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India recorded a 24.1% decline in extreme poverty in 12 years: Read in detail what the World Bank said in its report

India has recorded “one of the fastest poverty declines” in the world between 2011 and 2023, according to the World Bank’s latest report. In its report [pdf] titled India Poverty and Equity Brief: October 2026, the World Bank highlights that the country has made remarkable progress in reducing poverty across both monetary and non-monetary dimensions. 

Over this decade-long span, extreme poverty in the country fell drastically by 24.5%. As the World Bank noted in its note, “Over the past decade, India has made remarkable progress in reducing poverty across both monetary and non-monetary dimensions, recording one of the fastest poverty declines in the world.” 

This massive social transformation was largely driven by robust consumption growth, rising employment, particularly among women entering the workforce, and expanded social welfare programs like food subsidies. However, the report also cautions that poverty is becoming increasingly concentrated geographically, with roughly 57% of India’s poor population living in a contiguous belt stretching from Uttar Pradesh to West Bengal.

How the World Bank estimates poverty

The World Bank uses three international poverty thresholds to measure poverty, based on daily income or consumption levels adjusted for purchasing power parity (PPP). The latest estimates use 2021 PPP values and three poverty lines: $3 per day, $4.20 per day and $8.30 per day.

The $3 daily threshold represents extreme poverty, while the $4.20 threshold is used for the lower middle-income poverty line. The $8.30 threshold represents the upper middle-income poverty line. These measures help track poverty across different income levels and allow comparisons between countries.

The estimates in the latest report are based on India’s three most recent Household Consumption Expenditure Surveys, conducted in 2011-12, 2022-23 and 2023-24. The report also uses other data to assess non-monetary poverty and living conditions.

Alongside monetary metrics, the report evaluates non-monetary deprivations, noting that Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative’s (OPHI) Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) fell sharply by 37.4% between 2005 and 2021, while the World Bank’s own MPI measure stood at 15.5% in 2022–23. 

Nevertheless, the report also adds a note of caution that these household surveys may not fully capture the consumption patterns of wealthier households, meaning they are likely to understate top-end inequality.

Expected decline and future projections

The World Bank report projects that poverty will continue to decline across the country, though at a more gradual pace. The poverty rate measured at the $4.20 per day line is expected to fall further from 14.2% in 2026 down to 12.1% by 2028. 

Future reductions in national poverty will heavily rely on generating productive employment opportunities, particularly in the states spanning from Uttar Pradesh to West Bengal. The lower middle-income poverty rate also declined significantly, falling by 41.6% over the same period. This represents an estimated 496 million people moving above the $4.20-a-day poverty line.

The World Bank said this progress was mainly driven by strong growth in consumption, an increase in employment, particularly among women, and wider access to social welfare support, including food subsidies. The World Bank also clarified that these are indicative projections based on microsimulation models. They may be revised as fresh labour market and economic data become available.

The graphs show declining poverty and Consumption inequality

The World Bank report also includes two graphs to explain how poverty and consumption inequality have changed over the years. 

The first graph shows the downward trend in poverty rates across the three international poverty lines between 2011 and 2023. At the extreme poverty threshold of $3 per day, the rate dropped sharply from 27.1% to 2.6%. At the lower middle-income threshold of $4.20 per day, it declined from 57.7% to 16.1%, lifting an estimated 496 million people out of poverty.

Graph via World Bank report

At the upper middle-income threshold of $8.30 per day, the poverty rate also came down, from 92.5% in 2011 to 80% in 2023. However, the figures show that a large share of India’s population still lives below this higher income threshold. 

The second graph tracks consumption inequality using the Gini index. The index measures how equally or unequally consumption is distributed across a population. It ranges from 0 to 100, with a higher figure indicating greater inequality.

India’s Gini index fell from 28.8 in 2011-12 to 25.5 in 2022-23 and further to 23.0 in 2023. This indicates a decline in measured consumption inequality over the period.

Graph via World Bank report

While this consumption-based index reflects a slight compression in measured inequality, the broader report points out that wage disparities remain wide, with the top 10% of workers earning roughly 13 times more than the bottom 10% in 2023.

Poverty remains higher in Rural areas and among children

The report shows that poverty levels differ across regions and population groups. At the $4.20-a-day lower middle-income poverty line, the poverty rate in rural areas stood at 19.3%, compared with 8.6% in urban areas. This shows that rural households continue to face greater economic challenges, even though rural India has recorded significant improvements over the years.

The poverty rate was also slightly higher among women, at 16.6%, compared with 15.7% among men. The World Bank noted that poverty is becoming increasingly concentrated in certain parts of the country. Around 57% of India’s poor population lives in a continuous geographical belt stretching from Uttar Pradesh to West Bengal.

The report also pointed out that households with lower levels of education, fewer assets, limited access to stable jobs and more dependent family members are more likely to remain poor.

Employment growth has played an important role in reducing poverty. Between 2017 and 2023, the number of employed people increased by around 134 million, nearly twice the growth of the working-age population. A large part of this increase came from rural women joining paid work and adding to the number of earning members in households. 

However, the report also noted that youth unemployment increased from 14.6% to 15.9% between Q1 FY2026 and Q1 FY2027, particularly among rural young women. Real earnings also remained largely unchanged, with much of the employment growth coming from relatively low-productivity work.

The report also examines India’s multidimensional poverty rate

Apart from income, the World Bank also measures poverty through access to basic facilities such as education, drinking water, sanitation and electricity. This is known as multidimensional poverty because it looks at different difficulties people face in their daily lives.

According to the report, India’s multidimensional poverty rate, measured using the World Bank’s Multidimensional Poverty Measure, stood at 15.5% in 2022-23. The report also cited figures from the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI), which show that multidimensional poverty declined from 53.8% in 2005-06 to 16.4% in 2019-21.

Children remain more vulnerable to multidimensional poverty than other age groups. The rate stood at 21.8% among children aged 0 to 14, compared with 14.4% among people aged 15 to 64 and 14% among those aged 65 and above.

Education also makes a difference. Among people aged 16 and above, the poverty rate was 21.3% for those without education, 17.3% for those with primary education, 14% for those with secondary education and 7.4% for those with post-secondary or tertiary education.

The report also highlighted gaps in access to basic facilities. Around 29.6% of the population lacked access to limited-standard sanitation, while 13.8% lived in households where no adult had completed primary education. 

Kerala: VD Satheesan to join Congress-led “save democracy” march at Ramlila Maidan while filing cases against LPST rank-holders protesting for basic demands, corruption-free recruitment

The Indian National Congress-led I.N.D.I. Alliance has announced the “Chalo Dilli” march at Ramlila Maidan on 1st November to protest alleged irregularities in electoral rolls and demand the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar.

Kerala Chief Minister VD Satheesan is also going to participate in the opposition program, informing that he would join it to purportedly “stand with lakhs of citizens in defence of democracy, the Constitution, and the right to vote.” He added, “This is not just a protest. It is a firm declaration that we will not remain silent when democracy is under threat.”

While Satheesan is planning to attend the gathering to “save democracy,” people in his own state are being slapped with cases for raising legitimate demands. The matter is related to the consistent demonstration of Lower Primary School Teachers (LPST) rank holders in Thiruvananthapuram. They are yet to obtain formal appointment orders despite passing the Kerala Public Service Commission (PSC) screening procedure and appearing on the May 2025 rank list.

Their protest has already entered its 117th day, while the associated hunger strike is on its 5th day. However, instead of addressing their grievances, a case has been registered against 8 identified individuals and 50 others for holding an agitation near the Secretariat’s main gate. S Valarmathi, secretary of the All Kerala LPST Rank Holders Association, has been named as the first accused.

On 26th October, she had tonsured her head and pronounced an indefinite fast after Satheesan addressed the issue in the assembly, not to resolve their complaints but to make a political dig. He remarked that those who had not even bothered to take notice of people protesting outside the Secretariat for the past five years were going around with photographs of a shaved head.

Valarmathi had asked the government about measures it had implemented. “We will not back down from our demand to reduce the student-teacher ratio in classrooms,” she maintained and highlighted the hypocrisy by adding that those who are currently making such comments had supported the protests by Public Service Commission (PSC) rank holders when they were in the opposition.

The candidates had already warned they would organise a hunger strike and remove their hair if the government did not make a favourable decision. However, their appeals fell on deaf ears, after which they stepped up their efforts.

Their principal demands are to guarantee immediate and legal appointments for individuals on the PSC rank list, revise the critical student-teacher ratio to 1:25 from 1:30, postpone fresh notifications until everyone on the existing list is inducted and transfer aided school recruitments to the PSC to prevent any corruption-based procedures.

Congress government remains indifferent as protests continue

Valarmathi’s symbolic act of sacrifice came amid continuous accusations that the government had shown nothing but gross neglect towards them. She recently called out Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) leader N Samsudheen, who is serving as the Minister for General Education and Minority Welfare of Kerala. She outlined that he insisted there is a “financial crisis and is not willing to reduce the student-teacher ratio,” emphasising that the objective is to protect teachers and their jobs.

She asserted to have the details “on the number of existing vacancies, but the minister told the assembly that the data was still being collected. If that is the case, what exactly has the government studied about our issue? Who conducted the study, and who were the members of the committee? The government must release those records.”

