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Swiss authorities suspend funding to ‘Doctors Without Borders’ over sexual exploitation of refugee women by staff: Read about the NGO’s links to terror groups

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In a major action against the independent medical humanitarian organisation Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), also known as ‘Doctors Without Borders’, the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) has withheld funding of CHF 1.25 million ($1.52 million) from the NGO. The amount is part of the CHF 6.25 million pledged to MSF for the current year.

The financial action by the Swiss agency concerns two related actions on the part of the NGO: first, the cases of sexual exploitation of refugee women by its staff in Chad, and the NGO’s failure to inform the Swiss authorities about the cases. The decision follows the findings of an internal investigation by MSF, which revealed that the NGO’s staff members sexually exploited multiple refugee women and young girls, taking advantage of their helplessness.

MSF’s lax response to sexual exploitation reports

An internal investigation by MSF found 59 reported incidents of sexual violence and exploitation, particularly involving refugee women and young girls from Sudan. The investigation led to the dismissal of 18 MSF staff members, including six workers from the Swiss Branch of the organisation. The MSF staff members reportedly took advantage of the situation of refugee women and young girls and forced them to have sex in exchange for money, jobs, or humanitarian aid. The Swiss authorities have expressed concern not only about the misconduct by MSF staff but also about MSF’s failure to adequately inform its government donor about the scale of the problem.

Reports suggest that both the SDC and the MSF failed to take timely action on reports of sexual exploitation. The SDC received the first alert about the instances of sexual abuse in November 2024 through an email from the MSF staff at the Geneva headquarters. Subsequent media reports in the following years revealed the actual scale of the exploitation. It was decided at the Swiss foreign ministry in mid-December 2024 to hold a meeting regarding the same in January 2025, but the discussions did not happen until June-July 2025.

Subsequently, when media reports disclosed the scale of the abuse in June 2026, the SDC demanded documents from the MSF. The Swiss foreign ministry accused the MSF of breaching its contractual reporting obligations by failing to proactively and early enough communicate the true, expanding scale of the abuse allegations. MSF reportedly admitted that it had not proactively communicated the full scale of confirmed cases and dismissals to the Swiss agency. The Swiss authorities are considering the possibility of further sanctions and an external investigation in the matter.

Vulnerable refugee women sexually exploited by MSF staff

According to reports, several refugee women made complaints of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse against MSF employees at the end of 2024. These women had fled to Chad to escape the civil war in Sudan. These women, who were living in extremely vulnerable circumstances and depended on humanitarian organisations for necessities, including food, water, medical assistance and employment opportunities, were sexually exploited by MSF employees and other personnel operating in eastern Chad.

In its internal investigation, MSF reportedly found patterns of exploitation that might amount to “sexual trafficking”. Many of the victims chose not to report their sexual abuse, fearing that they would be deprived of vital aid. In its report, MSF admitted that several of the victims who reported the abuse received no response or support.

Reports of racism within the NGO

In 2020, Doctors Without Borders was described as a racist organisation, reinforcing colonialism and white supremacy in its humanitarian work in a statement signed by 1,000 current and former MSF staff members. The statement accused the NGO of perpetuating racism through its policies, hiring practices, workplace culture and “dehumanising” programmes, run by a “privileged white minority” workforce.

In 2021, some reports published shocking revelations made by the NGO’s own current and former staff members about racism and discrimination within the organisation. The revelations were made to reporters who interviewed around 100 MSF staff members, including former employees, in around 30 countries. The MSF staff members reportedly told the reporters that they experienced racism, mistreatment and inequality in the organisation.

The NGO, which sends medical aid to patients in crisis zones around the world, has a workforce comprising local and expatriate members. The MSF personnel interviewed by reporters disclosed that the organisation had a two-tiered employment and compensation structure that divided workers into “international staff” (predominantly white expats from wealthy Western nations) and “national staff” (local hires working in their own crisis-affected countries).

The MSF staffers revealed that personnel from Western countries used explicitly racist language against local staff and staff of colour. One staff member reportedly said that an African worker was addressed by his white colleagues as a chimpanzee, gorilla, and monkey.

The staff members also revealed that foreign workers, even if they had little experience, were given more decision-making power, higher salaries, better benefits, and better protection in the organisation. As per the information disclosed by the staff members, the average cost of an expatriate staffer (salary and benefits) was nearly six times that of the average local worker.

The MSF staffers further told the reporters that expat staffers scolded local staffers for eating food or drinking water designated for expats. And whenever the local workers fell ill, they received a lower level of medical care compared to that given to expat staffers. 

Links with terror groups like Hamas

The charges against the NGO do not end at sexual exploitation and racism; it is also accused of having links with the terrorist organisation Hamas and other Palestinian terror groups. In September this year, a UK-based lawyers’ group, UK Lawyers for Israel (UKLFI), urged the UK Home Secretary to ban the NGO for having terror links. This led to the opening of a regulatory compliance case against the organisation by the UK Charity Commission.

The UKLF submitted a dossier of concerns about the NGO’s relationships with Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The lawyers’ group identified several individuals employed by MSF in Gaza who had been members or operatives of terrorist organisations, or had publicly glorified terrorist attacks and the organisations responsible for them.

One of the MSF staff members suspected by the UKLFI of having terror links was Fadi Jihad Mohammed al-Wadiya, who worked as a physiotherapist with the NGO. He was killed in Gaza in 2024. Israeli authorities described him as a PIJ operative involved in developing the terror group’s rocket capabilities. The UKLFI’s claim was verified when, after his death, PIJ’s military wing referred to him as a “martyr commander” and identified him as deputy head of its military manufacturing unit.

While the NGO claims to be engaged in the noble work of providing humanitarian aid in crisis zones, it has a shady track record involving allegations as serious as racism and terrorism. The latest action by the Swiss authorities following the sexual exploitation reports might have wider implications for it.

Mohammed Zubair admirer, Rana Ayyub advocate and PM Modi detractor: Meet Qadaruddin Shishir, the AFP “journalist” who facilitated regime change in Bangladesh

Bangladesh‘s former Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus had been selected for the top post even before former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled Dhaka during violent protests in 2024. This explosive revelation was made by his former press secretary, Shafiqul Alam. Interestingly, Agence France-Presse (AFP) “journalist” Qadaruddin Shishir acted as an intermediary between the alleged student leaders and the Nobel laureate.

The discussions with Yunus had already begun two days before Hasina was undemocratically removed on 5th August 2024, as an operation to bring about regime change was already underway. Shishir had reached out to him as a representative of the “students” to invite him to head the interim government. 

The man who facilitated these talks had previously served as AFP’s “Bangladesh fact-check editor” and launched his own website, The Dissent, in 2025. However, he is also an admirer of another purported “fact-checker,” Mohammed Zubair of Alt News, and has a history of providing ideological cover to Islamists, downplaying the persecution of Hindus and labelling India as an intolerant nation under the Modi government.

His concerted effort to shape the narrative became particularly evident after the collapse of the Hasina government, which plunged Bangladesh into a bloody wave of violence against minorities, particularly Hindus.

However, Shishir, instead of condemning the radicals or holding the authorities accountable for failing to protect the citizens, sought to dismiss the deep-rooted hatred that had swiftly translated into rampant aggression against the community, in the name of countering a post that read “500 Hindus were killed in the country,” insisting that there were “no credible reports of any Hindu being killed or raped.”

However, it was subsequently revealed that between 4th and 20th August, 2,010 instances of communal violence unfolded in 68 out of 76 districts and metropolitan areas nationwide, with nine individuals killed. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad shared this information at a news conference held at Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU)’s Nasrul Hamid Auditorium in September. Khulna was the worst-affected division, where four women were raped.

A total of 1,705 families were directly affected, of which 157 faced assaults, looting, destruction and the burning of their homes. Their businesses were subjected to similar attacks. Furthermore, 69 places of worship suffered the same fate. The lands belonging to indigenous communities were also forcibly occupied. The victims had to live in dire conditions, living in uncertainty about their present and future.

Within just a few days, thousands of disturbing incidents were documented. However, several others never reached the media or police stations and remained unrecorded. Such underreporting is common during periods of large-scale upheaval, suggesting that the actual tally could be considerably higher than the figures made public.

Minorities clearly became prime targets on the very day Hasina was pushed out of power amid escalating unrest, and their condition grew increasingly precarious with each passing day. As a result, they were hardly in a position to make complaints about the atrocities inflicted upon them by jihadis.

However, Shishir chose to “fact-check” a number in a manner that tried to whitewash the unprecedented spate of brutality on Hindus as mere online propaganda rather than the deadly reality imposed upon the marginalised minorities. His concerted campaign did not end there. He also utilised his pen to advance his objective, claiming that although the community was under attack, its fears were being “turbocharged by false rumours.”

He made this assertion in an article co-authored with Sean Gleeson for AFP. The two entirely sidestepped the ideological motivations behind the onslaught and instead attributed the hostility towards the community to its supposed association with Hasina’s Awami League, as though this could justify the persecution of its members.


