine in the remote Thangsku neighbourhood of Mynsngat village. According to reports, 8 individuals are admitted at the Shillong hospital with three more at the Silchar hospital.

This ranked among the most significant mishaps since July 2012, when a flooded mine in the South Garo Hills district of the state claimed the lives of 15 miners. Afterwards, the dangerous mining technique was outlawed by the National Green Tribunal (NGT).

Image via d-maps.com

Meghalaya High Court heard testimonies from the East Jaintia Hills district’s Deputy Commissioner Manish Kumar and Superintendent of Police Vikash Kumar regarding the matter and sought a thorough report on the actions taken by the authorities to put an end to such illicit activities. They were told to “furnish reasons as to why the situation has been allowed to continue.”

The Division Bench of Justices HS Thangkhiew and W Diengdoh also voiced grave concerns over the blast and the state’s persistent unsanctioned coal mining instances. They severely criticised the state apparatus for its inability to prevent prohibited rat-hole coal mining in the East Jaintia Hills area, describing the situation as “distressing” and warning to impose responsibility if the violations continued to exist.

“The report is distressing and reflects dereliction in the discharge of duties by the authorities concerned,” the court stated. The district administration’s status report informed that two arrests were carried out and a criminal case had been filed but it also mentioned a lack of manpower.

The Meghalaya Human Rights Commission (MHRC) took suo motu cognisance and demanded a detailed report from the government. Search and rescue efforts involving the National Disaster Response Force (NDRF), State Disaster Response Force (SDRF), Special Rescue Team (SRT), police and district administration were officially concluded at 5 pm on Monday. 24 bodies were found in the 100-foot-deep chain of low and narrow tunnels.

How the Meghalaya government reacted

Chief Minister Conrad K Sangma declared that the state government would launch a judicial inquiry commission to probe the occurrence, determine the cause of the catastrophe and assign accountability. The district administration similarly increased its efforts against unauthorised mining in the wake of the disastrous event.

Nearly, 38 metric tonnes of coal that had been mined were confiscated from multiple areas, including the villages of Lumshyrmit–Cham Cham, Mukhaialong, Mutong and Pynthorsale by joint teams of Executive Magistrates, police officers and representatives from the Directorate of Mineral Resources (DMR).

Furthermore, authorities located and destroyed temporary camps associated with these perilous mining ventures while First Information Reports (FIRs) have been lodged and additional legal action is ongoing. The families of 8 victims have already received ₹24 lakh (3 lakh for each next of kin) in compensation from the government. According to officials, payments are set to resume once the documentation of the remaining families has been confirmed.

Assam has likewise offered ₹5 lakh to each victim from the state. Prime Minister Narendra Modi also conveyed that the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund (PMNRF) would grant ₹2 lakh for the departed and ₹50,000 for the wounded.

Image via The Assam Tribune

All magistrates in Thangkso were tasked by the district administration to carry out inspections, seize cars, machinery and equipment employed in this forbidden work, as well as locate and apprehend financiers, mine owners, operators and “any people involved in illegal mining activities.”

The district magistrate has issued prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) in the impacted regions to maintain public safety alongside law and order. It mentioned “serious likelihood of obstruction to law enforcement by certain individuals or groups during operations against illegal mining activities.”

The government has encouraged the citizens to assist authorities, abstain from illegal mining and stay out of dangerous or restricted areas. The police earlier submitted a suo motu FIR at the Khliehriat (district headquarters) police station with pertinent provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, along with the Explosives Substances Act.

What is rat hole mining?

Rat hole mining is an archaic and unscientific technique for removing coal from slender and horizontal seams in Meghalya. The land is cleared by chopping and removing the vegetation, after which pits are created to access the coal seam. A coal seam is a visible, dark brown or black-banded coal deposit formed inside rock layers.

Image via Centre for Science and Environment

The narrow trenches that are excavated into the ground are usually only big enough for one person to descend and retrieve coal. These are referred to as “rat holes.” Miners utilise bamboo ladders or ropes to navigate the coal seams when the pits are dug. The coal is manually removed using equipment like baskets, shovels and pickaxes. The mining is executed via two methods known as the side-cutting procedure and box cutting.