Valarmathi lashed out, “You asked for 45 days only to mislead us. We are protesting because we want justice. Those sitting here have worked hard, cleared the examinations and secured places on the rank list. Please do not keep repeating false claims.”

She pointed out that the government had promised to change the student-teacher ratio to 1:40 and questioned how it had arrived at that figure, pointing out, “You are not even clearly stating how many divisions have been lost. Everything is being kept under wraps, and the only response we get is that any decision would create a financial burden.”

Valarmathi underlined that the government must first hire people from the existing rank lists before proceeding with admissions via other means. “The current system gives the impression that jobs can be secured by paying money. That system must change,” she pressed.

“We have no other option. It was only after our protest had entered its 13th day that the government said our demands would be considered sympathetically. But what action has it taken since then? There is no need to invite us for further discussions. We need a decision, not more assurances. We will continue our protest, even if it takes a death for the government to finally make a decision,” she declared.

Valarmathi earlier charged that Samsudheen’s plea for 45 days to settle the dispute was a ruse to put an end to the strike. She suspected that bribes might have been distributed to officials, including the chief minister. However, she was determined that they would be chosen on their credentials earned through education. The protesters also revealed that they could seek to meet Satheesan again and vowed to embark on a hunger strike until death if they are denied justice.

No support from Abhijit Dipke to Prakash Raj: The deafening silence of self-proclaimed champions of people’s rights

The demonstrators indicated that they have effectively been left to fend for themselves, with no support for their crucial fight, recounting, “We were running from one minister to another till some days ago. The same leaders who expressed solidarity with us when in opposition are now avoiding or ignoring us,” reported The New Indian Express.

Additionally, it was unveiled that the United Democratic Front (UDF) government headed by Congress had verbally agreed to grant four requests: lowering the student-teacher ratio to 1:25, putting off the new notification, extending the rank-list period, and bringing head teacher vacancies under the purview of the PSC. However, the protesters found out that no action had been taken.

The centre of the problem revolves around the loss of teaching positions when school divisions are consolidated to cater to the 1:30 student-teacher ratio. Valarmathi stated, “The teachers who are flushed out in this exercise are accommodated in retirement vacancies, depriving us of a chance to be appointed. There were around 600 such division-fall adjustments made last year.”

She added that the ratio can be modified to fit the state’s needs, similar to high schools. According to those on the rank list, they delivered thorough reports on open positions and reform recommendations to the government, but with no success.

The protesters also noted that they do not receive any help and have to pool their own money to sustain the agitation. They conveyed that some PSC coaching facilities used to offer them food, but at present they either prepare kanji by the roadside or make other local arrangements to feed themselves.

Interestingly, they also noticed the conspicuous absence of andolanjeevis or career agitators, recognising that their movement has received little attention because it is rooted in a genuine cause and has no agenda or affiliations with any party or outfit.

“No one noticed us till now. We wonder where the activists – like Ranjini Haridas – are. Where are the rappers? Where are the likes of Tovino Thomas, Vineeth Sreenivasan, Ashiq Abu and Reema Kallingal? Where were the writers and intellectuals? The systemic rot linked to PSC placements is out there for everyone to see, right,” the attendees enquired.

They also shared, “Many among us even tagged Abhijit Dipke of CJP (Cockroach Janta Party) in our protest pictures. We also commented on their social media posts, drawing their attention to our agitation. Even when actor Prakash Raj visited Manaveeyam Veedhi, we requested him to visit our protest venue. But no one even bothered.”

The account sheds light on the selective nature of those who claim to champion people’s causes, especially those concerning the country’s youth and students, but are conveniently silent when the subject does not serve their political interests. Furthermore, neither the former chief minister and Leader of the Opposition, Pinarayi Vijayan, nor officials at the Secretariat met Valarmathi despite her exhausting attempt.

Conclusion

Rahul Gandhi, Satheesan and the Congress leadership have regularly urged the young people to become a part of their political campaigns. The Gandhi scion even launched “Chhatron Ki Goonj” (Voice of Students), supposedly to flag concerns over shortcomings in the Indian education system.

However, it appears that the opposition and its ecosystem are deeply concerned about their future only when the state is governed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). This duplicity has surfaced time and again and was also equally evident in Jharkhand, where protests against the I.N.D.I. bloc government were similarly ignored.

The challenges faced by the youth, it seems, deserve focus only depending on the region and the political ideology, and when the rhetoric is put to the test, it tells a different story. The protesters in Kerala even ate grass to underline their desperate conditions, as many women left their families and homes to struggle for their valid demands, only to see their pleas go unanswered.

This is the reality of the Indian opposition’s activism, which pretends to “save democracy,” but where equality is determined by political preferences rather than treated as a basic tenet. Borrowing from William Shakespeare’s famous line, it would hardly be an exaggeration to say, “Hypocrisy, thy name is the Indian opposition.”


As Wasim and others are awarded life imprisonment for illegal cow slaughter in Gujarat, read about the 2017 law that made it possible

In a major development, a Sessions Court in Gandhinagar convicted 3 men in a 2024 cow slaughter case and sentenced them to life imprisonment. They were identified as Wasim, Mohammad, and Asfaq. A fine of ₹3 lakh was imposed on each of the accused.

While pronouncing the verdict, the court cited the Vedas and sacred scriptures and observed that the cow is like a mother to the universe and its protection is an act rooted in duty and compassion. The court pointed out that if stringent punishments are not imposed to set a precedent in society, the cow could become extinct in India.

While sharing the news on X (formerly Twitter), Minister of State Harsh Sanghavi wrote, “This verdict under the Gujarat Animal Preservation Act sends a clear message that the law will never spare anyone who commits cow slaughter in Gujarat. The protection of Gau Mata is Gujarat’s steadfast resolve.”

The court sentenced the 3 men under Sections 325 (cruelty to animals) and 54 (abettor present when offense committed) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, Section 119 of the Gujarat Police Act, Sections 5, 6(A), 6(B), 8(2), and 8(4) of the Gujarat Animal Preservation Act, 2017, Section 11(1)(l) of the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960, and Section 177 of the Motor Vehicles Act.

Courts in Gujarat have previously awarded life sentences to several convicts in cow slaughter cases as well. The basis for these rulings is a statutory amendment enacted by the Gujarat government in 2017. Because courts function strictly under statutory provisions, they cannot award stringent punishments such as life imprisonment without an explicit legal provision.

Gujarat: The only State that allows life imprisonment for cow slaughter

While cow slaughter is banned and regulated by legislation across several Indian states, Gujarat is the only state where the provision exists for punishment with life imprisonment. This provision was introduced in 2017.

In April 2017, the Gujarat government introduced the Gujarat Animal Preservation (Amendment) Bill, amending the original Gujarat Animal Preservation Act of 1954. Before that, several amendments had been enacted over the years, starting in 2011.

Under the Vijay Rupani administration in 2017, the newly amended Animal Preservation Act introduced life imprisonment for cow slaughter.

Even prior to this amendment, cow slaughter and the sale, storage, and transport of beef were already prohibited in Gujarat; however, the penalties were comparatively lighter.

Under the previous statutory framework, cow slaughter carried a prison sentence of three to seven years and a fine of up to ₹50,000. In effect, if an individual was caught, tried, and convicted of cow slaughter, the maximum sentence possible was seven years, with a minimum of three years, and the fine was capped at ₹50,000.

Similarly, the sale, storage, or transport of beef and beef-related products earlier attracted imprisonment of up to three years and a fine of up to ₹25,000. Additionally, authorities impounded any vehicle used to transport such items.

However, under the prior rules, it could not be released until a court order was issued or six months had passed, whichever was earlier. This allowed vehicles to be released either on court orders or upon the completion of six months.

In 2017, the Gujarat government made all these provisions considerably more stringent.

The government enhanced the punishment for cow slaughter from a maximum of seven years to life imprisonment, while the minimum sentence was raised from three years to 10 years. The fine was revised to a minimum of ₹1 lakh and a maximum of ₹5 lakh.

The 2017 amendments by the Gujarat government

Similarly, the penalty for selling, storing, and transporting beef was enhanced from up to three years to a minimum of seven years and a maximum of ten years, with fines ranging from ₹1 lakh to ₹5 lakh.

Furthermore, the earlier provision that allowed impounded vehicles to be released after six months was amended, providing that seized vehicles remain permanently confiscated by the government and cannot be released.

Animal Preservation Act: History and Evolution

The Animal Preservation Act was originally enacted in 1948 for the post-independence Bombay State. Since Gujarat had not yet been separated from Maharashtra at that time, Bombay’s statutes applied across the territory of present-day Gujarat.

In 1954, a new act was introduced and implemented. At that time, there was no total ban on cow slaughter, but regulations required official statutory permission before any bovine animals (cows, buffaloes, calves, bullocks) could be slaughtered.

Specific conditions governed these slaughter permits. Permission could not be granted for any bovine that was useful for agriculture, necessary for breeding, or classified as a milch animal. Permits were granted only for animals outside these categories.

The law also contained a religious exemption: animals over 15 years of age could be cleared for slaughter on religious grounds without requiring verification of their ongoing utility for agriculture or breeding.

Gujarat enacted a blanket cow slaughter ban in 1961

After Gujarat was formed in 1960, the statute remained in force alongside many other existing laws. The following year, in 1961, the Gujarat government enacted an amendment that enforced a total ban on the slaughter of cows.