The abject failure of the Yunus government to protect minorities, or rather its tacit support for extremists, while consistently blaming India and its media for exposing the truth, was glossed over in the piece, which repeated his hollow rhetoric about not discriminating based on faith and building a “new Bangladesh,” an assurance that stood in stark contrast to his government’s actions.

The “young students” who had toppled an elected leader were described as the ones bearing the brunt and “stepped into the law-and-order vacuum.” Ironically, the tactic of volunteering to protect temples, which is also witnessed in India and abroad during such episodes to distort the facts about the actions of their co-religionists, was celebrated as an example of communal harmony in the country.

This shameless misrepresentation of ground realities played out despite admitting that Hindus were being targeted, their women were being abused, and members of the community were arriving at the Indian border to save their lives.

Twisting the truth to protect Islamists and peddle a wicked agenda

Of course, Shishir’s propaganda promptly found space in the Islamo-leftist media, which is invariably quick to highlight Muslim victimhood at the slightest opportunity while completely ignoring the genuine pain of Hindus.

Qatari-funded, Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas mouthpiece Al Jazeera provided him a platform to shrug off the bloodshed of Hindus, mentioning that out of 119 listed deaths at that time “only two of the victims were Hindus: one policeman and one Awami League activist,” exposing how normalised their killings were for them, as though their deaths should not provoke any reaction, even as Islamists roamed the streets looking for potential prey.

The entire article was a hit job on Indian media and invoked Islamophobia charges for outlining the miserable circumstances of Hindus in Bangladesh. Unsurprisingly, Pakistan’s “WE News” also used Shishir to outright write off the cruelty perpetrated against the Hindu community.

He yet again declared that “some individuals might have used the chaos to loot” and, contrary to the truth, contended that “the majority of the attacks were politically motivated and there was no significant religious conflict between Muslims and Hindus in Bangladesh.”

He also spoke to the BBC, blaming “right-wing Indian accounts” for “spreading these politically motivated attacks as religious ones,” after confirming that “Hindu-owned properties” have been assaulted by Muslim mobs in his country.

Shishir continuously maintained that Hindus who backed Hasina were only singled out owing to their political affiliation and not due to their religious beliefs. The central goal was to showcase their persistent torment as merely collateral damage in a much larger public outcry.

“Immediately after the Awami League party was thrown out of power, angry mobs violently attacked the party’s leaders and supporters, and killed many of them. During these attacks, houses and businesses of all communities, including Hindus, were targeted,” he stressed while talking to The Week. The comment was also carried by outlets like the South China Morning Post to further the same propaganda.

Voice of America also included his views that “some hiding in the mobs might have targeted some households only to loot or steal household materials, as petty criminals do. But most attacks were politically motivated, targeting Muslims as well as Hindus who were linked to the Awami League. They did not stem from any religious reasons,” to trivialise the appeals by American politicians and India to protect Bangladeshi Hindus as unnecessary and misplaced.

New Age BD also quoted Shishir as he criticised the Indian media for calling a spade a spade. He accused the latter of misleading on Bangladesh’s “mass uprising” and argued that it has a track record of “spreading disinformation during important events and crises in Bangladesh for a long time.”

The selective fact-check to undermine the fact

Shishir, before trying to discredit the attacks on Hindus at the hands of his co-religionists, was busy shielding the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which had been quite vocal in its anti-India stance and urged its members and other fundamentalists in Bangladesh to boycott the country’s products, under the pretext of a fact-check.

The party had initiated an “India Out” campaign along the lines of the one in the Maldives. It was endorsed by BNP’s senior joint secretary general Ruhul Kabir Rizvi but was short-lived, as the Hasina government took steps to curb it. “It is mainly being driven by the Bangladeshi diaspora who are either BNP members or closely associated with the party,” Imtiaz Ahmed, a political science professor at Dhaka University, had expressed in a conversation with Frontline magazine.

However, Shishir rejected that any movement was introduced, suggesting that it “was brewing among Bangladeshis on online social platforms like Facebook, X, and YouTube. To the best of my knowledge, the movement was initiated by social media influencers, some of whom are known as critics of the Awami League government.”

Shishir trained guns on the Indian media, specifically naming channels such as “Zee News, India TV, ABP Live, Aaj Tak, News18 India, Republic Bharat, TV9 Bharatvarsh, Oneindia Hindi, Times Now Navbharat, and many others” for covering the issue. He again accused a section of Indian media of alleged disinformation and echoed BNP’s unfounded allegations of interference in Bangladesh’s internal affairs and politics by New Delhi.

The mask slips to unveil a fanboy of Mohammed Zubair, Rana Ayyub and hatred for BJP

The co-founder of Alt News, Mohammed Zubair, was arrested by Delhi Police in 2022 over a derogatory tweet about Lord Hanuman that hurt the religious sentiments of Hindus. However, Shishir, who exhibited complete indifference to Hindu lives, predictably had no respect for their faith as well and took aim at India over the action.

He seemingly wanted Zubair to be above the law of the land and cited dubious reports by the likes of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) to highlight India’s lower ranking on the press freedom index, as though the latter had been apprehended for his “journalism” rather than for his objectionable post.

Shishir then proceeded to hail Rana Ayyub as “one of the most prominent faces of India’s journalism,” and also protested against the cases registered against her despite them being about allegations of money laundering. He further wrote that Zubair was taken into custody for exposing the so-called inflammatory speech and hate against the Muslim community.

He also dragged former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) spokesperson Nupur Sharma, faulting her for insulting Prophet Muhammad while conveniently overlooking the disparaging remarks made by Dr Tasleem Ahmed Rehmani against Lord Shiva, which triggered her response. He also defended Zubair, who incited Islamist mobs against her through his deliberately edited clip.

Shishir praised Rahul Gandhi while terming the “ruling Hindu nationalist” BJP as “divisive.” He also could not hide his aversion to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, decrying that he was “a permanent member of the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh),” as if being connected to a Hindu religious organisation were a crime.

The entire article was an exercise in Islamist propaganda, aimed at maligning a Hindu-majority nation governed by a saffron party while absolving members of his own ideological ecosystem, or maybe it is, in the eyes of Shishir and his coterie. Shishir nearly justified the life-threatening consequences Sharma could have faced for “blasphemy,” as in the cases of late Kanhaiya Lal and others, but wished to have Zubair handed the privilege to insult Hindu deities.

The column functioned as a vehicle for promoting his interests by maligning a Hindu-majority nation governed by a saffron party while absolving members of his own ideological and religious group of their wrongdoings.

Considering Shishir’s background, his appointment to a role in bringing down an elected government and ushering in an installed regime is hardly shocking. Additionally, he oversaw the fact-checking department at Boom Bangladesh in 2020-2021 and co-founded BD FactCheck in 2017. He was employed as a reporter for the Daily New Nation and as a new media researcher for Jamuna Television.

RSS never changed its foundational ideology of Hindutva despite political alliance with socialists: An analysis of historical events

A post by Rahul Roushan on 21 Oct 2026 led to some exchanges with him on X. His post said, “RSS experimenting with merger of Jana Sangh into Janta Party was possibly one of the biggest tragedy. It drew ‘Sanghis’ closer to socialists and ever since then they have not only been adopting many socialist slogans without critical analysis but also trying to impress upon socialists that they too believe in the same ideals.”

I had replied, “It needs a detailed response, Rahul. In short, Sangh gained much more from these relations in expanding its reach. Letting Jan Sangh join Janta Party, decision taken by JS leadership, was biggest sacrifice of organisational ego for national good. It took the melting hearts of socialists in jails as genuine. Jan Sangh paid a heavy price. Imagine, if Samajvadis had not played dirty, we would’ve (not) wasted decades of Bharatiya progress.”

This was the seed of this long essay.

Economic philosophy of RSS

Deendayal Upadhyay ji had given a series of lectures on 22 April to 25 April 1965 on “Integral Humanism” based on Hindu view of life, society and universe. He was murdered in 1968 on 11 February. I have some research to explain the RSS concept of “Param Vaibhav”. I realised that the seeds of this philosophy were sown by Shri Guruji much earlier. He spoke many times about the capitalist and socialist/communist model of development vis a vis Hindu way. He then asked Deendayal ji to research and create a new model of political economy based Hindu values and shastras.

Surprisingly, Shri Guruji clearly said that ‘Right to Property’ should not be a fundamental right. He based this thought on the Upanishadic wisdom of “Ten tyatkten bhunjitha.” Shri Dattopant Thengdi, the foremost ideologue of RSS after Deendayal ji expanded on Integral Humanism with many lectures. His thoughts are recorded in his book “The Third Way”. I have highlighted many times that economic thoughts of Sangh are ‘Left of Centre’.

Thus, it is clear that RSS and Bharatiya Jan Sangh were not influenced by Bharatiya socialists like Lohia ji. Later generations of Socialist leaders never really worked on economic ideology of Lohia that was deeply rooted in Bharat. They got stuck in leftist trade unionism and communist ideas.

History of Socialist and RSS interactions

Alliance with socialists did not begin in 1973 with anti-corruption movement. It began with Shri Guruji meeting Ram Manohar Lohia in a public programme in 1964. When they came out of the auditorium hands in hand, there was mini media quake. Lohia is the pioneer of anti-Congress policy. He believed that Congress must be defeated and for that they needed to ally with Jan Sangh.