People enter the narrow tunnels built on the hill slopes, merely 3-4 feet deep, usually only big enough for one person to crawl inside and out, and proceed until they reach the coal seam, which is less than 2 metres thick, as part of the side-cutting procedure. They must squat to extract coal.

Image via PTI

Box-cutting involves carving a rectangular opening that is between 10 and 100 square meters in size and then making a vertical pit that is between 100 and 400 feet deep. Workers can extract coal by digging horizontal tunnels through the coal seam after it has been located. They go down with the help of rope-and-bamboo ladders or improvised cranes. The tunnels are constructed from the pit’s edge in all directions.

NGT slaps a ban in light of serious concerns

The Coal Mines Nationalisation Act of 1973 does not apply in Meghalaya, a Sixth Schedule State and the government has limited authority over the land. Therefore, the minerals underneath are also owned by the landowners. After Meghalaya became a state in January 1972, coal mining took off. However, mine owners did not adopt sophisticated drilling equipment due to the terrain and associated costs. Thus, people primarily from Assam, Nepal and Bangladesh began to enter the mines for better income.

However, these are prone to the risk of asphyxiation from inadequate ventilation, collapse from a lack of structural support, like side-wall protections and engineered roofs, as well as flooding. Moreover, uncontrolled mining resulted in soil degradation, deforestation, water with high concentrations of sulphates, iron and hazardous heavy metals, low dissolved oxygen, along with high biochemical oxygen demand, in addition to safety and health fears. The Lukha and Myntdu rivers became too corrosive to support aquatic life.

A worker looks up in a rat-hole coal mine near the Lad Rymbai area in the Jaintia Hills in Meghalaya. (Source: Jamhoor)

These concerns were first presented 20 years ago. The problem of child labour and human trafficking in these mines also surfaced. According to reports, kids were employed there owing to their small size. Hence, NGT introduced a blanket ban on rat hole mining in Meghalaya almost 2 decades ago in 2014 and reaffirmed it in 2015.

Likewise, illegal mining, transportation and storage are also prevented under the Meghalaya Minor Minerals Concession Rules and the framework related to Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation (MMDR) Act.

Why does rat hole mining continue despite the ban?

Rat-hole mining is a regular feature for unapproved setups and never ceased to exist despite the firm actions due to a significant local reliance on coal revenue, fragmented ownership and contractorships that disperse accountability and patronage. Their operators also avoid disclosing accidents and keep workers off official records because deaths make headlines, but injuries from child labour and contaminated water, acid drains, unstable terrain and deteriorated roads do not.

A major reason is the absence of economic opportunities, which compels the locals to pursue such jobs. This business is allowed to flourish in the northeastern states as it yields far more than the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and other government-run programs. Furthermore, it is very challenging to separate illegal coal from legacy or auctioned coal after it has entered the supply chain.

On the other hand, the Meghalaya High Court assigned Justice (Retd) BP Katakey to serve as a one-man committee to oversee prohibited coal mining in the state since 2022 in response to a suo-motu Public Interest Litigation (PIL) and he drew attention to the fact that “no one in the state, except the high court, is taking it very seriously” despite repeated warnings of massive unlawful extraction in Meghalaya, especially in the East Jaintia Hills.

The court observed that the Justice Katakey committee had identified East Jaintia Hills as the district hardest hit where these forbidden activities are prominently prevalent alongside other incidents in its report submitted on 17th January.

It is evident that the rat hole mining continues because of institutional enforcement shortcomings, the huge demand for coal and the serious issue of poverty. Additionally, the problem is exacerbated by inadequate imposition of law and regulation, which are aided by the inept or vested political and administrative sectors.

However, the Justice Katakey committee suggested that the recurring problem could be resolved if the state and the central governments took decisive measures to effectively enforce mining constraints. Moreover, state-owned companies must be taken into account for the temporary management of mining operations. Mineral processing, value addition and related industries should be utilised to generate alternate sources of income for the populace.

