India and China share a bitter-sweet relationship. The two powerful Asian nations have complicated ties marked with trade, talks and tensions. From backing Pakistan despite its cross-border terrorism against India, using veto power in the UNSC to block India’s resolutions pertaining to Pakistani terrorists, border disputes with India, China has long been annoying India. Despite the differences, India and China are moving towards resolving disputes, especially border tensions. Now India has proposed a four-pronged plan to reduce border tensions with China.
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh in China: India raises Indo-China border issues and calls for a permanent solution to the border demarcation
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh held a meeting with his Chinese counterpart, Admiral Dong Jun, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Defence Ministers Meeting on Thursday and stressed on border management and having a permanent solution to border demarcation by rejuvenating the established mechanism on the issue.
During the meeting, the two leaders held “in-depth discussions” on the need to maintain peace and tranquillity along the Indo-China border. Rajnath Singh acknowledged the work being undertaken by the two nations to bring back a semblance of normalcy in the bilateral relations, according to the Ministry of Defence press release
Rajnath Singh highlighted the necessity of solving complex issues through a structured roadmap of permanent engagement and de-escalation. He emphasised the need to create good neighbourly conditions to achieve the best mutual benefits and to cooperate for stability in Asia and the world. He called for bridging the trust deficit created after the 2020 Border standoff by taking action on the ground.
India’s four-pronged plan to resolve India-China border disputes
Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh has proposed a four-pronged plan to ease Indo-China border tensions and improve diplomatic ties during the bilateral meeting with his Chinese counterpart, Admiral Dong Jun, at the SCO in Qingdao. This four-pronged plan comprises of commitment to adherence to the 2024 disengagement plan, sustained efforts to de-escalate, expedite measures to achieve fair demarcation and delimitation at the Indo-China borders, and the usage of the existing special representative level mechanism to prepare new processes to handle disputes and improve relations.
In a press release, the Ministry of Defence stated, “The two Ministers agreed to continue consultations at various levels to achieve progress on issues related to disengagement, de-escalation, border management and eventual delimitation through existing mechanisms.” India and China had reached an agreement in October on patrolling arrangements in the
Depsang Plains and Demchok, two friction points along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). The understanding was reached after earlier disengagement in other friction points in eastern Ladakh following meetings at diplomatic and military levels.
During the meeting with his Chinese counterpart, Rajnath Singh appreciated the resumption of the Kailash Manasarovar yatra after a gap of five years. He highlighted the important milestone of reaching 75 years since the establishment of diplomatic ties between the two countries.
India’s proposal offers a structured and fair roadmap for permanent engagement, de-escalation, effective border management, and a lasting solution for border demarcation. This proposal is a positive step towards fostering good neighbourly relations and bridging the trust deficit. India’s approach aims to stabilise the Line of Actual Control (LAC) to avert a repeat of the 2020 Galwan Valley standoff and the 2017 Doklam standoff, which resulted in a serious deterioration of the Indo-China bilateral ties.
It must be recalled that on June 15, 2020, the Chinese troops had attacked the Indian troops along the LAC near the Ladakh border. The clashes had resulted in India losing 20 of its soldiers. China initially denied facing any casualties in the attack. However, after months of denial, China later acknowledged the loss of at least 5 of its soldiers, although independent reports suggested Beijing lost around 35-40 soldiers in the clashes. OpIndia reported earlier how China traversed great lengths to cover up the casualties of its soldiers in the clashes.
Another big flare-up of this nature since Galwan (in Ladakh) Valley, occurred on December 9 in 2022, in the Yangtze area of Arunachal Pradesh’s Tawang sector.
In 2017, Indian troops halted Chinese attempts to expand their motorable route towards the Jampheri Ridge, which overlooks the strategically sensitive Siliguri Corridor, resulting in a 73-day standoff on the Bhutanese territory of Doklam. The PLA (People’s Liberation Army) built extensive military facilities and permanently stationed troops in north Doklam following the disengagement.
Besides border disputes, China’s backing of Pakistan, which sponsors cross-border terrorism against India, has also added to the surging hostilities between India and China in recent years. Even during Operation Sindoor, conducted by the Indian armed forces against Pakistani terror and military establishments, China had provided defence and tech support to Pakistan. Although Indian defence weaponry and defence systems proved Chinese defence systems ineffective.