Next step was fighting three by-elections together as joint opposition. Two were won by Socialists and one was lost by Jan Sangh because Deendayal Upadhyay refused to address a rally of Brahmins, very powerful in his constituency. It was first close interaction of Lohia with RSS people.

Prof Rajendra Singh (Rajju Bhaiyya), who went on to become 4th RSS Chief, was an area prachaarak at that time.  He used to have long conversations with Lohia ji. His  main objection was that RSS worked only for Hindus. Rajju Bhaiyya insisted that every good thing about Bharatiya sanskriti comes from Hindu dharma. He talked about idea of Ekam sat vipra bahuda vadanti (respect for all), respecting diversity as manifestation of innate unity, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam etc.

Lohia ji felt that Hindus and Muslims can work in a complimentary role as Muslims are good at crafts while Hindus are good at business. He looked forward to similar complimentary role between Bharat and Pakistan. He started Ram Melas and Ram Lilas as he considered Bhagwan Ram as the ideal model. Sangh leaders had similar warm relations with leaders like Acharya Kripalani.

These relations led to Samyukta Vidhayak Dal governments in many states like Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan in 1969, that heralded the end of Congress monopoly. No party gave up its views or diluted them. Taboo of working with ‘communal forces’ was broken for the first time. Interestingly, both socialists and Jan Sangh eschewed caste politics totally at that time.

RSS’s leap into public life

1973 anti-corruption movement saw a renewal of the opposition alliance. At that time Socialists were the big brother; Jan Sangh was still considered a small party. Nearly all its members came from RSS. RSS, for the first time, jumped into public life or essentially, a political issue. It was major departure from the earlier reticence against politics.

Sarsanghchaalak Balasaheb Deoras told the press, “Inflation and corruption harm every citizen. RSS swayamsevaks are also citizens. So, they have every right to join such agitations.” This was the first time that Jaiprakash shared stage with ‘Sanghis’, albeit reluctantly. By the time Emergency ended, JP had changed his views totally about RSS. In an RSS function he said, “If RSS is communal, I too am communal.”

During Emergency, RSS, BJP, socialists and other opposition groups worked together closely. It was the time they came to know each other better. Thus, the allergy and antipathy of socialists melted away for some time. There was frank exchange of ideas.

Madhu Limaye, a brilliant leader, noted, “If I had stayed in jail with RSS people for some more time, I would have come out in an RSS half pant!” I note in my book “RSS- From an Organisation to a Movement”, how RSS leaders, including RSS Chief Balasaheb Deoras, played a key role in formation of the constitution of the proposed Janta Party. RSS facilitated to and fro communication.

This ultimately resulted in formation of Janta Party under moral pressure of JP. Elections were won on the strength of RSS cadre who stood up when others were afraid and leaders were in jail. As a young activist of that time, I can confidently say that RSS was not affected by socialist ideas, nor Jan Sangh. Interaction with varied thoughts enriched our thinking but not enough to change ourselves, and RSS went back to its routine work.

For Jan Sangh and its mentor RSS, it was a very difficult decision to merge with other parties to form Janta Party. Because Jan Sangh was the only party that did not have Congress roots. It had a distinct Hindutva philosophy and economic thought. It was also not in sync with the only truly right wing politics of Swatantra Party.

RSS phobia of Socialists

The trouble started after the unexpectedly huge victory of Janta Party. Socialist leaders suddenly found themselves outnumbered. The biggest block of MPs, around 96, came from Jan Sangh faction of Janta Party. They realised that if membership drive was conducted, Jan Sangh cadre would be able to do much better membership drive and ‘hijack’ the organisation of the party.

They had already sown bitter seeds of internal politics in the  which finally led to downfall of Janta Party. RSS was just an excuse to hide their lack of cadre and chicanery. Thus, began fresh unreasonable demands like merging of all the organisations allied with the respective parties’. While student and trade unions of socialists are official organs of the respective parties, organisations like ABVP or BMS were not organs of Jan Sangh. They drew inspiration from RSS.

These organisations refused to merge with socialist led unions. Ultimately, RSS chief went on to the extent of saying, that RSS will not expect erstwhile Jan Sangh members to visit RSS shakhas. About other organisations, Balasaheb Deoras told a socialist leader, “All the trains from Pune may be going to Delhi, but it is not necessary that they should all leave from the same platform.” Socialist leaders began the sham excuses of ‘Dual membership’ leading to collapse of the party and its government

The old antipathy for RSS and Jan Sangh reared its head much more virulently after this period. What did opposition gain after the split? Nothing. They lost the government; they never regained their numbers because they were more a party of leaders than members. What did RSS gain from this period of 1973 onwards? Its cadre went deep into civil society movement and expanded its base.

Balasaheb noted that if 1948 ban took RSS 20 years behind, 1975 struggle took RSS 20 years ahead. Its conduct, its strength and energy in underground against Emergency won it wide recognition and acclaim. Its acceptability in the society increased multifold.

Birth of BJP and its Return to Roots

For Jan Sangh, reborn as Bharatiya Janata Party, it was a heartbreaking experience. It had to rebuild itself anew. It gained some non-Sanghi leaders and members who had understood it and RSS better during the period of struggle. Its initial ideological confusion led it to adopt ‘Gandhian – Socialism’ as its guiding principle. It was criticized openly by its own top leaders, but Atal-Advani duo prevailed. But RSS kept quiet about this muddle.

When some senior karyakartas met Balasaheb to intercede, he said, “We have entrusted the political leadership to experienced and committed swayamsevaks. They know what is the best for their party, we should not interfere in their matters.” Then he added, “ They will return to their Hindutva roots soon.” And it happened in 1986 with Palanpur resolution on Ram Mandir. There was no looking back after this.

Criticality of Social Harmony for RSS

I must add one last point. It is about RSS views on caste based reservations. It is in DNA of RSS never to ask somebody about one’s caste and to eat and play together as brothers. The situation came to a boil in Maharashtra first in 1978 when an agitation was launched to rename Marathwada University after Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. This highly contentious issue burned Maharashtra till 1994.

Though the fire was lit by politicians, none wished to bell the proverbial cat. Only RSS took a clear stance that this must be done. Simultaneously, V P Singh, out of his desperate politics, implemented Mandal Commission report that was lying buried for years. RSS supported it firmly in the interest of social harmony, though RSS abhorred caste politics and playing on caste sentiments. It had to face lot of criticism.

A resolution was brought in the ABPS. It was debated hotly for an entire day with many opposing the reservations. Ultimately, Balasaheb Deoras decided to join the meeting though he was very weak and couldn’t even move much. He had heard the debate from his room. He just said, “I have heard my bandhus debating this topic very strongly yesterday. My only request to you is that before you stand up to speak today, just imagine that you were born in a hut of one such poor suffering parents, and then debate.”

The resolution supporting reservations was passed unanimously within two hours the next day. Senior prachaaraks fanned out in different areas to explain to the swayamsevaks, why reservations were important and must be supported. I was present in one such workshop. I too was moved and supported it since then.

It is sad to note that Lalu Prasad Yadav, the doyen of caste politics, was a product of JP movement. Other socialist leaders too turned to caste politics, giving up on Lohia. As I note in my book RSS360 – Demystifying Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Samudra Manthan gave us Amrit as well as Vish.

For RSS all these interactions with other political parties and organisations from 1973 onwards led to opening up of opportunities to reach out to more people and over time see Integral Humanism and Hindutva become central pole of socio-political discourse.

The Hunger Games of Hindu bashing: When Ramzan is celebrated as faith, but Karwa Chauth becomes a lecture on patriarchy

The New Indian Express has achieved a kind of editorial schizophrenia that would be laughable if it were not so insidious. Let’s compare their two articles side by side on Karwa Chauth and Ramzan. These articles are a pure example of pseudo-journalism in which you have to appease Muslim culture and festivals while dehumanising Hindu ones.

The New Indian Express shows its editorial hypocrisy by applying a hermeneutic of suspicion to Karwa Chauth, stripping it of spiritual meaning, and reducing it to a tale of entitled women, while a Ramzan observance is wrapped in a hermeneutic of charity and presented as sacred, communal, and a festival of harmony.

Vilification of Karwa Chauth by anecdote

The very title, “The Hunger Games of Karwa Chauth,” trivialises the festival by evoking a dystopian survival contest. The article opens by centring on the physical hunger of mehndi artists, quoting one saying, “Bhook lagi hai humein, khaana nahi khaya hai” (“We are hungry. We haven’t eaten”). From this single anecdote, a verdict has been delivered before any evidence is heard. The piece then centres on a dispute between mehndi artists and their customers in a Delhi market. From this single incident, it extrapolates a sweeping indictment of millions of Hindu women. It declares, “This is a festival built around hunger,” reducing a day of spiritual discipline to a biological inconvenience.

The article does not interview a single woman about why she observes Karwa Chauth. It does not explore the theology, the familial bonds, the history or the emotional texture of the ritual. It seizes on a marketplace conflict and uses it to portray Hindu women as hypocritical and hollow. “Humility rarely travels beyond the fast itself,” the writer sneers, before accusing the same women of demanding “that others serve their ritual on their terms, with little regard for people who do not share their social background and whose hunger counts for less.”