UP’s economy doubles in 8 years, hits Rs 30.25 lakh crore: Big leap under Yogi Adityanath administration. Read key takeaways from the Economic Survey

Shraddha Pandey
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UP’s economy doubles in 8 years, hits Rs 30.25 lakh crore: Big leap under Yogi Adityanath administration. Read key takeaways from the Economic Survey

The economy of Uttar Pradesh has doubled in the last eight years, growing from Rs 13.30 lakh crore in 2016-17 to Rs 30.25 lakh crore in 2024-25. This revelation was made by Uttar Pradesh’s Finance Minister Suresh Khanna on 9th February 2026, as he presented the Economic Survey 2025-26 in the state assembly. The state government also presented its investment plan to posit Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, as a $1 trillion economy over the medium term.

Uttar Pradesh’s economy more than doubled in eight years, set to expand to Rs 36 lakh crore in 2025-26

The Economic Survey tabled before the state legislature of Uttar Pradesh on Monday is the first such annual economic document, similar to the Central government’s practice. The UP government’s Economic Survey provides a data-based view of the state’s macroeconomic performance, sectoral trajectory, and overall financial health.

As per the survey’s findings, Uttar Pradesh’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew at a compound annual growth rate of 10.8%, surging from Rs 13.30 lakh crore in 2016-17 to Rs 30.25 lakh crore in 2024-25. In the fiscal year 2025-26, Uttar Pradesh’s economy is estimated to expand to Rs 36 lakh crore.

On the opening day of the Budget session, Uttar Pradesh Finance Minister Suresh Khanna said, “The Economic Survey is not merely a compilation of data but a living document reflecting the state’s progress, people’s aspirations and future possibilities.”

Indicating an increased domestic and global investor interest, the Minister said that the state is set to attract over Rs 50 lakh crore in industrial proposals.

Speaking about per capita income, Minister Khanna said that it has doubled from Rs 54,564 in 2016-17 to Rs 1,09,844 in 2024-25. For the year 2025-26, the per capita income is projected to reach Rs 1.20 lakh. On a GSDP per capita basis, income has surged from Rs 61,142 in 2016-17 to Rs 1,26,304 in 2024-25.

During his speech in the state assembly, Khanna pointed out that while Uttar Pradesh’s per capita income was equivalent to the national average at the time of India’s independence, it declined to 50.2% of the national average by 2014-15.

However, in 2024-25, a reversal of the downward trend was recorded as the ratio improved to 53.5%.

Meanwhile, Uttar Pradesh’s own tax income has surged 2.5 times to Rs 2.09 lakh crore. The debt-to-GSDP ratio is 28%, which is reportedto be lower than the national average.

Agriculture remains the driver of Uttar Pradesh’s economic growth

The key drivers of Uttar Pradesh’s economic growth have been agriculture and allied services, contributing 25.8% to the state’s economy. As per the Economic Survey 2025-26, the industry’s share was 27.2% and services 47%. Uttar Pradesh continues to be India’s largest foodgrain producer with output of 737.4 lakh metric tonnes in 2024-25. Between the years 2017-18 and 2024-25, Uttar Pradesh’s total foodgrain production increased by 28.5% while productivity enhanced by 11.8%, increasing Uttar Pradesh’s share in national foodgrain output from 18.1% to 20.6%.

Between the years 2017-18 and 2024-25, gross value added per hectare of crops rose from Rs 0.98 lakh to Rs 1.73 lakh. Paddy and wheat continue to be the state’s largest agricultural output. Higher productivity and acreage have been recorded in both Rabi and Kharif seasons. The Economic Survey also indicates notable crop diversification as the area under oilseeds and pulses expanded significantly.

Uttar Pradesh is transforming into an infrastructure and investment hub

Highlighting the global investor perception improvement, the survey mentioned Memorandums of Understanding (MoU) worth Rs 2.94 lakh crore signed at the World Economic Forum 2026.

The survey further highlighted Uttar Pradesh’s improving infrastructure. It mentioned the state is becoming a national expressway hub, with 22 expressways, including three under construction and seven operational ones.

Besides, Uttar Pradesh also has India’s largest rail network and is widening its aviation ecosystem. The BJP government in Uttar Pradesh has set a target of 24 airports, including five international airports. The survey made a mention of the Jewar International Greenfield Airport, touted to become a key logistics and cargo gateway for North India.