The Gujarat Legislative Assembly inserted a section into the 1954 Bombay Act providing that no certificate or permission could be issued for the slaughter of a cow under any circumstances. Furthermore, cow slaughter was banned even for religious occasions.

The new clause specified that authorities could process slaughter permits for religious occasions only if the animal was not a cow.

The 1979 Amendment

In 1979, the Gujarat government amended the Animal Preservation Act again, expanding the protected category to include calves. It also prohibited the slaughter of bulls and bullocks below 16 years of age, meaning slaughter permits could only be issued for bulls aged 16 and above.

A parallel rule applied to permits for religious occasions: while cows and calves could not be slaughtered under any religious pretext, the age floor for bulls was set at 15 years, permitting the slaughter of bulls over 15 on religious grounds.

Bulls protected in 1994, Supreme court upheld the law in 2005

In 1994, the state government introduced another amendment extending the blanket ban to bulls and bullocks as well. The rationale provided was that these animals are vital for farming and rural transport. Their dung serves as agricultural manure and fuel for biogas, making them central to the agrarian economy.

This amendment was subsequently challenged in court, particularly the prohibition on slaughtering bulls and bullocks. The Gujarat High Court initially held that older, unproductive animals could be permitted for slaughter, ruling that a total ban infringed upon the fundamental right of butchers and traders to practice their trade. The Gujarat government challenged this ruling before the Supreme Court.

In 2005, a seven-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court upheld the 1994 amendment. The apex court ruled that the protection of bovine progeny is in the public interest and that restrictions imposed under Article 19(6) of the Constitution were valid. The court also upheld the prohibition on slaughter for religious occasions, observing that bovine slaughter is not an essential religious practice and therefore does not violate religious freedoms.

The court noted that the law did not impose a total ban on the meat trade as a whole, but rather protected specific cattle categories on rational grounds.

2011: Curbs on sale, storage, and transport of Beef

Until 2011, there was no dedicated statutory framework prohibiting the sale, storage, or transport of beef. That regulatory gap was addressed when the government enacted provisions completely banning the sale, storage, and transport of beef, making them cognizable offenses. Rules were also introduced prohibiting the night-time transport of bovine animals even for agricultural or authorized purposes.

In 2011, the Gujarat government also enhanced penalties. Since 1954, violations of the act had carried a maximum sentence of only one year. In 2011, the sentence for slaughtering bovine animals was raised to between three and seven years, and the penalty for selling, storing, or transporting beef was set at one to three years.

Finally, the 2017 amendment introduced life imprisonment for cow slaughter and up to 10 years’ imprisonment for beef-related offenses. This 2017 statutory regime remains in force today, providing the legal basis on which courts award life terms in cow slaughter cases.

Previous cases and verdicts

In November 2025, the Amreli Sessions Court sentenced three convicts, Kasim, Sattar, and Akram to life imprisonment in a cow slaughter case. The court noted that despite knowing the cow is regarded as sacred in Hinduism, the three committed slaughter and hurt the religious sentiments of the community.

The case originated in November 2023, when Amreli City Police raided Kasim’s residence, recovered beef, and arrested the accused. During sentencing, the court noted that adopting a lenient approach would send the wrong signal to society and fail to deter criminal mindsets.

In September 2024, an individual named Afzal Habib from Devgadh Baria was awarded a seven-year sentence for selling beef.

In September 2022, police acting on specific intelligence raided the premises of Afzal Habib Mirza and Hussain Ghanchi, apprehending both red-handed while running a beef trade. Police recovered nine live bovines, approximately 50 kg of beef, and other animals. Law enforcement seized the live animals and meat contraband, arresting the accused before securing a conviction in 2024.

In August 2024, a court in Amreli sentenced a man named Asif to 10 years’ imprisonment after he was caught with 50 kg of beef. Acting on a tip-off, police raided Asif’s residence and recovered 50 kg of beef along with butchering tools.

During the trial, the court observed that the accused was fully aware of the religious significance of cows to Hinduism, yet proceeded with the slaughter, hurting religious sentiments.

The court convicted Asif under IPC Sections 295 and 429, Section 8 of the Gujarat Animal Preservation Act (for violations of Sections 5(1)(c) and 6(b)), and Section 119 of the Gujarat Police Act. He was awarded two years’ imprisonment and a ₹2,000 fine under IPC 295; three years’ imprisonment and a ₹3,000 fine under IPC 429; ten years’ imprisonment and a ₹2 lakh fine under the Gujarat Animal Preservation Act; and two months’ imprisonment under Section 119 of the GPA.

In February 2026, a Godhra court sentenced a father and son, Mehboob and Farhan, to 10 years’ imprisonment each for trafficking beef.

The court noted that despite the explicit statutory prohibition against cow slaughter in Gujarat, the duo procured and transported a large consignment of beef with the intention of retailing it from their residence. The court stated that handing down sentences in line with the 2017 amendments serves the core objective of the legislation, deters such offenses across society, and enforces strict legal accountability against perpetrators.

$6.3 billion Binance heist: North Korea’s notorious hacking unit suspected of pulling off world’s biggest crypto robbery, drains billions in just 20 minutes

In what could go down as the biggest cryptocurrency heist in history, hackers have siphoned off approximately $6.3 billion from Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange, in an extraordinarily coordinated cyberattack that has sent shockwaves through the global financial technology industry.

The scale of the theft is staggering. Billions of dollars worth of digital assets were moved out of Binance-controlled wallets spread across ten different blockchain networks, with most of the transactions executed within just 20 minutes.

But what makes the incident even more alarming is the suspected involvement of North Korea. Two leading blockchain intelligence companies have independently pointed towards TraderTraitor, an elite hacking unit linked to Pyongyang’s cyber operations and associated with the notorious Lazarus Group.

If the allegations are confirmed, the attack would add another massive cryptocurrency theft to North Korea’s growing list of cyber operations targeting financial institutions and digital asset platforms.

The United States has repeatedly accused North Korean hackers of stealing cryptocurrency to generate funds for the sanctioned regime. The Binance incident could represent the most audacious operation yet attributed to these hackers.

How hackers pulled off the $6.3 billion Binance heist

According to blockchain investigation firm TRM Labs, the attacker moved approximately $6.36 billion worth of cryptocurrency from Binance wallets across ten blockchain networks on October 29, 2026.

The transactions involved Bitcoin, Ethereum, XRP, Tron, Solana and several other digital assets.

What stands out is the speed at which the operation was executed. Rather than gradually siphoning off funds over several days, the attackers moved the bulk of the cryptocurrency within approximately 20 minutes.

TRM Labs described the incident as the largest cryptocurrency theft on record, approximately four times the size of the $1.5 billion Bybit hack in February 2025.

Binance subsequently acknowledged the security incident, describing it as a complex attack. The exchange began coordinating with blockchain intelligence companies, law enforcement agencies and cryptocurrency issuers to trace the stolen assets and prevent further movement.

The incident has also raised questions about how attackers managed to gain access to the exchange’s wallet infrastructure and execute transactions on such a massive scale.

Cryptocurrency exchanges maintain digital wallets to facilitate customer deposits, withdrawals and other transactions. Some wallets remain connected to the internet, allowing exchanges to process transactions quickly. However, these systems also present potential security vulnerabilities if access controls or transaction-authorisation mechanisms are compromised.

The exact method through which the attackers gained access remains subject to investigation.

North Korea’s TraderTraitor suspected of orchestrating the attack

The biggest development in the investigation is the suspected involvement of TraderTraitor, a North Korean hacking group associated with the Lazarus Group.

US-based blockchain investigation company TRM Labs has expressed “high confidence” that TraderTraitor was responsible for the attack.

“TRM attributes the attack to TraderTraitor, North Korea’s elite hacking unit, based on robust on- and off-chain intelligence. We make this judgment with high confidence,” the company said.

TRM added that several characteristics of the Binance incident resembled earlier cryptocurrency thefts attributed to North Korean hackers, particularly the February 2025 Bybit attack.

Chainalysis, another prominent blockchain intelligence company, has also pointed towards the same group.

Jonathan Levin, co-founder of Chainalysis, wrote on X that the $6.4 billion Binance attack was likely carried out by a North Korean group identified as TraderTraitor because of its links to previous hacking operations.

DPRK, or the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, is the official name of North Korea.

The suspected involvement of the group is significant because North Korea has developed a notorious reputation for using cyber operations to target cryptocurrency exchanges, financial institutions and technology companies.

From the Sony Pictures hack to billion-dollar cryptocurrency thefts

TraderTraitor is associated with the wider Lazarus Group, one of the most notorious cyber-espionage and hacking organisations linked to North Korea.

The group came into international focus following the 2014 cyberattack on Sony Pictures Entertainment. North Korean hackers were accused of infiltrating the company’s systems, stealing confidential information and disrupting its operations after Sony produced The Interview, a comedy film depicting a fictional assassination plot against North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

Over the years, North Korean-linked hackers have increasingly turned their attention towards cryptocurrency platforms, where successful attacks can yield enormous financial returns.

The February 2025 Bybit hack was one of the most prominent examples. The FBI attributed the theft of approximately $1.5 billion in cryptocurrency from the Dubai-based exchange to North Korean hackers associated with TraderTraitor.