The practitioner is not a devotee but a caricature: a woman performing sacrifice while secretly being cruel. The closing lines are a masterclass in condescension: “Going hungry for a day is the easy part… The harder fast is the one in which you hold back your impatience, your entitlement.” The ritual is thus stripped of any spiritual meaning and recast as a performance of hollow sacrifice, with the practitioner framed as entitled and unfeeling.

This framing dehumanises the festival. It does not explore the devotion, the familial bonds, or the cultural significance of Karwa Chauth. Instead, it seizes on a minor conflict in a marketplace to indict the entire tradition, portraying Hindu women as hypocritical and their fast as an exercise in vanity.

Legitimising Ramzan: The “Feasts of Faith” framing

Now turn to “Feasts of Faith.” The contrast is grotesque. The Ramzan article opens with reverence: “As the month of Ramzan unfolds, it brings with it not only a period of fasting and spiritual reflection but also a deep cultural significance.”

It describes the month as “a month-long celebration of faith, perseverance, and the profound connection between food and communal identity.” It quotes Rumi and glamorises the fake and nonsensical communal beauty of iftar in Old Delhi. It lingers lovingly on the “rich aromas of kebabs, freshly baked breads, qormas, and phirni” and the “undeniable sense of anticipation as people from all walks of life come together to share in this sacred moment.”

There is no critical scrutiny here. No mention of any unpleasantness at an iftar stall. No suggestion that any Muslim diner might ever be impatient, or entitled, or unkind to a server.

The article acknowledges that “the experience of iftar in Old Delhi can be overwhelming due to the sheer volume of people,” but this is immediately recuperated as a positive: “Yet, this bustle adds to the sense of communal belonging.” Every potential friction is smoothed over; every human failing is airbrushed out.

The Muslim festival is presented as a seamless fusion of spirituality, heritage, and community, a “celebration of spirituality and an enduring expression of cultural heritage.”

This is not reporting. It is public relations. The article functions to legitimise Ramzan as a sacred and socially valuable institution, shielding it from the kind of sceptical, hostile gaze that the newspaper applies so readily to Hindu festivals.

The hypocrisy: A double standard in editorial judgment

The hypocrisy is structural, not incidental. The Karwa Chauth article uses one isolated incident to condemn an entire tradition. The Ramzan article ignores any incident that might complicate its beatific portrait.

The Hindu festival is framed through hunger and hypocrisy; the Muslim festival through faith and feast. The Hindu woman is a hypocrite; the Muslim community is a beacon of unity. If The New Indian Express were interested in genuine social critique, it might have asked whether the commercialisation of Ramzan food stalls obscures the month’s ascetic ideals, or whether any iftar gathering displays the same class tensions it was so eager to criticise at a Karwa Chauth market. It did not. The scrutiny runs in only one direction.

This is not neutral journalism. It is a form of cultural denigration dressed as progressive commentary. The New Indian Express has every right to criticise ritual hypocrisy, but it has no right to do so selectively, using the Hindu community’s festival as a punching bag while treating another’s with kid gloves.

The paper’s editorial board should be ashamed. It has abandoned the pretence of fairness and revealed itself as an institution that believes Hindu traditions are fair game for mockery, while minority faiths must be handled with reverence. That is not journalism. It is bigotry with a byline.

The double standard is not confined to Karwa Chauth

Karwa Chauth is hardly the only Hindu festival that finds itself under the microscope of self-appointed social reformers.

Holi is regularly discussed through the language of pollution, water wastage, harassment and environmental damage.

Diwali is subjected to endless arguments about pollution, consumerism and the supposedly excessive nature of Hindu celebrations. Again, environmental concerns are real and deserve serious attention. But the existence of a problem associated with a festival does not mean its entire cultural and religious significance should be reduced to that problem.

Hindu weddings, temple rituals, fasting traditions and even the celebration of religious symbols are frequently examined through a narrow set of assumptions about caste, gender and superstition.

Some criticism is justified. Religious traditions are not immune from scrutiny, and no community should be exempt from discussions about social reform. But the same scrutiny is not extended to

But criticism becomes intellectually dishonest when it is selective, when it presumes that Hindu practices must first justify their existence before they can be understood, or when the same questions are not asked of comparable practices elsewhere.

A festival can have commercial excesses and still possess religious meaning. A tradition can have patriarchal historical elements and still be experienced by contemporary women as an expression of devotion. A religious observance can be open to reform without being treated as an embarrassment that its adherents must apologise for.

These possibilities are not mutually exclusive. It is the refusal to acknowledge them that makes so much commentary on Hindu customs feel less like analysis and more like a predetermined verdict.

The test of secularism is consistency

Let us be clear about what this argument is not.

It is not a demand that journalists praise every Hindu custom. It is not an argument that Ramzan should be discussed negatively because Karwa Chauth has been criticised. It is not a claim that Muslim religious traditions must be stripped of their cultural significance to achieve some artificial balance.

Muslims have every right to celebrate Ramzan as a sacred month of fasting, prayer, charity and fellowship. A journalist who explains its cultural richness performs a useful service to readers Who want to know about Ramzan and the supposed benefits of fasting throughout the day?.

But the same courtesy should extend to Hindus.

If fasting is worthy of being discussed as an act of spiritual discipline during Ramzan, Hindu fasting traditions deserve the same basic willingness to understand the beliefs that animate them. If food and feasting can express community during iftar, the ritual meals and family gatherings associated with Hindu festivals deserve to be understood beyond their commercial packaging. If religious identity is a legitimate source of belonging for one community, it cannot automatically become a sign of backwardness when expressed by another.

Secularism does not require journalists to pretend that traditions belonging to the minority faith are more important and culturally enriching than those belonging to the majority. It requires them to apply comparable standards of inquiry, empathy and criticism.

And consistency means more than occasionally publishing a positive story about a Hindu festival. It means approaching each community without assuming that one requires cultural sensitivity while another requires ideological correction.

The incident involving the mehndi artists deserved attention. The customers’ alleged behaviour, if accurately reported, deserved criticism. The article’s closing argument about exercising patience and empathy towards workers is sound advice.

But none of that requires turning the religious fast into the principal instrument of moral judgment. The same message about entitlement could have been conveyed without making the reader’s assessment of Hindu women’s devotion the final test.

A journalist can criticise a person’s conduct without making the person’s religious tradition bear the weight of that criticism. And a publication can celebrate the cultural richness of one community without treating the traditions of another as a convenient stage for social commentary.

Hindu festivals are not public property for ideological sermons

There is a growing impatience among Hindus with a familiar pattern: their traditions are welcomed as colourful spectacles for tourism, food writing and cultural photography, but become fair game for condescending lectures when their religious meaning enters the conversation.

The problem is not criticism itself. Hindu civilisation has a long history of internal debate, philosophical disagreement and social reform. Its traditions have never been beyond discussion.

The problem is the presumption that the Hindu believer must always be placed in the dock, explaining why a ritual matters, defending why it survives and proving that it does not violate the sensibilities of an external observer.

A Hindu woman should not have to demonstrate that Karwa Chauth makes her sufficiently progressive before her religious choice is respected. Nor should a Hindu family have to defend the cultural value of Holi or Diwali every time a discussion about misconduct or environmental costs arises.

The same standards of evidence and scrutiny should apply to every religious tradition. Where a practice causes harm, discuss the harm. Where a person behaves badly, criticise the person. Where a custom raises questions about gender or social pressure, examine those questions honestly. But do not use an isolated incident as an excuse to reduce an entire tradition to its least flattering interpretation.

The contrast between Awal’s two articles is not, by itself, proof of an anti-Hindu agenda. It is, however, proof of something far more insidious: hypocrisy. It reveals the double standards of how the language of faith, community and cultural heritage appears so prominently in one account, while the other leans on a moral critique of the women observing a Hindu fast.

That is the question The New Indian Express and its readers should be willing to confront.

If the objective is genuine cultural understanding, it cannot operate on a hierarchy in which some religious practices are presumed meaningful until proven otherwise, while others are presumed regressive until they pass an ideological test.

The standard cannot be cultural empathy for Ramzan and cultural condescension for Karwa Chauth.

If a fast is an expression of devotion for one community, the starting point for understanding another community’s fast should be the same respect for the believer’s agency. Criticism can follow where it is warranted, but it must follow evidence and consistent principles, not a predetermined hierarchy of which faith deserves sympathy and which deserves a sermon.

Hindus do not need journalists to endorse every custom they practise. They deserve something far less demanding: to have their faith understood without being patronised, their traditions examined without being caricatured, and their festivals treated with the same intellectual fairness extended to everyone else.

That should not be a controversial demand in a country that prides itself on pluralism.

It should be the bare minimum of good journalism.