In recent years, the number of factories registered has doubled, crossing the 30,000 mark. Fastest among major states, the industrial gross value added has grown by 25% in Uttar Pradesh. The Yogi government has strategically picked cities to transform them into specialised industrial hubs, with state capital Lucknow as an artificial intelligence hub, Kanpur as a drone manufacturing and testing centre, and Noida as a major Information Technology and electronics manufacturing base.

Emphasising that clean energy is the future, the Economic Survey 2025-26 states that the share of solar power in installed capacity improved from 23% to 27%. To manage urban growth, around 100 new townships are planned. The survey estimates that by 2046, the state’s urban population will reach 35.8%.

The Yogi government prioritises healthcare; the budget was raised to Rs 46,728 crore

As per the Economic Survey 2025-26, Uttar Pradesh has witnessed a significant expansion in medical infrastructure and public health spending. In the state’s latest budget, around 6.1% of the total budget has been allocated to health, which is higher than the national average. The state government allocated Rs 46,728.48 crore to the health budget. According to the survey’s findings, improved government spending on healthcare has boosted affordability and access to public health services.

Due to improved coverage of maternal health programmes, institutional deliveries have increased significantly, with 96.12% deliveries in 2024-25 being institutional and the number of non-institutional deliveries falling to 1.66 lakh.

Inspector Sadiq Pasha lodges FIR on his own against defence company and harasses its employees after drone lands in Muslim-majority area: Here is what Karnataka HC ruled in its interim order

OpIndia Staff
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Inspector Sadiq Pasha lodges FIR on his own against defence company and harasses its employees after drone lands in Muslim-majority area: Here is what Karnataka HC ruled in its interim order

On Friday (6th February), the Karnataka High Court stayed all investigations into a suo motu FIR filed by the Doddaballapur Rural police inspector Sadiq Pasha, against the Newspace Research and Technologies Pvt Ltd. The case was registered against the centrally regulated aerospace and research company on the charges of criminal trespass after a drone landed in a ‘Muslim-majority area’ beyond the green zone.

The incident occurred on 29th January after the drone underwent a battery malfunction. The bench comprising Justice M. Nagaprasanna heard the petition filed by the Bengaluru-based company on Friday and issued an interim order putting a stay on all further probe into the matter till the next hearing.

“There shall be an interim order of stay of all investigation pursuant to the registration of the crime till the next date of hearing,” Justice Nagaprasanna said.

Drone landed in residential area due to low visibility

On 29th January 2026, the New Space Research and Technologies Private Limited was conducting routine research and development testing within the leased premises, when a lightweight research drone suffered a battery malfunction. Due to this, the drone glided beyond the leased premises and landed in Bengaluru’s Doddaballapura ‘Muslim area‘ . The centrally regulated company could not initially trace the drone due to a poor Global Positioning System (GPS) signal. The company officials did not undertake an immediate search activity since it was dark.

Later, the police arrived there after receiving information via the 112-emergency helpline, and took the drone into possession.

Inspector Sadiq Pasha registered a suo motu FIR, made drone company officials sit for six hours, refused to give FIR copy

After confiscating the drone, Inspector Sadiq Pasha registered a suo motu FIR against “unknown” persons under Sections 125 (an act endangering life or personal safety of others) and 329(3) (criminal trespass) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.. The police served a notice to the drone company officials on 30th January. The officials from the New Space Research and Technologies Private Limited arrived at the police station and explained to the police the circumstances leading to the drone landing in a residential area.

They also informed the police that New Space Research and Technologies Private Limited is a licensed drone research and training agency operating under the control of the Director General of Civil Aviation, adding that testing is a legally allowed activity under the Drones Rules, 2021 and other relevant laws.

Notably, Newspace Research and Technologies supplies drones to the Indian armed forces and has its testing centre on 48 acres of leased land in Doddaballapur.

However, Inspector Sadiq Pasha violated a basic procedural requirement and refused to hand the copy of the FIR to the officials of the petitioner drone company. The police contended that since the drone landed on private land, it was perceived to be endangering life and physical safety.

Inspector Sadiq Pasha, who reportedly holds a law degree, argued that only the informant was entitled to receive the FIR copy.

However, the FIR copy was given only after the company’s counsel said that they would file a complaint with the Lokayukta.