That attack had been considered the biggest cryptocurrency heist in history until the latest Binance incident.

TRM Labs has specifically highlighted similarities between the two operations, strengthening its assessment that the same North Korean-linked hacking network could be involved.

The pattern is particularly concerning because cryptocurrency theft offers North Korea a potential route to acquire funds outside conventional financial systems, which are heavily restricted by international sanctions.

Binance moves to freeze billions in stolen cryptocurrency

Following the discovery of the attack, Binance launched efforts to track the stolen funds and prevent hackers from converting them into other assets or moving them beyond the reach of investigators.

The exchange said it was working with blockchain partners to freeze approximately $3 billion in affected cryptocurrency.

Its response involved coordination with law enforcement agencies, cryptocurrency issuers, blockchain intelligence companies and other industry participants.

Binance said in a statement that it had begun recovering affected assets for users and would continue working with its partners to trace, freeze and recover additional funds.

The exchange also said it had reserved more than $6.34 billion in company funds to cover the incident. Of this amount, approximately $5 billion was held in the same token assets that were affected by the attack.

However, freezing cryptocurrency does not automatically mean that the money has been returned to its rightful owners. It merely prevents the affected assets from being transferred or used, depending on the intervention available to the relevant issuer or platform.

The attackers also attempted to move some of the stolen funds through different cryptocurrencies and trading platforms, complicating recovery efforts.

Bitcoin and cryptocurrency markets react to the massive hack

News of the Binance heist sent jitters through cryptocurrency markets, with investors concerned about the security of digital assets held on centralised exchanges.

Bitcoin fell approximately 4% to $77,465 following reports of the attack. Ethereum also registered a decline of around 6%, while several other major cryptocurrencies came under pressure.

BNB, the native cryptocurrency associated with Binance, fell approximately 1%.

The reaction highlighted how a security incident involving one major exchange can affect sentiment across the wider cryptocurrency ecosystem.

The incident also raises uncomfortable questions about the security of platforms that collectively hold billions of dollars worth of customer assets. Even the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange is not immune to sophisticated cyberattacks.

Unlike conventional banking transactions, cryptocurrency transfers are generally irreversible once confirmed on a blockchain. Recovering stolen assets therefore depends heavily on tracking transactions, identifying wallets and coordinating with issuers or other entities capable of freezing funds.

If TRM Labs and Chainalysis are correct about the identity of the suspected attackers, the Binance incident would mark another major chapter in North Korea’s campaign of cryptocurrency thefts.

Investigators are now working to establish the full extent of the breach, identify the attackers and recover the affected assets. But one thing is already clear: the theft of $6.3 billion has exposed the enormous financial stakes involved in cryptocurrency security and the growing capabilities of state-linked cybercriminal networks.

Power, water, and strategy: Why India needs mega dams

Recent weeks have witnessed a significant escalation in protests across Arunachal Pradesh against the proposed 11,200-megawatt Siang Upper Multipurpose Project. While massive hydroelectric projects frequently encounter grassroots resistance due to displacement concerns, the sudden, coordinated violence witnessed in Pasighat represents a stark deviation from the state’s historically peaceful democratic norms. This unprecedented militancy strongly suggests sophisticated external influence, transforming a negotiable developmental dispute into a severe national security challenge.

The political narrative surrounding this opposition requires rigorous scrutiny. Paradoxically, political outfits that consistently criticise the Union government for a lack of development are frequently the first to mobilise against the large-scale infrastructure required to sustain industrial growth. A deeper investigation reveals a sophisticated financial underbelly actively sustaining this unrest. The Central Bureau of Investigation recently booked prominent anti-dam activist Bhanu Tatak for severe violations of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, highlighting the influx of unaccounted offshore funds. When opaque international capital is deployed to deliberately stall strategic border projects, the agitations effectively become a national security breach.

Globally, large hydroelectric projects have been absolutely central to the economic consolidation of modern nation-states. Facilities like the Hoover Dam in the United States and the Bhakra Nangal Dam in India were deliberate policy instruments aimed directly at national consolidation and agricultural resilience. Today, expanding this infrastructure is mathematically non-negotiable for India’s renewable energy transition. The Union government targets 500 gigawatts of non-fossil fuel capacity by 2030. Because solar and wind energy are inherently intermittent, the national grid urgently requires massive reserves of dispatchable power. Hydroelectric reservoirs essentially function as colossal geographical water batteries, providing the rapid-response base-load power necessary to prevent catastrophic blackouts when solar generation drops at sunset.

Beyond grid stability, the geopolitical dimensions of the Siang project are of paramount importance. The Chinese state is currently constructing the colossal 60-gigawatt Medog hydropower project on the Yarlung Tsangpo River in Tibet, which is upstream of the Siang River. The ability of an upper riparian state to comprehensively control transboundary water flow constitutes a highly potent, asymmetric geopolitical weapon. Therefore, a massive holding dam on the Indian side of the Siang River is an absolute defensive necessity. The planned 9.2 billion cubic metre reservoir will act as a kinetic sponge, absorbing sudden peak floods arising from upstream Chinese releases and ensuring continuous, life-sustaining downstream flows.

The profound strategic value of possessing robust water control infrastructure was clearly demonstrated on India’s western frontier, where existing dams allowed the state to exert unprecedented riparian pressure on Pakistan under the Indus Waters Treaty. The successful weaponisation of geography requires the physical means to control it.

While the cynical political exploitation of infrastructure protests must be forcefully challenged, the genuine concerns of local communities cannot be dismissed. The state must implement comprehensive, multi-generational rehabilitation policies that guarantee displaced families become vested stakeholders in the project’s success. The comprehensive development of sensitive border regions is a strategic necessity, but it must be achieved through a transparent process that meticulously respects indigenous livelihoods.


Read the full article on Chapter 1 Magazine.

Swiss authorities suspend funding to ‘Doctors Without Borders’ over sexual exploitation of refugee women by staff: Read about the NGO’s links to terror groups

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In a major action against the independent medical humanitarian organisation Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), also known as ‘Doctors Without Borders’, the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) has withheld funding of CHF 1.25 million ($1.52 million) from the NGO. The amount is part of the CHF 6.25 million pledged to MSF for the current year.

The financial action by the Swiss agency concerns two related actions on the part of the NGO: first, the cases of sexual exploitation of refugee women by its staff in Chad, and the NGO’s failure to inform the Swiss authorities about the cases. The decision follows the findings of an internal investigation by MSF, which revealed that the NGO’s staff members sexually exploited multiple refugee women and young girls, taking advantage of their helplessness.

MSF’s lax response to sexual exploitation reports

An internal investigation by MSF found 59 reported incidents of sexual violence and exploitation, particularly involving refugee women and young girls from Sudan. The investigation led to the dismissal of 18 MSF staff members, including six workers from the Swiss Branch of the organisation. The MSF staff members reportedly took advantage of the situation of refugee women and young girls and forced them to have sex in exchange for money, jobs, or humanitarian aid. The Swiss authorities have expressed concern not only about the misconduct by MSF staff but also about MSF’s failure to adequately inform its government donor about the scale of the problem.

Reports suggest that both the SDC and the MSF failed to take timely action on reports of sexual exploitation. The SDC received the first alert about the instances of sexual abuse in November 2024 through an email from the MSF staff at the Geneva headquarters. Subsequent media reports in the following years revealed the actual scale of the exploitation. It was decided at the Swiss foreign ministry in mid-December 2024 to hold a meeting regarding the same in January 2025, but the discussions did not happen until June-July 2025.

Subsequently, when media reports disclosed the scale of the abuse in June 2026, the SDC demanded documents from the MSF. The Swiss foreign ministry accused the MSF of breaching its contractual reporting obligations by failing to proactively and early enough communicate the true, expanding scale of the abuse allegations. MSF reportedly admitted that it had not proactively communicated the full scale of confirmed cases and dismissals to the Swiss agency. The Swiss authorities are considering the possibility of further sanctions and an external investigation in the matter.

Vulnerable refugee women sexually exploited by MSF staff

According to reports, several refugee women made complaints of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse against MSF employees at the end of 2024. These women had fled to Chad to escape the civil war in Sudan. These women, who were living in extremely vulnerable circumstances and depended on humanitarian organisations for necessities, including food, water, medical assistance and employment opportunities, were sexually exploited by MSF employees and other personnel operating in eastern Chad.

In its internal investigation, MSF reportedly found patterns of exploitation that might amount to “sexual trafficking”. Many of the victims chose not to report their sexual abuse, fearing that they would be deprived of vital aid. In its report, MSF admitted that several of the victims who reported the abuse received no response or support.

Reports of racism within the NGO

In 2020, Doctors Without Borders was described as a racist organisation, reinforcing colonialism and white supremacy in its humanitarian work in a statement signed by 1,000 current and former MSF staff members. The statement accused the NGO of perpetuating racism through its policies, hiring practices, workplace culture and “dehumanising” programmes, run by a “privileged white minority” workforce.

In 2021, some reports published shocking revelations made by the NGO’s own current and former staff members about racism and discrimination within the organisation. The revelations were made to reporters who interviewed around 100 MSF staff members, including former employees, in around 30 countries. The MSF staff members reportedly told the reporters that they experienced racism, mistreatment and inequality in the organisation.