However, in the context of the Indo-China border tensions, China has recent times, indicated openness to incremental measures towards de-escalation, as evident from the October 2024 patrolling agreement. Even the resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra after a five-year gap hints at China’s willingness to mend its ways and proceed with a more positive approach towards India.
Will China accept India’s proposal?
While China is indeed showing some positive signs, it can never be trusted blindly, especially given its expansionist ambitions and mindless attempts at laying claims over Indian territories in the northeast. India’s four-pronged plan is well-timed and much needed in these volatile times. Persistent tensions between two nuclear-armed neighbours pose a significant threat to regional stability. In the Galwan clashes, China shattered the decades of relative peace and undermined the trust of India. Chinese illegal attempts at incursions and infrastructure buildup have forced India to counter-deployments, thus tensions have prevailed, though not with the same intensity seen during 2020. India’s four-pronged proposal essentially addresses these issues by institutionalising de-escalation, clarifying the LAC as well and rebuilding trust.
However, the question remains: will China accept India’s proposal? Given the complexity of Indo-China relations, the answer to this question is uncertain. As much as India and China are posited as rivals, the two powerful nations need each other, not only for mutual benefits but also to ensure a power balance in Asia. China may want to accept India’s proposal, as, even though geopolitical experts opine that keeping entangled in conflict serves China, the country would not want to have prolonged direct conflict with India.
Much like the United States, being a ‘friend’ of China also comes at a dear cost. In the case of both the US and China, a country is their ally only till it aligns with their interests. However, India’s strict exercise of strategic autonomy in many issues has irked the US and would have a similar response from China as well. Since China likes to dominate its ‘allies’ and India does not back off from its strategic autonomy and makes no compromise on its territorial integrity, China might reject India’s proposal.
Besides, China may also reject the four-pronged plan since Beijing wants to maintain pressure on India to limit its regional influence; you see, the ‘rivalry’ comes into play. This becomes even more obvious since India, although a BRICS member, is also a member of the QUAD and has good ties with the US, even though Donald Trump’s antics in recent times have displeased India.
Also, a clarified LAC would mean that China would have to relinquish its unjustified claims over Indian territories, be it Arunachal Pradesh or parts of Ladakh. China’s reluctance to discontinue infrastructure construction on Indian territories it occupies, despite India’s strong objections, suggests that China will not agree to any proposal that might require it to concede ground or accept a proposal where it does not arbitrarily decide the terms. Not to forget, China does not recognise the McMahon Line, although India does. Thus, China accepting India’s proposal is less likely.
Even if China agrees to India’s four-pronged plan, it would not be a surprise that at some point in time, it betrays India for its own strategic interests.
If China accepts India’s proposal and makes genuine efforts to ensure resolution of the border disputes in accordance with the plan, India, as it has been in the past disengagements, will also prioritise implementing the patrolling agreement and establishing no-patrol zones, while pivoting towards diplomatic dialogue to clarify the LAC. India would also strengthen its border infrastructure and maintain a robust presence. However, if China rejects the proposal outrightly or partially or comes up with its own set of terms, which are disagreeable to India, New Delhi would want to maintain the military buildup, increase troops deployment, enhance infrastructure and be fully prepared for any Chinese misadventure at the LAC. India is already bolstering partnerships with QUAD nations to counterbalance China, while also continuing with economic steps, including Chinese app bans and investment scrutiny.
While India’s proposal offers a pragmatic framework to rebuild mutual trust between New Delhi and Beijing, it remains to be seen if China prefers a practical resolution of disputes or decides to perpetuate hostilities to prevent India’s rise, since Beijing sees the border dispute with India as a strategic leverage. If the plan is accepted by China, India will advance military and diplomatic cooperation; if rejected, India will bolster deterrence and forge global partnerships to secure its borders and ensure its regional influence.
Border disputes with China and caused by China and its ally-cum-vassal, Pakistan’s cross-border Islamic terrorism against India have been New Delhi’s major concerns. While India did offer a four-pronged plan to China to resolve border disputes, it also remained firm on its stance against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism as seen at the SCO summit wherein Indian defence minister refused to sign the joint statement since it made no mention of terrorism even as its been hardly two months since Pakistan-backed terrorists carried out jihadist attack in Pahalgam killing innocent civilians. At this point, India’s balanced approach of taking proactive measures to resolve disputes but not compromising on principles and national interests hints at its cautious optimism.