During the court hearing, the counsel appearing for Newspace Research and Technologies said that the drone in question weighed 6kg and was powered by a Chinese battery. The counsel informed the court that the drone company supplies equipment to the Indian Army, adding that the drone in question was also showcased during the recent Republic Day parade. The counsel further stated that the company had been conducting research and development trials at the site for the last 4 to 5 years.

The counsel further emphasised that the police had no jurisdiction in the matter since the operation was conducted in a green zone under a R&D license, adding that the company could have been questioned only by the DGCA under the Drone Rules.

Inspector Sadiq Pasha showed “excessive interest”, Karnataka HC asks him to file an affidavit

The court noted the allegation levelled by the petitioner’s counsel that Inspector Sadiq Pasha took excessive interest in the case despite valid licenses and documents being shown. Inspector Pasha wanted the Managing Director of the Newspace Research and Technologies to arrive at the police station and disclose details of the number of employees working at the company, revenue, turnover, and other information. The police officer made the drone company’s officials sit for six hours.

Taking note, the court ordered Inspector Sadiq Pasha to file an affidavit to the averments made in the petition. The court said that failing to follow the direction will invite necessary action. The bench directed Pasha’s explanation via the Station House Officer (SHO) of the Doddaballapur Rural police station by the next date of hearing in the case. Until then, all coercive action against the petitioner has been halted by the court, providing a temporary reprieve to the Bengaluru-based company.

From Tiruppur to the EU and the US: How the new trade deals could transform India’s textile hubs and double Tamil Nadu’s garment exports

Shriti Sagar
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From Tiruppur to the EU and the US: How the new trade deals could transform India’s textile hubs and double Tamil Nadu’s garment exports

India’s textile and apparel industry is set for a great boost with the finalisation of the first phase of the India-US trade agreement. The framework for the recently announced agreement is centred on reducing import taxes on various goods to enhance trade between the two nations. 

Currently, the USA is the largest export market for Indian textiles and textile products, with exports valued at $10.5-11 billion annually. Close to 28% of total textile and textile product exports from India in FY25 were meant for exports to the USA alone. Now, with the USA agreeing to reduce customs duty on Indian textile products to merely 18%, Indian textile exports are expected to gain a strong edge over other competing countries such as Bangladesh (20%), Vietnam (20%), Pakistan (19%), and China (30%).

On Saturday, 7th February, the Union Ministry of Textiles has said that the agreement opens up access to a massive $118 billion US import market for textiles, apparel and made-ups. This means Indian exporters will now find it easier and more cost-effective to sell their products in the US. The ministry believes that this deal will play a key role in helping India reach its ambitious target of $100 billion in textile and apparel exports by 2030, up from $37.7 billion in FY25.

A big opportunity for the textile hub of Tiruppur, Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu, especially Tiruppur, which is a hub for the textile industry, is likely to gain significantly from the India-US agreement. Tiruppur is a city situated about 450 km from Chennai and is also referred to as India’s knitwear capital. It has over 1,100 exporters across the city under the Tiruppur Exporters’ Association (TEA).

According to TEA president K M Subramanian, currently, the export of garments from Tamil Nadu to the US has been valued at ₹15,000 crore. This figure, he mentioned, is expected to double to ₹30,000 crore within the next three years following this new agreement. The agreement, says Subramanian, has great significance; the city will gain tremendous growth momentum within the next five years.

The employment impact could be equally impressive. At present, around 10 lakh people work in the textile and knitwear sector in Tiruppur and nearby areas. With increased exports and fresh orders from the US, another five lakh jobs could be created over the next three to five years. For a labour-intensive industry like textiles, this could bring major social and economic benefits to the region.

Entrepreneurs in Tiruppur are already optimistic. M Rathinasamy, founder of Starrlight Exporters, said that earlier, many US orders were shifting to countries like Bangladesh. Now, with the improved tariff position, more orders are expected to come back to India. Exporters believe that within the next three months, the impact of the deal will begin to show in higher shipment volumes.

This renewed growth is particularly important because Tiruppur had reportedly suffered losses of nearly ₹15,000 crore in 2025 due to tariff disadvantages in the US market. The new agreement could help factories run at full capacity again and restore confidence among exporters.