The NGO, which sends medical aid to patients in crisis zones around the world, has a workforce comprising local and expatriate members. The MSF personnel interviewed by reporters disclosed that the organisation had a two-tiered employment and compensation structure that divided workers into “international staff” (predominantly white expats from wealthy Western nations) and “national staff” (local hires working in their own crisis-affected countries).

The MSF staffers revealed that personnel from Western countries used explicitly racist language against local staff and staff of colour. One staff member reportedly said that an African worker was addressed by his white colleagues as a chimpanzee, gorilla, and monkey.

The staff members also revealed that foreign workers, even if they had little experience, were given more decision-making power, higher salaries, better benefits, and better protection in the organisation. As per the information disclosed by the staff members, the average cost of an expatriate staffer (salary and benefits) was nearly six times that of the average local worker.

The MSF staffers further told the reporters that expat staffers scolded local staffers for eating food or drinking water designated for expats. And whenever the local workers fell ill, they received a lower level of medical care compared to that given to expat staffers. 

Links with terror groups like Hamas

The charges against the NGO do not end at sexual exploitation and racism; it is also accused of having links with the terrorist organisation Hamas and other Palestinian terror groups. In September this year, a UK-based lawyers’ group, UK Lawyers for Israel (UKLFI), urged the UK Home Secretary to ban the NGO for having terror links. This led to the opening of a regulatory compliance case against the organisation by the UK Charity Commission.

The UKLF submitted a dossier of concerns about the NGO’s relationships with Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The lawyers’ group identified several individuals employed by MSF in Gaza who had been members or operatives of terrorist organisations, or had publicly glorified terrorist attacks and the organisations responsible for them.

One of the MSF staff members suspected by the UKLFI of having terror links was Fadi Jihad Mohammed al-Wadiya, who worked as a physiotherapist with the NGO. He was killed in Gaza in 2024. Israeli authorities described him as a PIJ operative involved in developing the terror group’s rocket capabilities. The UKLFI’s claim was verified when, after his death, PIJ’s military wing referred to him as a “martyr commander” and identified him as deputy head of its military manufacturing unit.

While the NGO claims to be engaged in the noble work of providing humanitarian aid in crisis zones, it has a shady track record involving allegations as serious as racism and terrorism. The latest action by the Swiss authorities following the sexual exploitation reports might have wider implications for it.

Mohammed Zubair admirer, Rana Ayyub advocate and PM Modi detractor: Meet Qadaruddin Shishir, the AFP “journalist” who facilitated regime change in Bangladesh

Bangladesh‘s former Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus had been selected for the top post even before former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled Dhaka during violent protests in 2024. This explosive revelation was made by his former press secretary, Shafiqul Alam. Interestingly, Agence France-Presse (AFP) “journalist” Qadaruddin Shishir acted as an intermediary between the alleged student leaders and the Nobel laureate.

The discussions with Yunus had already begun two days before Hasina was undemocratically removed on 5th August 2024, as an operation to bring about regime change was already underway. Shishir had reached out to him as a representative of the “students” to invite him to head the interim government. 

The man who facilitated these talks had previously served as AFP’s “Bangladesh fact-check editor” and launched his own website, The Dissent, in 2025. However, he is also an admirer of another purported “fact-checker,” Mohammed Zubair of Alt News, and has a history of providing ideological cover to Islamists, downplaying the persecution of Hindus and labelling India as an intolerant nation under the Modi government.

His concerted effort to shape the narrative became particularly evident after the collapse of the Hasina government, which plunged Bangladesh into a bloody wave of violence against minorities, particularly Hindus.

However, Shishir, instead of condemning the radicals or holding the authorities accountable for failing to protect the citizens, sought to dismiss the deep-rooted hatred that had swiftly translated into rampant aggression against the community, in the name of countering a post that read “500 Hindus were killed in the country,” insisting that there were “no credible reports of any Hindu being killed or raped.”

However, it was subsequently revealed that between 4th and 20th August, 2,010 instances of communal violence unfolded in 68 out of 76 districts and metropolitan areas nationwide, with nine individuals killed. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad shared this information at a news conference held at Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU)’s Nasrul Hamid Auditorium in September. Khulna was the worst-affected division, where four women were raped.

A total of 1,705 families were directly affected, of which 157 faced assaults, looting, destruction and the burning of their homes. Their businesses were subjected to similar attacks. Furthermore, 69 places of worship suffered the same fate. The lands belonging to indigenous communities were also forcibly occupied. The victims had to live in dire conditions, living in uncertainty about their present and future.

Within just a few days, thousands of disturbing incidents were documented. However, several others never reached the media or police stations and remained unrecorded. Such underreporting is common during periods of large-scale upheaval, suggesting that the actual tally could be considerably higher than the figures made public.

Minorities clearly became prime targets on the very day Hasina was pushed out of power amid escalating unrest, and their condition grew increasingly precarious with each passing day. As a result, they were hardly in a position to make complaints about the atrocities inflicted upon them by jihadis.

However, Shishir chose to “fact-check” a number in a manner that tried to whitewash the unprecedented spate of brutality on Hindus as mere online propaganda rather than the deadly reality imposed upon the marginalised minorities. His concerted campaign did not end there. He also utilised his pen to advance his objective, claiming that although the community was under attack, its fears were being “turbocharged by false rumours.”

He made this assertion in an article co-authored with Sean Gleeson for AFP. The two entirely sidestepped the ideological motivations behind the onslaught and instead attributed the hostility towards the community to its supposed association with Hasina’s Awami League, as though this could justify the persecution of its members.


The abject failure of the Yunus government to protect minorities, or rather its tacit support for extremists, while consistently blaming India and its media for exposing the truth, was glossed over in the piece, which repeated his hollow rhetoric about not discriminating based on faith and building a “new Bangladesh,” an assurance that stood in stark contrast to his government’s actions.

The “young students” who had toppled an elected leader were described as the ones bearing the brunt and “stepped into the law-and-order vacuum.” Ironically, the tactic of volunteering to protect temples, which is also witnessed in India and abroad during such episodes to distort the facts about the actions of their co-religionists, was celebrated as an example of communal harmony in the country.

This shameless misrepresentation of ground realities played out despite admitting that Hindus were being targeted, their women were being abused, and members of the community were arriving at the Indian border to save their lives.

Twisting the truth to protect Islamists and peddle a wicked agenda

Of course, Shishir’s propaganda promptly found space in the Islamo-leftist media, which is invariably quick to highlight Muslim victimhood at the slightest opportunity while completely ignoring the genuine pain of Hindus.

Qatari-funded, Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas mouthpiece Al Jazeera provided him a platform to shrug off the bloodshed of Hindus, mentioning that out of 119 listed deaths at that time “only two of the victims were Hindus: one policeman and one Awami League activist,” exposing how normalised their killings were for them, as though their deaths should not provoke any reaction, even as Islamists roamed the streets looking for potential prey.

The entire article was a hit job on Indian media and invoked Islamophobia charges for outlining the miserable circumstances of Hindus in Bangladesh. Unsurprisingly, Pakistan’s “WE News” also used Shishir to outright write off the cruelty perpetrated against the Hindu community.

He yet again declared that “some individuals might have used the chaos to loot” and, contrary to the truth, contended that “the majority of the attacks were politically motivated and there was no significant religious conflict between Muslims and Hindus in Bangladesh.”

He also spoke to the BBC, blaming “right-wing Indian accounts” for “spreading these politically motivated attacks as religious ones,” after confirming that “Hindu-owned properties” have been assaulted by Muslim mobs in his country.

Shishir continuously maintained that Hindus who backed Hasina were only singled out owing to their political affiliation and not due to their religious beliefs. The central goal was to showcase their persistent torment as merely collateral damage in a much larger public outcry.

“Immediately after the Awami League party was thrown out of power, angry mobs violently attacked the party’s leaders and supporters, and killed many of them. During these attacks, houses and businesses of all communities, including Hindus, were targeted,” he stressed while talking to The Week. The comment was also carried by outlets like the South China Morning Post to further the same propaganda.

Voice of America also included his views that “some hiding in the mobs might have targeted some households only to loot or steal household materials, as petty criminals do. But most attacks were politically motivated, targeting Muslims as well as Hindus who were linked to the Awami League. They did not stem from any religious reasons,” to trivialise the appeals by American politicians and India to protect Bangladeshi Hindus as unnecessary and misplaced.

New Age BD also quoted Shishir as he criticised the Indian media for calling a spade a spade. He accused the latter of misleading on Bangladesh’s “mass uprising” and argued that it has a track record of “spreading disinformation during important events and crises in Bangladesh for a long time.”

The selective fact-check to undermine the fact

Shishir, before trying to discredit the attacks on Hindus at the hands of his co-religionists, was busy shielding the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which had been quite vocal in its anti-India stance and urged its members and other fundamentalists in Bangladesh to boycott the country’s products, under the pretext of a fact-check.

The party had initiated an “India Out” campaign along the lines of the one in the Maldives. It was endorsed by BNP’s senior joint secretary general Ruhul Kabir Rizvi but was short-lived, as the Hasina government took steps to curb it. “It is mainly being driven by the Bangladeshi diaspora who are either BNP members or closely associated with the party,” Imtiaz Ahmed, a political science professor at Dhaka University, had expressed in a conversation with Frontline magazine.