Who is Riyas Komu, the man who created the Jinnah portraits displayed in the Kashi Art Café in Kerala? Read details

A café in Kerala’s Fort Kochi was embroiled in controversy after a vlogger made a video exposing portraits of Pakistan’s founding father, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, displayed inside it. Vlogger Amrit Singh Darren posted a video calling out the display of Jinnah’s portraits and the inclusion of beef dishes on the menu of the Kashi Art Café, which ironically carries the name of a sacred Hindu religious place. The vlogger faced backlash from the Kerala government, accompanied by legal action for merely highlighting that the portraits were placed inside the café.

Turns out the portraits are an artwork titled Blood Brothers: Two Fathers from Gujarat, created by Riyas Komu, a prominent contemporary artist and co-founder of the Kochi-Muziris Biennale, an international exhibition of contemporary art. Komu, a native of Kerala, had stepped down from the management of the Biennale following MeToo allegations against him. The controversial installation paired metallic images of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Jinnah, both from Gujarat.

Image via The South First

MeToo allegations against Riyas Komu

Riyas Komu, who conceived the Kochi-Muziris Biennale along with artist Bose Krishnamachari, stepped down from the Kochi Biennale Foundation’s managing committee in October 2018, after sexual harassment allegations were levelled against him. The allegations came to light after an anonymous Instagram post described an incident of sexual assault involving Komu.

According to the post, apparently written by the victim, Komu accompanied the woman to her hotel room uninvited and forcefully kissed and groped her. Describing her reaction to the sexual assault, the woman said that she froze and “let it happen”. She said that she was subjected to sexual assault again later during her visit in Kochi.

“He began kissing me and feeling me up while I struggled to even process what the hell was going on. I was so petrified that I just let it happen. It stopped just as abruptly as it had started. And then he left. It didn’t stop there. I was violated again by him during my stay in Kochi,” the woman wrote. Subsequently, the KMB issued a statement citing zero tolerance for any harassment and informing that Komu had stepped down from all his management positions.

Allegations of diversion of funds and corruption in the Biennale

The Kochi-Muziris Biennale has been surrounded by allegations of lack of transparency, internal mismanagement, corruption and diversion of public funds. According to the Organiser, a 2015 report of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) revealed frequent diversion of public funds to the Biennale. Some whistleblowers and insiders reportedly flagged internal mismanagement in the Biennale, claiming a lack of accountability.

The Biennale management also faced allegations of unpaid bills. It is reported that local contractors and workers staged protests against it, demanding payment of bills exceeding ₹1 crore. The Biennale is accused of showing a lack of sensitivity to the demands of the workers and unpaid vendors and dismissing them as mere “handymen” not deserving formal contracts.

The Biennale is further accused of charging money from Indian workers to allow them to display their works. The organisers of the exhibition reportedly forced Indian artists to pay up to ₹2 lakh to display their work.

Political patronage with public money

Since its inception, the Kochi-Muziris Biennale has enjoyed political patronage under the Left and the Congress-led governments in Kerala. In 2-25-26, the Left Democratic Front (UDF) government led by former CM Pinarayi Vijayan announced a grant of ₹7.5 crore for the sixth edition of the Biennale.

In 2010, the project received an initial grant of ₹5 crore from the left LDF government. Later in 2012, the Biennale received public funds worth ₹9 crore in state support, despite allegations of irregularities for its inaugural edition in 2012, which was held when the Congress-UDF government was in power in the state.

In 2014, Biennale received ₹3 crore from the UDF government. Subsequently, in 2016-17, when the LDF returned to power under Pinarayi Vijayan, the organisers of the Biennale were allocated ₹7.5 crore (plus additional support and land), which was one of the highest state contributions to an art event in India at the time.

Jinnah’s portraits and the politics around them

The financial trail and the political patronage received by the Komu’s Kochi-Muziris Biennale explain the reaction of the current Congress-UDF government in Kerala to the video that revealed that Jinnah’s portraits were on display at the Kashi Art Café. Instead of taking action against the café for displaying the portraits of the man who led the movement for the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan, the Kerala government initiated legal action against Darren.

Kerala Chief Minister VD Satheesan accused Darren of disturbing the ‘communal harmony’ of the state by merely pointing out a reality that existed in the state. Satheesan’s government is supported by the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), an offshoot of the Jinnah-led Muslim League that spearheaded the movement for the partition of India. The IUML also has links with Jammat-e-Islami and the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), which are accused by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) of spreading radicalism in Kerala.

After EVMs, Congress loses on ballot papers: Why the mode of voting is irrelevant to the party’s declining political fortunes

“Elections held using ballot papers. Guess how many seats Congress won?” Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s remark at the grand old party following its complete rout in the Legislative Council elections across 28 seats in four states, including Karnataka, was more than a political jibe. It reflected the repeated failures of an entity that has mastered deflecting blame rather than confronting its own shortcomings.

From allegations of Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) tampering and voter disenfranchisement to the crusade against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls and consistent attacks on the Election Commission of India, the Indian National Congress has sought to find fault with everything except itself.

In the desperation to find an external scapegoat, it has resorted to concocting conspiracy theories as reasonable justifications for its humiliating electoral defeats, refusing to acknowledge the glaring incompetence and frailties within its own leadership, strategy and organisation.

The rapidly eroding political foothold of the principal opposition party is a consequence of its own actions – or rather, its lack thereof but it directs its mounting frustration at the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the democratic process and constitutional institutions instead of showing an ounce of much-needed introspection.

This is among the most significant factors behind the party’s abysmal situation and a strong indication of its equally bleak prospects.

Congress suffers another crushing defeat, as ballot papers offer no respite

The latest bout of embarrassment for the Congress began after it won only one seat in the MLC polls, which took place in Karnataka, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. In Karnataka, the ruling party drew a blank as the Janata Dal (Secular) wrested the Bengaluru teacher seat from it. The BJP won the remaining three seats in the Northeast teacher, Southeast graduate, and West graduate constituencies.

It secured six of the 11 seats while the Samajwadi Party managed to capture the remaining ones in poll-bound Uttar Pradesh. The BJP took three, the Janata Dal (United) and the Rashtriya Janata Dal each obtained one, as independents walked away with two of the eight seats that were up for contest in Bihar. Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj also opened its account in the state’s upper House with a seat.

The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) grabbed three of the five seats, while the incumbent Mahayuti prevailed in the other two in Maharashtra. The Shiv Sena acquired the teacher seat in Amravati, and the BJP gained the teacher constituency in Pune. The Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar) was in the lead in Aurangabad after winning the graduate seat in Pune. The Congress won the Nagpur graduate seat, whereas the Shiv Sena’s (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) tally was stuck at zero.

Interestingly, the Congress has persistently pushed for a return to ballot papers, alleging that EVMs are susceptible to manipulation and responsible for its dismal electoral performances over the years. The party conveniently brushed aside the fact that it governed the country for two consecutive terms between 2004 and 2014 and has been voted to power in states such as Karnataka, Kerala and Himachal Pradesh through the EVMs.

The dispute clearly transpires only when the verdict of the voters goes against its bid to rule the country. Adding to the irony, the MLC polls were conducted using ballot papers, but the Congress could not transform it into a political breakthrough because the problem lies not in the system but within its own ranks. This point was also raised by the prime minister, who highlighted the party’s one-seat haul.

The art of evading accountability

Congress, in its relentless campaign to discredit the EVMs, decided to amplify unsubstantiated claims of Syed Shuja, a self-styled “cyber expert” in 2019. He asserted to have designed the machines used in India and insisted that these could be easily manipulated. He made these statements at a press conference in London via Skype without offering an ounce of evidence.

Kapil Sibal, then a Congressman, attended the event and addressed the media, reiterating the wild accusations. Predictably, the party later argued that he talked to the reporters in his personal capacity and not as its representative, but described Shuja’s fabricated charges as “serious.”

Shuja, who stated that he had worked with the Electronic Corporation of India Limited between 2009 and 2014 on the development of EVMs, was exposed after the Election Commission called out his lie and directed the Delhi Police to register a case against him for making unfounded allegations and trying to undermine public trust in the EVMs.

Shuja, who was captured alongside Kapil Sibal and chair of the Indian Overseas Congress Sam Pitroda, played the same tune following the Mahayuti’s victory in Maharashtra in the 2024 assembly elections, with the opposition ecosystem giving him more traction.

On the other hand, the Election Commission had invited political parties and experts in June 2017 to showcase that its machines are vulnerable to tampering. If the Congress is so certain of its position, should it not have taken up the challenge and supported its case with proof?

However, the issue goes beyond the tirades against the EVMs, the Election Commission, or the SIR drive, despite the sinister attempt to damage their credibility because the mandate is not for the party. It also consists of the deliberate denial of its ineptness that has been demonstrated time and again, choosing instead to portray every electoral setback as the result of outside forces.

Moreover, Congress has been asked to supply evidence for its contentions on multiple occasions. Last year, the Election Commission told Rahul Gandhi to submit an affidavit or apologise. However, he brazenly refused to do either, wanting them to accept his accusations at face value, in a classic case of shoot-and-scoot.

The Congress will continue to rant against EVMs after every election and hit out at other targets ranging from the Modi government to the country’s institutions, rather than do either of the two things that matter: produce evidence for its allegations or put its own house in order. This is why the Congress will continue to lose ground, irrespective of the voting process.