The EU deal: “Mother of all deals”

If the US agreement is a big step forward, the India–EU free trade agreement is being described as even bigger. This deal has been described as the “mother of all deals” for the subcontinent. India and the European Union have signed a wide-ranging agreement after nearly two decades of negotiations, which enables duty concessions on almost all goods and services traded between India and the European Union.

The European Union is a very large market in the world. The European Union imports goods worth $6.5 trillion every year. Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal described this agreement as a ‘game-changer’ for India’s textile industry, as it removes the initial imposition of customs duty of 9 to 12% on Indian textiles and apparel. Under the new agreement, there will be zero customs duty on 90% of Indian imports immediately, and the remaining 7% will be raised to 93% in seven years.

For a long time, Indian exporters complained about a large differential in the EU market with Bangladesh, which benefited from the duty-free market under the “Everything But Arms” facility. Bangladesh ships nearly $30 billion worth of textiles to the EU duty-free, while India’s $7 billion exports faced tariffs of up to 12%. With the new FTA, India will finally compete on equal footing.

Industry experts believe India’s share in the EU textile market, currently about $5.5 billion or 6%, could double to over $11 billion in the next five years. Given that textiles are India’s second-largest employer after agriculture, employing around 40 million people, the job potential is huge. Estimates suggest that better access to the EU market could generate 6 to 7 million additional jobs in the coming years.

India already has a strong presence in home textiles such as bed linen, towels and curtains. With zero-duty access, European buyers are expected to increase sourcing from India. This means better pricing stability for retailers and long-term business security for Indian manufacturers.

Bangladesh faces growing pressure

While these deals are positive news for India, they present serious challenges for Bangladesh. The EU-India FTA significantly reduces the tariff advantage Bangladesh has long enjoyed as a Least Developed Country (LDC).

Bangladesh’s economy is heavily dependent on textiles and apparel, which account for nearly 94% of its exports to the EU. The EU absorbs about 44% of Bangladesh’s total exports. With India now enjoying zero tariffs, Bangladesh risks losing market share, especially in basic, price-sensitive apparel segments.

Bangladesh is set to graduate from least-developed country (LDC) status in 2026. Its duty-free access under the EU’s EBA scheme will effectively expire by November 2029. After that, unless it secures special GSP+ benefits, it could face tariffs of around 12% on apparel exports. If India continues to enjoy zero-duty access while Bangladesh faces double-digit tariffs, the competitive gap could widen sharply.

This situation could lead to trade diversion. European brands, looking to diversify supply chains under the “China+1” strategy, may prefer India because of tariff advantages, better regulatory predictability, and a strong cotton-to-garment supply chain.

For Bangladesh, this is a wake-up call. It will need to focus on compliance with international labour and environmental standards to secure future trade benefits. But for now, India’s improved tariff position gives it a strong edge in both the US and EU markets.

A turning point for India’s textile ambitions

Taken together, the India-US and India-EU trade deals mark a turning point for the country’s textile and apparel industry. They not only reduce tariff barriers but also improve India’s image as a reliable sourcing destination.

The deal also comes at a crucial time. In November 2025, US imports of textiles and apparel from India had dropped sharply by over 31% compared to the previous year. The new tariff structure is expected to reverse this decline and restore India’s competitiveness in the American market.

With access to two of the world’s largest consumer markets on better terms, Indian exporters could expect to benefit from more orders, expanded factories, and employment generation. States such as Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Punjab could also see fresh investments and employment generation.

But if the momentum continues and the reforms in the domestic market are favourable to these industries, India’s dream of accomplishing $100 billion in textile exports by the year 2030 doesn’t seem to be a distant dream after all. For the industry, these trade deals promise to greenlight the coming decade.

Basant returns to Lahore, but why are Pakistanis reluctant to acknowledge the Hindu cultural roots of the festival?

Dhruv Mishra
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Basant returns to Lahore, but why are Pakistanis reluctant to acknowledge the Hindu cultural roots of the festival?

After over two decades of prohibition, Punjab in Pakistan has formally reinstated Basant. Lahore’s skyline is once again streaked with kites. The state has gone all in to oversee what it now refers to as a “Punjabi cultural festival,” deploying surveillance drones, enforcing QR-coded kite lines, registering rooftops, and applying stiff penalties. But as Basant returned to the skies, an old justification campaign resurfaced online, with several users on X insisting that the Basant celebrated in Pakistan is entirely different from India’s Basant Panchami, and claiming that it was started in Lahore by Amir Khusro as a Muslim, kite-flying spring ritual, supposedly unconnected to Hindu tradition or Indian civilisational history.