However, Shishir rejected that any movement was introduced, suggesting that it “was brewing among Bangladeshis on online social platforms like Facebook, X, and YouTube. To the best of my knowledge, the movement was initiated by social media influencers, some of whom are known as critics of the Awami League government.”

Shishir trained guns on the Indian media, specifically naming channels such as “Zee News, India TV, ABP Live, Aaj Tak, News18 India, Republic Bharat, TV9 Bharatvarsh, Oneindia Hindi, Times Now Navbharat, and many others” for covering the issue. He again accused a section of Indian media of alleged disinformation and echoed BNP’s unfounded allegations of interference in Bangladesh’s internal affairs and politics by New Delhi.

The mask slips to unveil a fanboy of Mohammed Zubair, Rana Ayyub and hatred for BJP

The co-founder of Alt News, Mohammed Zubair, was arrested by Delhi Police in 2022 over a derogatory tweet about Lord Hanuman that hurt the religious sentiments of Hindus. However, Shishir, who exhibited complete indifference to Hindu lives, predictably had no respect for their faith as well and took aim at India over the action.

He seemingly wanted Zubair to be above the law of the land and cited dubious reports by the likes of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) to highlight India’s lower ranking on the press freedom index, as though the latter had been apprehended for his “journalism” rather than for his objectionable post.

Shishir then proceeded to hail Rana Ayyub as “one of the most prominent faces of India’s journalism,” and also protested against the cases registered against her despite them being about allegations of money laundering. He further wrote that Zubair was taken into custody for exposing the so-called inflammatory speech and hate against the Muslim community.

He also dragged former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) spokesperson Nupur Sharma, faulting her for insulting Prophet Muhammad while conveniently overlooking the disparaging remarks made by Dr Tasleem Ahmed Rehmani against Lord Shiva, which triggered her response. He also defended Zubair, who incited Islamist mobs against her through his deliberately edited clip.

Shishir praised Rahul Gandhi while terming the “ruling Hindu nationalist” BJP as “divisive.” He also could not hide his aversion to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, decrying that he was “a permanent member of the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh),” as if being connected to a Hindu religious organisation were a crime.

The entire article was an exercise in Islamist propaganda, aimed at maligning a Hindu-majority nation governed by a saffron party while absolving members of his own ideological ecosystem, or maybe it is, in the eyes of Shishir and his coterie. Shishir nearly justified the life-threatening consequences Sharma could have faced for “blasphemy,” as in the cases of late Kanhaiya Lal and others, but wished to have Zubair handed the privilege to insult Hindu deities.

The column functioned as a vehicle for promoting his interests by maligning a Hindu-majority nation governed by a saffron party while absolving members of his own ideological and religious group of their wrongdoings.

Considering Shishir’s background, his appointment to a role in bringing down an elected government and ushering in an installed regime is hardly shocking. Additionally, he oversaw the fact-checking department at Boom Bangladesh in 2020-2021 and co-founded BD FactCheck in 2017. He was employed as a reporter for the Daily New Nation and as a new media researcher for Jamuna Television.

RSS never changed its foundational ideology of Hindutva despite political alliance with socialists: An analysis of historical events

A post by Rahul Roushan on 21 Oct 2026 led to some exchanges with him on X. His post said, “RSS experimenting with merger of Jana Sangh into Janta Party was possibly one of the biggest tragedy. It drew ‘Sanghis’ closer to socialists and ever since then they have not only been adopting many socialist slogans without critical analysis but also trying to impress upon socialists that they too believe in the same ideals.”

I had replied, “It needs a detailed response, Rahul. In short, Sangh gained much more from these relations in expanding its reach. Letting Jan Sangh join Janta Party, decision taken by JS leadership, was biggest sacrifice of organisational ego for national good. It took the melting hearts of socialists in jails as genuine. Jan Sangh paid a heavy price. Imagine, if Samajvadis had not played dirty, we would’ve (not) wasted decades of Bharatiya progress.”

This was the seed of this long essay.

Economic philosophy of RSS

Deendayal Upadhyay ji had given a series of lectures on 22 April to 25 April 1965 on “Integral Humanism” based on Hindu view of life, society and universe. He was murdered in 1968 on 11 February. I have some research to explain the RSS concept of “Param Vaibhav”. I realised that the seeds of this philosophy were sown by Shri Guruji much earlier. He spoke many times about the capitalist and socialist/communist model of development vis a vis Hindu way. He then asked Deendayal ji to research and create a new model of political economy based Hindu values and shastras.

Surprisingly, Shri Guruji clearly said that ‘Right to Property’ should not be a fundamental right. He based this thought on the Upanishadic wisdom of “Ten tyatkten bhunjitha.” Shri Dattopant Thengdi, the foremost ideologue of RSS after Deendayal ji expanded on Integral Humanism with many lectures. His thoughts are recorded in his book “The Third Way”. I have highlighted many times that economic thoughts of Sangh are ‘Left of Centre’.

Thus, it is clear that RSS and Bharatiya Jan Sangh were not influenced by Bharatiya socialists like Lohia ji. Later generations of Socialist leaders never really worked on economic ideology of Lohia that was deeply rooted in Bharat. They got stuck in leftist trade unionism and communist ideas.

History of Socialist and RSS interactions

Alliance with socialists did not begin in 1973 with anti-corruption movement. It began with Shri Guruji meeting Ram Manohar Lohia in a public programme in 1964. When they came out of the auditorium hands in hand, there was mini media quake. Lohia is the pioneer of anti-Congress policy. He believed that Congress must be defeated and for that they needed to ally with Jan Sangh.

Next step was fighting three by-elections together as joint opposition. Two were won by Socialists and one was lost by Jan Sangh because Deendayal Upadhyay refused to address a rally of Brahmins, very powerful in his constituency. It was first close interaction of Lohia with RSS people.

Prof Rajendra Singh (Rajju Bhaiyya), who went on to become 4th RSS Chief, was an area prachaarak at that time.  He used to have long conversations with Lohia ji. His  main objection was that RSS worked only for Hindus. Rajju Bhaiyya insisted that every good thing about Bharatiya sanskriti comes from Hindu dharma. He talked about idea of Ekam sat vipra bahuda vadanti (respect for all), respecting diversity as manifestation of innate unity, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam etc.

Lohia ji felt that Hindus and Muslims can work in a complimentary role as Muslims are good at crafts while Hindus are good at business. He looked forward to similar complimentary role between Bharat and Pakistan. He started Ram Melas and Ram Lilas as he considered Bhagwan Ram as the ideal model. Sangh leaders had similar warm relations with leaders like Acharya Kripalani.

These relations led to Samyukta Vidhayak Dal governments in many states like Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan in 1969, that heralded the end of Congress monopoly. No party gave up its views or diluted them. Taboo of working with ‘communal forces’ was broken for the first time. Interestingly, both socialists and Jan Sangh eschewed caste politics totally at that time.

RSS’s leap into public life

1973 anti-corruption movement saw a renewal of the opposition alliance. At that time Socialists were the big brother; Jan Sangh was still considered a small party. Nearly all its members came from RSS. RSS, for the first time, jumped into public life or essentially, a political issue. It was major departure from the earlier reticence against politics.

Sarsanghchaalak Balasaheb Deoras told the press, “Inflation and corruption harm every citizen. RSS swayamsevaks are also citizens. So, they have every right to join such agitations.” This was the first time that Jaiprakash shared stage with ‘Sanghis’, albeit reluctantly. By the time Emergency ended, JP had changed his views totally about RSS. In an RSS function he said, “If RSS is communal, I too am communal.”

During Emergency, RSS, BJP, socialists and other opposition groups worked together closely. It was the time they came to know each other better. Thus, the allergy and antipathy of socialists melted away for some time. There was frank exchange of ideas.

Madhu Limaye, a brilliant leader, noted, “If I had stayed in jail with RSS people for some more time, I would have come out in an RSS half pant!” I note in my book “RSS- From an Organisation to a Movement”, how RSS leaders, including RSS Chief Balasaheb Deoras, played a key role in formation of the constitution of the proposed Janta Party. RSS facilitated to and fro communication.

This ultimately resulted in formation of Janta Party under moral pressure of JP. Elections were won on the strength of RSS cadre who stood up when others were afraid and leaders were in jail. As a young activist of that time, I can confidently say that RSS was not affected by socialist ideas, nor Jan Sangh. Interaction with varied thoughts enriched our thinking but not enough to change ourselves, and RSS went back to its routine work.

For Jan Sangh and its mentor RSS, it was a very difficult decision to merge with other parties to form Janta Party. Because Jan Sangh was the only party that did not have Congress roots. It had a distinct Hindutva philosophy and economic thought. It was also not in sync with the only truly right wing politics of Swatantra Party.

RSS phobia of Socialists

The trouble started after the unexpectedly huge victory of Janta Party. Socialist leaders suddenly found themselves outnumbered. The biggest block of MPs, around 96, came from Jan Sangh faction of Janta Party. They realised that if membership drive was conducted, Jan Sangh cadre would be able to do much better membership drive and ‘hijack’ the organisation of the party.