Why the voting methods change, but the fortunes of Congress do not

The Congress has been continuously engaging in propaganda to tarnish the reputation of the Election Commission, charging it with colluding with the Modi government as part of a purported plan. It previously ran campaigns, including the Rafael deal-related “Chowkidar Chor Hai,” against PM Modi and dragged the Supreme Court into the controversy, leading to a written apology from the Gandhi scion.

However, these efforts did not deliver the desired results, with successive losses fuelling increasingly hostile rhetoric to try to influence public opinion. The desperation stems from the party’s long-standing fixation on returning to power in New Delhi, which it regards as its rightful seat of authority, with Rahul Gandhi cast as the natural successor to a family that once controlled the nation.

The party, which struggles to return to power in several states after prolonged periods of displacement, continually chooses to expend its time and energy peddling propaganda rather than working to revive its political relevance. Furthermore, the Gandhis have evolved into a nucleus for Congress, with loyalty to the family taking precedence over everything else. It is held together by them and not a shared ideology.

Disagreement, dissatisfaction or dissent with the family, particularly Rahul Gandhi, has no room within the party. Many prominent leaders, including RPN Singh, Jyotiraditya Scindia and Milind Deora, have abandoned his inner circle and left Congress. Senior leaders like Ghulam Nabi Azad, Amarinder Singh and Jitin Prasada, among others, also followed the same path.

Moreover, reports of tensions between Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra have continued to surface, further raising questions about the party’s internal dynamics. The Congress has placed him at the heart of its affairs, while his peers are continually sidelined. Meanwhile, his dominance within the party is at odds with his own approach to politics.

The leader of the opposition comes across like a politician by convenience instead of being committed to the cause. Whether it is his abrupt absence during crucial elections and party programmes or his negligible attendance in Parliament, where he is often seen creating a ruckus rather than contributing constructively, he has never displayed the seriousness expected of a leader.

The pattern was apparent during the “Voter Adhikar Yatra,” which Rahul Gandhi launched alongside other I.N.D.I. Alliance leaders to protest against Bihar’s SIR, only to leave for an overseas trip amid the high-voltage election campaign.

He similarly deserted “Chhatron Ki Goonj” (Voice of Students), a nationwide outreach programme launched in the name of demonstration against lapses in the education system, midway through its run, forcing the postponement of scheduled events. It was announced after the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) began the agitation against the Modi government, under the guise of student protest.

The Congress was wary of another political contender eating into its already narrowing opposition space. Hence, its youth wing first attacked the group and declared itself the real “cockroach,” after which Rahul Gandhi introduced the initiative, only to drop it into limbo for his foreign visit.

This offers a glimpse into the party’s brand of politics, which is marked by political gimmicks such as staging surprise protests in high-security areas and targeting police personnel carrying out their duties. These might garner views on social media and grab headlines but cannot translate that attention into votes, the currency that matters most in a democracy.

Conclusion

The will of the people is the ultimate arbiter in a democracy. However, to evade answerability, the Congress occupies itself with everything from the voting framework to the Election Commission while ignoring its own failings. This is not ignorance or unawareness, but an uncanny penchant for diverting the onus of its own inadequacies.

The saffron party has long been the favourite target of Congress, but now other institutions have also been reduced to punching bags, simply because they have not enabled the party to take over India and remove a democratically elected government.

The party has eagerly accepted election results wherever it has succeeded and formed governments without any complaints. The entire opposition and its ecosystem already treat constitutional institutions as instruments of its agenda, praising or insulting them based on interests.

This alone conveys the truth and sincerity of the allegations of Congress, which are an expression of the bitter resentment at having to sit on the left side in the Parliament for over a decade with slim hopes of any positive modification.

To summarise, the Congress is the perfect embodiment of the famous Mirza Ghalib couplet: “Umr bhar Ghalib yahi bhool karta raha, dhool chehre par thi aur aaina saaf karta raha. (All his life, Ghalib made the same mistake; the dust was on his face, but he kept cleaning the mirror).”

No clear winner in Israel election, Arab parties as ‘on-paper kingmakers’ in the Netanyahu-Eisenkot deadlock, and unity government manoeuvres: What we know so far  

Who governs Israel carries immense weight for global geopolitics, particularly in West Asia, US foreign policy, energy markets, and ties with Iran and the broader Arab world. This is a major reason media and governments worldwide are on the qui vive for Knesset election results in Israel. Israel held a legislative election for its 26th Knesset on 27th October 2025. While incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu aimed to retain power and his rival Gadi Eisenkot vied for change, the election resulted in a clear deadlock, with neither bloc reaching the 61-seat majority in the 120-member Knesset required to form a government. 

The October 2026 election is the first national vote since the Palestinian Islamic terror group Hamas attacked Israel on 7th October 2023 and the consequent multi-front wars encompassing Gaza, Lebanon and Iran. 

Interestingly, the outgoing 25th Knesset is the first to complete a rare full four-year term. Since 1988, the Israeli parliament or Knesset, has witnessed early dissolutions. 

The 2026 Israeli election registered a voter turnout of 77.7%, the highest since 1999, among over 7.3 million eligible citizens. These elections have been touted as a high-stakes de facto referendum on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership and the security lapses of 7th October 2023. 

Netanyahu-led bloc leads, but misses the majority mark 

With well over 90% of ballots counted as of early 29th October, though in some trackers the count is nearing 99%, the Benjamin Netanyahu-led bloc has secured 53 seats, the Gadi Eisenkot-led “change” bloc won 48 seats, while Arab parties won 19 seats. The two predominantly Arab parties, Joint List and Ra’am, secured 12 and 7 seats, respectively. 

PM Netanyahu’s Likud Party won 27 seats with a 20.7% vote share and emerged as the single-largest party, although it secured 32 seats in the 2022 elections. 

Likud is trailed by Gadi Eisenkot’s new Yashar party, which has secured around 21 seats.   

Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid’s B’Yachad(Together) stand at 12 seats. The Democrats 8, and then various parties, including Otzma Yehudit, United Torah Judaism, Shas, and Yisrael Beytenu, clustered at 6-7 seats.  

Smaller parties such as theReservists-Economic Party and People of Israel fell below the 3.25% electoral threshold.  

Official results will be announced on 4th November 2026. Although a deadlock persists, particularly when the Netanyahu-led bloc has indicated that it will not ally with Arab parties over ideological differences, President Isaac Herzog will consult party leaders and task the bloc with a majority figure to form a government within 28 days. 

The 28-day deadline, however, is extendable by 14 days. Till the formation of the new government, Netanyahu will remain the caretaker Prime Minister.  

In case of a failure to form a coalition government, fresh elections could be announced, potentially for early 2027. 

Where the ideological anchor of blocs led by Netanyahu and Eisenkot stands 

Ideologically, the single-largest emergent of the 2026 Israeli elections, the Likud Party is right-wing and nationalist.  

One of the central issues in these elections was the conflict with Palestine and the stance of political parties on the Palestinian state. On this issue, as well as on the question of broader national security, the Likud Party is hawkish and strictly opposes a Palestinian state. It advocates a strong Jewish character of the state. It also argues in favour of judicial reforms. 

Throughout its electoral campaign, the Likud Party has highlighted the Netanyahu government’s ironclad response to Hamas’s 7 October onslaught. In addition to opposing the creation of a Palestinian state, the Likud Party also advocates continued Israeli control in the West Bank and Gaza.  

If we look at the religious and far-right side of Netanyahu’s bloc, they have Otzma Yehudit with 7 seats won, which is a far-right nationalist outfit pushing Jewish power, seeking the death penalty for terrorists, and Temple Mount access. The Religious Zionism-Zehut favours West Bank sovereignty, settlement expansion, free-market economics, and judicial reforms. 

Ideological agenda of Arab parties 

The Joint List is primarily an Arab nationalist and leftist alliance opposed to Israeli policies concerning Palestinians, with 12 seats.  

Yousef Jabareen, the chairman of the Joint List alliance, has declared in a statement on 28th October that his party is ready to remove PM Netanyahu from power. 

“We are ready and prepared to pave the way for the ousting of the Netanyahu government. Against a government of bloodshed, against a politics of supremacy, racism, and exclusion, we offer a completely different alternative. The change comes through Jewish-Arab partnership, a true and equal partnership. No less than that, and no more than that,” Jabareen announced. 

At about 7 seats, Ra’am is a comparatively pragmatic Islamist Arab party that does recognise Israel as a Jewish state and has previously been part of coalitions. 

The Yashar Party, or Straight/Upright, is a new centrist, national security-focused, statist political outfit formed in 2025 by Gadi Eisenkot, the former Israel Defence Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff (2015-2019). 

Gadi, who lost a son and two nephews in the Gaza conflict, advocates universal military or civilian national service with specific exemptions, and a state commission of inquiry into 7 October security failures. Yashar prioritises a Jewish and democratic Israel rooted in the Declaration of Independence.  

While it shares the Likud Party’s policy of opposing a Palestinian state, Yashar prioritises formal annexation and maintenance of security control from the river to the sea. 

Yashar seeks an independent judiciary, economic competitiveness, and ‘mamlachtiyut’ or a statesmanship upholding the collective good. 