Framed as historical nuance, this claim is anything but. It reduces centuries of civilisational continuity to a single Sufi anecdote, deliberately blurs the line between cultural participation and cultural origin, and functions as a textbook case of cultural chori, retaining the festival, its symbols, and its economic value, while quietly stripping it of its Indian roots to make it ideologically palatable.

Before Islam, before Khusro: Basant’s civilisational lineage

Basant is not an abstract “seasonal celebration” that evolved naturally in medieval Punjab. It is a vernacular continuation of Vasant (spring) observances that date back to Indic culture, predating Islam’s arrival in the subcontinent. Classical Sanskrit literature, temple calendars, and regional folk traditions all celebrate spring as a time of agricultural renewal. Basant marks the preparation for the arrival of spring. The colour yellow, central to Basant, is not a decorative coincidence; it reflects ripening mustard fields, the changing agrarian cycle, and springtime fertility across North India.

These symbols existed independently and coherently centuries before any Sufi engagement with local culture. By the time Muslim rule entered Punjab and Delhi, Basant was already a social fact, not a ritual in search of meaning, but a lived seasonal rhythm. What followed was not invention but adaptation. This distinction is crucial. When Muslim invaders, elites or common people participated in Basant, they were entering an already-established cultural space. Participation did not retroactively convert the festival’s origin, just as celebrating a harvest does not rewrite the origin of agriculture.

What Amir Khusro actually did  and what is being falsely attributed to him 

Amir Khusro’s relationship with Basant is real, but what is deceptive is the scale and significance that are now being retroactively built around it. The historical record places Khusro’s Basant observance squarely within the precincts of Delhi’s Nizamuddin dargah, not Lahore, and ties it to a specific, symbolic episode rather than the creation of a new festival. Following the death of his young nephew, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya is said to have withdrawn into grief. Among them was Amir Khusro, whose poetry blended Persian court culture with local vernaculars.

According to dargah tradition, Khusro encountered a group of Hindu women dressed in yellow, carrying flowers, on their way to the Kalkaji Mandir to celebrate Basant. Khusro adopted the colour yellow and brought the symbolism back to the dargah, where it briefly lifted his mentor’s sorrow. It is in memory of this act that Basant continues to be ritually observed at the Nizamuddin shrine.

This episode explains why Basant is commemorated at one specific Sufi shrine in Delhi. It does not explain the origins of Basant itself, nor does it support the claim that Khusro “started” Basant as a Muslim festival, introduced it to Muslims at large, or founded a kite-flying tradition in Lahore. There is no contemporaneous Persian chronicle, tazkira, or historical account that makes such a claim. What is being projected today is not history, but retrospective myth-making.

Why this rewriting is convenient for Pakistan

Pakistan’s relationship with its pre-Islamic past has always been uneasy. Hindu temples are neglected, Indian history is marginalised in textbooks, and ancient cultural continuities are treated as ideological liabilities. Yet Basant poses a problem: it is too deeply embedded in Punjabi social life to be discarded altogether. The solution has been to retain the festival while rewriting its provenance. By framing Basant as a “Punjabi” festival rather than an Indian one, a Muslim cultural practice rather than a Hindu seasonal observance, and a Khusro-origin tradition rather than a pre-Islamic continuity. Pakistan gets to enjoy the celebration without confronting the civilisational inheritance it comes from.

That is the essence of cultural theft, keeping the practice, erasing the source.

Conclusion: You can celebrate, but you cannot erase

There is nothing illegitimate about Punjabis in Pakistan celebrating Basant. After all, Culture survives borders and outlives states. But there is something deeply dishonest about celebrating a festival while denying its origins. Basant does not need Islamic validation. Amir Khusro does not need to be turned into a civilisational founder. And Punjabi culture does not need historical amnesia to survive.
You can fly the kites. You can paint the city yellow. But you cannot cut the string that ties Basant to its Indian, Hindu, civilisational roots, no matter how many times the story is rewritten.

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