They had already sown bitter seeds of internal politics in the  which finally led to downfall of Janta Party. RSS was just an excuse to hide their lack of cadre and chicanery. Thus, began fresh unreasonable demands like merging of all the organisations allied with the respective parties’. While student and trade unions of socialists are official organs of the respective parties, organisations like ABVP or BMS were not organs of Jan Sangh. They drew inspiration from RSS.

These organisations refused to merge with socialist led unions. Ultimately, RSS chief went on to the extent of saying, that RSS will not expect erstwhile Jan Sangh members to visit RSS shakhas. About other organisations, Balasaheb Deoras told a socialist leader, “All the trains from Pune may be going to Delhi, but it is not necessary that they should all leave from the same platform.” Socialist leaders began the sham excuses of ‘Dual membership’ leading to collapse of the party and its government

The old antipathy for RSS and Jan Sangh reared its head much more virulently after this period. What did opposition gain after the split? Nothing. They lost the government; they never regained their numbers because they were more a party of leaders than members. What did RSS gain from this period of 1973 onwards? Its cadre went deep into civil society movement and expanded its base.

Balasaheb noted that if 1948 ban took RSS 20 years behind, 1975 struggle took RSS 20 years ahead. Its conduct, its strength and energy in underground against Emergency won it wide recognition and acclaim. Its acceptability in the society increased multifold.

Birth of BJP and its Return to Roots

For Jan Sangh, reborn as Bharatiya Janata Party, it was a heartbreaking experience. It had to rebuild itself anew. It gained some non-Sanghi leaders and members who had understood it and RSS better during the period of struggle. Its initial ideological confusion led it to adopt ‘Gandhian – Socialism’ as its guiding principle. It was criticized openly by its own top leaders, but Atal-Advani duo prevailed. But RSS kept quiet about this muddle.

When some senior karyakartas met Balasaheb to intercede, he said, “We have entrusted the political leadership to experienced and committed swayamsevaks. They know what is the best for their party, we should not interfere in their matters.” Then he added, “ They will return to their Hindutva roots soon.” And it happened in 1986 with Palanpur resolution on Ram Mandir. There was no looking back after this.

Criticality of Social Harmony for RSS

I must add one last point. It is about RSS views on caste based reservations. It is in DNA of RSS never to ask somebody about one’s caste and to eat and play together as brothers. The situation came to a boil in Maharashtra first in 1978 when an agitation was launched to rename Marathwada University after Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. This highly contentious issue burned Maharashtra till 1994.

Though the fire was lit by politicians, none wished to bell the proverbial cat. Only RSS took a clear stance that this must be done. Simultaneously, V P Singh, out of his desperate politics, implemented Mandal Commission report that was lying buried for years. RSS supported it firmly in the interest of social harmony, though RSS abhorred caste politics and playing on caste sentiments. It had to face lot of criticism.

A resolution was brought in the ABPS. It was debated hotly for an entire day with many opposing the reservations. Ultimately, Balasaheb Deoras decided to join the meeting though he was very weak and couldn’t even move much. He had heard the debate from his room. He just said, “I have heard my bandhus debating this topic very strongly yesterday. My only request to you is that before you stand up to speak today, just imagine that you were born in a hut of one such poor suffering parents, and then debate.”

The resolution supporting reservations was passed unanimously within two hours the next day. Senior prachaaraks fanned out in different areas to explain to the swayamsevaks, why reservations were important and must be supported. I was present in one such workshop. I too was moved and supported it since then.

It is sad to note that Lalu Prasad Yadav, the doyen of caste politics, was a product of JP movement. Other socialist leaders too turned to caste politics, giving up on Lohia. As I note in my book RSS360 – Demystifying Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Samudra Manthan gave us Amrit as well as Vish.

For RSS all these interactions with other political parties and organisations from 1973 onwards led to opening up of opportunities to reach out to more people and over time see Integral Humanism and Hindutva become central pole of socio-political discourse.

The Hunger Games of Hindu bashing: When Ramzan is celebrated as faith, but Karwa Chauth becomes a lecture on patriarchy

The New Indian Express has achieved a kind of editorial schizophrenia that would be laughable if it were not so insidious. Let’s compare their two articles side by side on Karwa Chauth and Ramzan. These articles are a pure example of pseudo-journalism in which you have to appease Muslim culture and festivals while dehumanising Hindu ones.

The New Indian Express shows its editorial hypocrisy by applying a hermeneutic of suspicion to Karwa Chauth, stripping it of spiritual meaning, and reducing it to a tale of entitled women, while a Ramzan observance is wrapped in a hermeneutic of charity and presented as sacred, communal, and a festival of harmony.

Vilification of Karwa Chauth by anecdote

The very title, “The Hunger Games of Karwa Chauth,” trivialises the festival by evoking a dystopian survival contest. The article opens by centring on the physical hunger of mehndi artists, quoting one saying, “Bhook lagi hai humein, khaana nahi khaya hai” (“We are hungry. We haven’t eaten”). From this single anecdote, a verdict has been delivered before any evidence is heard. The piece then centres on a dispute between mehndi artists and their customers in a Delhi market. From this single incident, it extrapolates a sweeping indictment of millions of Hindu women. It declares, “This is a festival built around hunger,” reducing a day of spiritual discipline to a biological inconvenience.

The article does not interview a single woman about why she observes Karwa Chauth. It does not explore the theology, the familial bonds, the history or the emotional texture of the ritual. It seizes on a marketplace conflict and uses it to portray Hindu women as hypocritical and hollow. “Humility rarely travels beyond the fast itself,” the writer sneers, before accusing the same women of demanding “that others serve their ritual on their terms, with little regard for people who do not share their social background and whose hunger counts for less.”

The practitioner is not a devotee but a caricature: a woman performing sacrifice while secretly being cruel. The closing lines are a masterclass in condescension: “Going hungry for a day is the easy part… The harder fast is the one in which you hold back your impatience, your entitlement.” The ritual is thus stripped of any spiritual meaning and recast as a performance of hollow sacrifice, with the practitioner framed as entitled and unfeeling.

This framing dehumanises the festival. It does not explore the devotion, the familial bonds, or the cultural significance of Karwa Chauth. Instead, it seizes on a minor conflict in a marketplace to indict the entire tradition, portraying Hindu women as hypocritical and their fast as an exercise in vanity.

Legitimising Ramzan: The “Feasts of Faith” framing

Now turn to “Feasts of Faith.” The contrast is grotesque. The Ramzan article opens with reverence: “As the month of Ramzan unfolds, it brings with it not only a period of fasting and spiritual reflection but also a deep cultural significance.”

It describes the month as “a month-long celebration of faith, perseverance, and the profound connection between food and communal identity.” It quotes Rumi and glamorises the fake and nonsensical communal beauty of iftar in Old Delhi. It lingers lovingly on the “rich aromas of kebabs, freshly baked breads, qormas, and phirni” and the “undeniable sense of anticipation as people from all walks of life come together to share in this sacred moment.”

There is no critical scrutiny here. No mention of any unpleasantness at an iftar stall. No suggestion that any Muslim diner might ever be impatient, or entitled, or unkind to a server.

The article acknowledges that “the experience of iftar in Old Delhi can be overwhelming due to the sheer volume of people,” but this is immediately recuperated as a positive: “Yet, this bustle adds to the sense of communal belonging.” Every potential friction is smoothed over; every human failing is airbrushed out.

The Muslim festival is presented as a seamless fusion of spirituality, heritage, and community, a “celebration of spirituality and an enduring expression of cultural heritage.”

This is not reporting. It is public relations. The article functions to legitimise Ramzan as a sacred and socially valuable institution, shielding it from the kind of sceptical, hostile gaze that the newspaper applies so readily to Hindu festivals.

The hypocrisy: A double standard in editorial judgment

The hypocrisy is structural, not incidental. The Karwa Chauth article uses one isolated incident to condemn an entire tradition. The Ramzan article ignores any incident that might complicate its beatific portrait.

The Hindu festival is framed through hunger and hypocrisy; the Muslim festival through faith and feast. The Hindu woman is a hypocrite; the Muslim community is a beacon of unity. If The New Indian Express were interested in genuine social critique, it might have asked whether the commercialisation of Ramzan food stalls obscures the month’s ascetic ideals, or whether any iftar gathering displays the same class tensions it was so eager to criticise at a Karwa Chauth market. It did not. The scrutiny runs in only one direction.

This is not neutral journalism. It is a form of cultural denigration dressed as progressive commentary. The New Indian Express has every right to criticise ritual hypocrisy, but it has no right to do so selectively, using the Hindu community’s festival as a punching bag while treating another’s with kid gloves.

The paper’s editorial board should be ashamed. It has abandoned the pretence of fairness and revealed itself as an institution that believes Hindu traditions are fair game for mockery, while minority faiths must be handled with reverence. That is not journalism. It is bigotry with a byline.

The double standard is not confined to Karwa Chauth

Karwa Chauth is hardly the only Hindu festival that finds itself under the microscope of self-appointed social reformers.

Holi is regularly discussed through the language of pollution, water wastage, harassment and environmental damage.

Diwali is subjected to endless arguments about pollution, consumerism and the supposedly excessive nature of Hindu celebrations. Again, environmental concerns are real and deserve serious attention. But the existence of a problem associated with a festival does not mean its entire cultural and religious significance should be reduced to that problem.

Hindu weddings, temple rituals, fasting traditions and even the celebration of religious symbols are frequently examined through a narrow set of assumptions about caste, gender and superstition.