While pre-election polls showed Yashar slightly ahead of Likud as the largest party and change bloc leading, though narrowly, the actual counts essentially reversed that. Netanyahu’s camp has outperformed the change bloc, defying all pre-poll estimates and predictions even though none secured a clear majority. 

Academically, yes, but realistically, no, Arab parties are not the ‘kingmakers’ they are being portrayed as 

The increase in Arab voter turnout, about 80%, and consequent record seat wins by Arab parties indicate two things: first, despite being the Jewish majority state, Israel has granted equal voting rights to communities, including Arabs, Druze, and others. Second, the Arab Israeli populace is now actively participating in Israeli politics to pursue their agenda. This is important because around 10% of Arab citizens of Israel boycott Knesset elections for ‘ideological’ reasons. 

Arab parties have won a record 19 seats in the 120-member Knesset, with several media reports portraying them as ‘kingmakers’.  

While a hung Knesset naturally suggests that both the leading blocs, the one led by Netanyahu and the other led by Eisenkot, would want to woo Arab parties for support, the ‘kingmaker’ dynamic is strictly academic. 

There is essentially no scope for prolonged negotiations or a minority government arrangement with Arab parties holding the balance of power. 

Why? This is because top leaders of anti-Netanyahu parties, Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid, and Yisrael Beytenu’s Avigdor Liberman, have ruled out formal inclusion of Arab parties, especially the radical Joint List, in a “Zionist” government. 

Both Netanyahu and Eisenkot have already rejected the idea of partnering with Arab parties, stating that they cannot ally with those with no shared values. 

Although Yair Golan, the Democrats’ leader, has been relatively openand Ra’amhas also signalled readiness to engage, PM Netanyahu has emphasised sticking with far-right partners. 

For Netanyahu bloc to hit the majority figure, they need to peel off a small party that is ideologically closer or secure external support. 

For Eisenkot to reach the helm of power, they might have to deviate from their ideological stance and rely on Arab external support or work out a minority setup. It remains to be seen if Eisenkot prioritises his ideology and values or the removal of Netanyahu from power. 

There is also a third way. The way of a unity government which would include both the major camps. While a Netanyahu-Eisenkot unity government will always be at loggerheads over personal and policy issues, a unity government would comparatively be more stable than the one formed with ideological adversaries, the Arab parties. 

What Netanyahu retaining power or Eisenkot becoming Prime Minister of Israel would mean 

If Benjamin Netanyahu’s premiership is renewed, it would mean continuity of the right-wing coalition in Israel. The Netanyahu government would prioritise security dominance, oppose Palestinian statehood manoeuvres, push for judicial reforms and deepen coordination with the Trump administration in the US on Iran and the Middle East. Netanyahu would also continue his strict approach on Gaza and the West Bank, though with renewed vigour.  

The Eisenkot-led government, on the contrary, would bring significant change in rhetoric and policy. Since Eisenkot is anti-Haredi exemption and strongly opposes the blanket military service exemptions historically granted to ultra-Orthodox Haredi men, his policy in this regard will take shape accordingly. 

Being a former IDF chief, Eisenkot will maintain a security-hawk posture and reject Palestinian statehood. His Gaza policy could be stricter, though implementation would become problematic as it would upset Arab partners if a coalition is formed. 

Israeli media reports that PM Netanyahu is already pursuing a unity government path by engaging the Eisenkot bloc, with the two sides working on arriving at consensus on various issues, including the Haredi conscriptions. The Likud Party is reportedly offering Eisenkot a rotation as prime minister while excluding the ultra-Orthodox parties.   

Eisenkot may have strong political and ideological reservations about Netanyahu, however; he could suffer irreversible losses if another election fails to break the deadlock. Thus, for him, a unity government with Netanyahu appears to be a more tempting offer than forming an unstable government with the backing of Arab parties. 

How the story of Maruti Suzuki 800 debunks propaganda by Bloomberg about iPhone manufacturing in India

The year was 1983. Maruti Suzuki 800, the first car for millions of Indian families, was launched. When it began production in India, the car had 3% local content.

Only MRF tires and Chloride India batteries were fitted to the car, while the remaining 97% of the components came from Japan and were assembled in India.

These included engines, transmissions, glass, steering wheel, seats, and others. Even by 1984, local components in the Maruti Suzuki 800 car had not reached 10%. They were not manufactured in India.

Maruti had to build an entire supplier ecosystem from scratch. A 2004 research paper by Ambuj Sagar and Pankaj Chandra points out that by 1988–89, Maruti’s local content had risen to 86.2%.

Within just 5 years of Maruti’s arrival, the majority of components were being made in India. By March 1992, 94.1% of the parts for the Maruti 800 were produced domestically.

In short, localising manufacturing and producing the vast majority of components took nearly 10 years. This was the time frame that was required for indigenous production of a car, which is not a complex machine. It must be mentioned that in 1983, India already had a functional, state-run (though inefficient) automobile ecosystem.

The story of iPhone manufacturing and China

The case is similar to the manufacturing of iPhones in China. In 2009, the share of local content was only 3.6% and the remaining components were imported. An Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) study found that the manufacturing cost of an iPhone back then was around $179.

At that time, China’s assembly share was just $6.50. In 2017, when the iPhone X was launched, the share of China’s local content exceeded 25%.

A study by Yuqing Xing showed that the iPhone X had a manufacturing cost of $409, of which approximately $104 in value was sourced locally from China. By then, Chinese domestic suppliers were producing battery packs, glass covers, device frames, speakers and printed circuit boards.

Over that decade, China mastered parts that were not excessively complex and established a thriving supplier base. Today, China’s domestic value share in iPhone manufacturing stands above 30%, powered by an ecosystem of companies.

A manufacturing base cannot be created overnight

These 2 examples show that just as Rome was not built in a day, no nation creates a manufacturing base overnight. First, a workforce learns assembly. Thereafter, it learns to fabricate basic components, and then an ecosystem develops for moderately complex parts.

Only then domestic share of local content increases. Even today, virtually no complex machine anywhere achieves 100% localisation.

For an iPhone assembled in China, the camera sensor still comes from Sony (Japan), the processor is imported from TSMC (Taiwan), and the display panels are purchased from LG and Samsung in South Korea.

Debunking the anti-India propaganda of Bloomberg

Andy Mukherjee, the brown sepoy at the helm of maligning India at Bloomberg, carried out a hit job in an article titled ‘Apple’s iPhone Factories Won’t Make India the Next China’.

First, he claimed that complex iPhone components are not made in India and that they are merely assembled in the country. Mukherjee also remarked that India offers ‘unjustified subsidies’ which are funded by taxpayers and do not have a positive ROI (Return on Investment).

In the Bloomberg article, he claimed that India was not fabricating chips but only handling packaging and testing.

Every nation begins with assembly and low-value components before expanding domestic value in complex machinery. As China demonstrated, a 3% share in 2009 grew to over 25% by 2017.

iPhone manufacturing in India began in 2017 when Apple started assembling it locally. Thereafter, the Modi government adjusted policy regulations, granted concessions, and onboarded suppliers such as Foxconn and Pegatron.

In 2020, the Modi government provided a major boost through the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme. It offered subsidies between 4% and 6% of invoice value to firms manufacturing locally.

As a result, India’s share of global iPhone manufacturing surged from roughly 2% in 2021 to over 25%. Bloomberg itselfe acknowledges that India now manufactures everything from phone casings to printed circuit board assemblies (PCBAs).

Union Minister for Railways and IT, Ashwini Vaishnaw, pointed out on Wednesday (28th October) in a post that India has disbursed ₹19,000 crore in incentives. Not all of this went to Apple. Even assuming Apple received ₹10,000 crore, what is the legitimate grievance here?

₹10,000 crore has catalysed an ecosystem that employs over ₹3.5 lakh people, trains a skilled technical workforce, and drives the country toward advanced manufacturing.

Conclusion

To put things into perspective, over ₹11 lakh crore was spent on MGNREGA between 2006 and 2026. What industrial ecosystem did that produce? None. Indian taxpayers’ money is now being redirected as per India’s national priorities, which will not be dictated by foreign publications.

Currently, the Modi government is hyperfocused on developing a national manufacturing base. India has established itself as a serious contender in electronics and smartphone manufacturing, a fact that has been acknowledged across Chinese social media platforms.

As Ashwini Vaishnaw said in his tweet, Bloomberg and Andy Mukherjee need to “cope harder”.

‘Temple customs cannot kneel down before display of optics’: Madras HC upholds traditions of Agamic temples barring entry of non-Hindus without showing reverence for the deity

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The Madras High Court on Friday (October 23, 2026) delivered a strongly worded judgment, reiterating that non-Hindus cannot enter Hindu Agamic temples without signing a temple-prescribed undertaking to show reverence to the temple deity.

A Division Bench of Justices G.R. Swaminathan and Dr P. Murugan allowed a petition, holding that the entry of non-Hindus into Hindu temples in breach of temple customs would violate their sanctity. The decision was passed on a petition seeking a writ of mandamus issuing directions to the respondents to ensure adherence to Agamic traditions regarding entry into Agamic temples.