Some criticism is justified. Religious traditions are not immune from scrutiny, and no community should be exempt from discussions about social reform. But the same scrutiny is not extended to

But criticism becomes intellectually dishonest when it is selective, when it presumes that Hindu practices must first justify their existence before they can be understood, or when the same questions are not asked of comparable practices elsewhere.

A festival can have commercial excesses and still possess religious meaning. A tradition can have patriarchal historical elements and still be experienced by contemporary women as an expression of devotion. A religious observance can be open to reform without being treated as an embarrassment that its adherents must apologise for.

These possibilities are not mutually exclusive. It is the refusal to acknowledge them that makes so much commentary on Hindu customs feel less like analysis and more like a predetermined verdict.

The test of secularism is consistency

Let us be clear about what this argument is not.

It is not a demand that journalists praise every Hindu custom. It is not an argument that Ramzan should be discussed negatively because Karwa Chauth has been criticised. It is not a claim that Muslim religious traditions must be stripped of their cultural significance to achieve some artificial balance.

Muslims have every right to celebrate Ramzan as a sacred month of fasting, prayer, charity and fellowship. A journalist who explains its cultural richness performs a useful service to readers Who want to know about Ramzan and the supposed benefits of fasting throughout the day?.

But the same courtesy should extend to Hindus.

If fasting is worthy of being discussed as an act of spiritual discipline during Ramzan, Hindu fasting traditions deserve the same basic willingness to understand the beliefs that animate them. If food and feasting can express community during iftar, the ritual meals and family gatherings associated with Hindu festivals deserve to be understood beyond their commercial packaging. If religious identity is a legitimate source of belonging for one community, it cannot automatically become a sign of backwardness when expressed by another.

Secularism does not require journalists to pretend that traditions belonging to the minority faith are more important and culturally enriching than those belonging to the majority. It requires them to apply comparable standards of inquiry, empathy and criticism.

And consistency means more than occasionally publishing a positive story about a Hindu festival. It means approaching each community without assuming that one requires cultural sensitivity while another requires ideological correction.

The incident involving the mehndi artists deserved attention. The customers’ alleged behaviour, if accurately reported, deserved criticism. The article’s closing argument about exercising patience and empathy towards workers is sound advice.

But none of that requires turning the religious fast into the principal instrument of moral judgment. The same message about entitlement could have been conveyed without making the reader’s assessment of Hindu women’s devotion the final test.

A journalist can criticise a person’s conduct without making the person’s religious tradition bear the weight of that criticism. And a publication can celebrate the cultural richness of one community without treating the traditions of another as a convenient stage for social commentary.

Hindu festivals are not public property for ideological sermons

There is a growing impatience among Hindus with a familiar pattern: their traditions are welcomed as colourful spectacles for tourism, food writing and cultural photography, but become fair game for condescending lectures when their religious meaning enters the conversation.

The problem is not criticism itself. Hindu civilisation has a long history of internal debate, philosophical disagreement and social reform. Its traditions have never been beyond discussion.

The problem is the presumption that the Hindu believer must always be placed in the dock, explaining why a ritual matters, defending why it survives and proving that it does not violate the sensibilities of an external observer.

A Hindu woman should not have to demonstrate that Karwa Chauth makes her sufficiently progressive before her religious choice is respected. Nor should a Hindu family have to defend the cultural value of Holi or Diwali every time a discussion about misconduct or environmental costs arises.

The same standards of evidence and scrutiny should apply to every religious tradition. Where a practice causes harm, discuss the harm. Where a person behaves badly, criticise the person. Where a custom raises questions about gender or social pressure, examine those questions honestly. But do not use an isolated incident as an excuse to reduce an entire tradition to its least flattering interpretation.

The contrast between Awal’s two articles is not, by itself, proof of an anti-Hindu agenda. It is, however, proof of something far more insidious: hypocrisy. It reveals the double standards of how the language of faith, community and cultural heritage appears so prominently in one account, while the other leans on a moral critique of the women observing a Hindu fast.

That is the question The New Indian Express and its readers should be willing to confront.

If the objective is genuine cultural understanding, it cannot operate on a hierarchy in which some religious practices are presumed meaningful until proven otherwise, while others are presumed regressive until they pass an ideological test.

The standard cannot be cultural empathy for Ramzan and cultural condescension for Karwa Chauth.

If a fast is an expression of devotion for one community, the starting point for understanding another community’s fast should be the same respect for the believer’s agency. Criticism can follow where it is warranted, but it must follow evidence and consistent principles, not a predetermined hierarchy of which faith deserves sympathy and which deserves a sermon.

Hindus do not need journalists to endorse every custom they practise. They deserve something far less demanding: to have their faith understood without being patronised, their traditions examined without being caricatured, and their festivals treated with the same intellectual fairness extended to everyone else.

That should not be a controversial demand in a country that prides itself on pluralism.

It should be the bare minimum of good journalism.

Who is Riyas Komu, the man who created the Jinnah portraits displayed in the Kashi Art Café in Kerala? Read details

A café in Kerala’s Fort Kochi was embroiled in controversy after a vlogger made a video exposing portraits of Pakistan’s founding father, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, displayed inside it. Vlogger Amrit Singh Darren posted a video calling out the display of Jinnah’s portraits and the inclusion of beef dishes on the menu of the Kashi Art Café, which ironically carries the name of a sacred Hindu religious place. The vlogger faced backlash from the Kerala government, accompanied by legal action for merely highlighting that the portraits were placed inside the café.

Turns out the portraits are an artwork titled Blood Brothers: Two Fathers from Gujarat, created by Riyas Komu, a prominent contemporary artist and co-founder of the Kochi-Muziris Biennale, an international exhibition of contemporary art. Komu, a native of Kerala, had stepped down from the management of the Biennale following MeToo allegations against him. The controversial installation paired metallic images of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Jinnah, both from Gujarat.

Image via The South First

MeToo allegations against Riyas Komu

Riyas Komu, who conceived the Kochi-Muziris Biennale along with artist Bose Krishnamachari, stepped down from the Kochi Biennale Foundation’s managing committee in October 2018, after sexual harassment allegations were levelled against him. The allegations came to light after an anonymous Instagram post described an incident of sexual assault involving Komu.

According to the post, apparently written by the victim, Komu accompanied the woman to her hotel room uninvited and forcefully kissed and groped her. Describing her reaction to the sexual assault, the woman said that she froze and “let it happen”. She said that she was subjected to sexual assault again later during her visit in Kochi.

“He began kissing me and feeling me up while I struggled to even process what the hell was going on. I was so petrified that I just let it happen. It stopped just as abruptly as it had started. And then he left. It didn’t stop there. I was violated again by him during my stay in Kochi,” the woman wrote. Subsequently, the KMB issued a statement citing zero tolerance for any harassment and informing that Komu had stepped down from all his management positions.

Allegations of diversion of funds and corruption in the Biennale

The Kochi-Muziris Biennale has been surrounded by allegations of lack of transparency, internal mismanagement, corruption and diversion of public funds. According to the Organiser, a 2015 report of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) revealed frequent diversion of public funds to the Biennale. Some whistleblowers and insiders reportedly flagged internal mismanagement in the Biennale, claiming a lack of accountability.

The Biennale management also faced allegations of unpaid bills. It is reported that local contractors and workers staged protests against it, demanding payment of bills exceeding ₹1 crore. The Biennale is accused of showing a lack of sensitivity to the demands of the workers and unpaid vendors and dismissing them as mere “handymen” not deserving formal contracts.

The Biennale is further accused of charging money from Indian workers to allow them to display their works. The organisers of the exhibition reportedly forced Indian artists to pay up to ₹2 lakh to display their work.

Political patronage with public money

Since its inception, the Kochi-Muziris Biennale has enjoyed political patronage under the Left and the Congress-led governments in Kerala. In 2-25-26, the Left Democratic Front (UDF) government led by former CM Pinarayi Vijayan announced a grant of ₹7.5 crore for the sixth edition of the Biennale.

In 2010, the project received an initial grant of ₹5 crore from the left LDF government. Later in 2012, the Biennale received public funds worth ₹9 crore in state support, despite allegations of irregularities for its inaugural edition in 2012, which was held when the Congress-UDF government was in power in the state.

In 2014, Biennale received ₹3 crore from the UDF government. Subsequently, in 2016-17, when the LDF returned to power under Pinarayi Vijayan, the organisers of the Biennale were allocated ₹7.5 crore (plus additional support and land), which was one of the highest state contributions to an art event in India at the time.

Jinnah’s portraits and the politics around them

The financial trail and the political patronage received by the Komu’s Kochi-Muziris Biennale explain the reaction of the current Congress-UDF government in Kerala to the video that revealed that Jinnah’s portraits were on display at the Kashi Art Café. Instead of taking action against the café for displaying the portraits of the man who led the movement for the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan, the Kerala government initiated legal action against Darren.

Kerala Chief Minister VD Satheesan accused Darren of disturbing the ‘communal harmony’ of the state by merely pointing out a reality that existed in the state. Satheesan’s government is supported by the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), an offshoot of the Jinnah-led Muslim League that spearheaded the movement for the partition of India. The IUML also has links with Jammat-e-Islami and the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), which are accused by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) of spreading radicalism in Kerala.