The Madurai Bench of the High Court held that entry of non-Hindus into Agamic temples, in violation of temple rules, amounts to defiling the sanctity of the temple. “He (petitioner) is entitled to insist that the trustees of the various Agamic temples in Tamil Nadu uphold the Agamic injunctions by not permitting non-Hindus who do not sign the undertaking from crossing the flag-pole. If such entry is permitted, it would defile the sanctity of the temple,” the court held.

Screenshot from the judgment

Non-Hindus wearing their religious markers cannot enter temples

The High Court went a step further and stated that non-Hindus, who sport their religious markers and do not subscribe reverence to the temple deity, should not be allowed to enter temple premises. “Even entry into the temple premises cannot be permitted for non-Hindus who sport their religious markers and who do not subscribe to their reverence for the deity concerned. This subscription must be in the format prescribed by the institution concerned,” the court said.


Screenshot from the judgment

The High Court expressed concern over disregard for temple entry rules by non-Hindus, particularly those in public life such as politicians and legislators, blatantly disrespecting its traditions and setting a wrong example for their followers. The Court clearly stated that temple customs and usage cannot be flouted for political optics and displays of Chamchagiri (political sycophancy). “We hold that usages and customs of temple cannot kneel down before such display of Chamchagiri and optics,” the Court said.

Non-Hindu politicians and skull-cap-wearing people entering temples

The High Court came down heavily on non-Hindu politicians engaging in “egregious breaches” of temple rules and entering into Hindu temples without signing the necessary undertaking. The Court cited the example of Badrudeen Mustafa, an MLA representing the Madurai Central Constituency. Pointing out an irony, the Court noted that the politician who called for the eradication of Sanatan Dharma entered the Meenakshi temple soon after his election, in the name of inspection.

The Court pointed out another instance where a minister who is a Christian by faith entered the Thiruchendur temple without giving the undertaking required of non-Hindus. It further recalled a viral video on social media showing persons wearing skull caps pushing their way through the Thiruvannamalai Arunachaleswarar temple despite protests from devotees, while HR&CE staff stood by “as mute spectators”.

Politicians’ acts are mimicked by their “Chamchas”

Condemning the politicians who enter Hindu temples for optics, in complete disregard for temple rules, the High Court cautioned that this behaviour is mimicked by their blind followers. “One can imagine how the party workers would conduct themselves when they come to know that their leader, be he an MLA or Minister, is to visit their local temple. Out of sheer enthusiasm, they will follow suit without bothering if they can enter the premises or not,” the court cautioned.

Screenshot from the judgment

To drive home the point, the Court cited an amusing instance where a politician, who was enjoying his time in a spa, was mobbed by his followers inside the spa as soon as the word spread about his presence therein. “‘Chamchagiri’ is endemic to our political culture. The party workers, as a mark of sycophancy, hang around their leader. They tend to make a beeline for him. Whether the occasion is appropriate is beside the point,” the High Court humorously commented.

The Court observed that such temple visits by politicians have nothing to do with faith and are only meant for optics to impress voters. It mentioned an example of a non-Hindu politician, without mentioning the name, who was a fundamentalist but visited temples and wore a mark on his forehead to “play to the gallery”.

“Not only Chamchagiri but also optics matter in a democracy. We know of one political leader who is a fundamentalist subscribing to a non-Hindu faith. But he would make it a point to visit the temple and also prominently display the religious mark on his forehead. This was to play to the gallery. The vote value of such a display is obvious,” the Court highlighted.

What the petitioner prayed

The petitioner, Thangam Venkatesh, prayed before the Court to direct the respondents to strictly enforce the statutory provisions of the Tamil Nadu Temple Entry Authorisation Act, 1947 and the Tamil Nadu HR and CE Act, 1959, “by forming necessary enquiry committees as well as a complaints section to prevent individuals bearing other religious symbols and non-adherents from entering restricted temple sanctums and mandapam”.

He also sought a direction to the respondents to conduct an enquiry against the violators of the Tamil Nadu Temple Entry Authorisation Act, 1947 and the rules framed thereunder based on a complaint filed by him on October 17, 2026. The respondents in the case were the State of Tamil Nadu (through the Principal Secretary, HR&CE Department), the HR&CE Commissioner, the Additional Commissioner (Administration) and the Additional Commissioner (Inquiries).

The High Court noted that two Single-judge Benches had already addressed the issues, but proceeded to make an authoritative pronouncement in light of some recent developments.

From Bastar to Bangladesh, why the romance of ‘revolution’ always flops

In March 2026, Union Home Minister Amit Shah declared in Parliament that the government’s promised target of making India free of Naxalism has been achieved.

The menace of Left-wing terrorism in India took nearly six decades to be thwarted, after the violent movement began in Naxalbari in 1967. The government’s figures pointed to thousands of Maoist surrenders and arrests, alongside hundreds killed in security operations. ’Surrender or die’ was the Modi government’s final message to the Naxals. Many surrendered; those who didn’t died in massive anti-Naxal operations carried out by the paramilitary and state police forces. 

What began as a rebellion against exploitation in the forested heartlands of India metastasised into one of the longest-running armed insurgencies against the Indian State. Maoists claimed to fight for tribal communities and landless labourers, yet their campaign brought killings, landmines, extortion and attacks on infrastructure. Entire regions of central India remained isolated from development and public services for decades.

The contradiction is striking. A movement promising liberation and rights kept dozens of tribal and rural communities trapped between terrorist violence, state security operations and longstanding deprivation of basic infrastructure like roads and schools. The idealistic revolution that was romanticised by countless ‘intellectuals’ in books, poems and lectures brought nothing but bloodshed and deprivation for the people. 

And India’s experience is hardly unique.

There is something strangely seductive about the idea of ‘revolution’. The promise is simple: overthrow an unjust order, sweep away everything that is wrong, and build a better society. It is an idea that has captivated intellectuals, students, political movements and idealists for centuries. But what happens after the slogans fade, the crowds disperse, and the old government falls?

History offers some uncomfortable answers.

The French Revolution began with promises of liberty and equality, only to descend into the Reign of Terror before Napoleon eventually crowned himself emperor. Russia’s Bolsheviks promised workers and peasants a new society, but the Soviet system produced political repression and a powerful ruling elite. Mao’s China experienced devastating famine and millions of deaths before economic reforms under Deng Xiaoping transformed its trajectory.

Iran’s 1979 revolution presents an especially revealing irony. Leftists, liberals and religious groups united against the Shah, but Ayatollah Khomeini’s clerical establishment eventually consolidated power and persecuted many former allies. The coalition that overthrew an authoritarian ruler produced another authoritarian, theocratic system. 

The common danger is that removing a government does not automatically create institutions capable of protecting freedom.

Bangladesh’s 2024 uprising began with student grievances over job quotas and escalated amid a brutal state crackdown. Sheikh Hasina fled, but the transition also brought retaliatory violence, attacks on minorities, political uncertainty and a shattered economy. Nepal’s Maoists, meanwhile, fought a decade-long insurgency, entered mainstream politics and eventually became part of the establishment that a new generation challenged in 2025.

French philosopher Raymond Aron’s book ‘The Opium of the Intellectuals’ explored Leftist intellectuals’ fascination with revolutionary ideology. Aron questioned why educated thinkers sometimes preferred the dramatic promise of revolution to the slow, imperfect work of reform. Revolution offers heroic thrill and excitement. Reform demands negotiation, patience, compromises and continuous improvements over a long period of challenges.

But there is an important distinction here. Revolutions against colonial rule or governments that deny meaningful political participation cannot be equated automatically with attempts to bypass functioning democratic institutions. Nor is peaceful protest against an elected government inherently undemocratic. 

Protest, dissent and demands for accountability are themselves essential democratic freedoms. But democracies change governments via voting, not via violence. 

The deeper question is what happens when political movements abandon persuasion and institutional change in favour of violence or the belief that only their preferred outcome is legitimate.

That brings the story back to Bastar. As Maoist violence recedes, the challenge is to deliver what decades of conflict denied many communities: functioning schools, healthcare, roads, communications, land rights and economic opportunities.

Indian Leftists romanticise the idea of ‘revolution’ just because they have failed to gather public support during the voting process. Their relentless rejection of the democratic process and elections sends the message to the public that their votes do not matter; only the Left-liberal opinion matters. Neha Bora calls the violence in Bangladesh ’ inspiring ’, and Prashant Bhushan declares that regime change will be done. These incidents only betray the hypocrisy of the so-called Leftists in India. They have no respect for the people’s mandate, but want external forces to bring down an elected government just because they don’t like the party that is currently in power.

Long-term improvements are brought by reforms and economic growth. That process lacks the drama and thrill of revolution. It requires budgets, administration, accountability and years of sustained effort that only a democratic system can deliver.

Perhaps that is the central paradox. Destroying an old order can happen in days; building a fairer and more prosperous society can take generations. The enduring test of any political movement is not how dramatically it challenges power, but whether it leaves ordinary people with greater freedom, security and opportunity. The thrilling, dramatic revolution that the Leftists worldwide get excited over offers only chaos and anarchy, not solutions. 

The full article can be read here in Chapter 1 Magazine.