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As West Bengal CM Suvendu Adhikari approves land handover to BSF for fencing along India-Bangladesh border, read how Mamata Banerjee had stonewalled the project under TMC regime

Shraddha Pandey
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As West Bengal CM Suvendu Adhikari approves land handover to BSF for fencing along India-Bangladesh border, read how Mamata Banerjee had stonewalled the project under TMC regime

In the run-up to the West Bengal state assembly election, the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) repeatedly said that it is a civilisation battle for the party, particularly in the wake of the ongoing deliberate demographic shift. Just two days after being sworn in as West Bengal Chief Minister, Suvendu Adhikari chaired his first cabinet meeting and approved the transfer of land to the Border Security Force (BSF) for completing fencing along the India-Bangladesh border.

CM Adhikari announced on 11th May 2026, that the process of handing over the required land to BSF, with over 90% already identified, would be completed within 45 days. The BJP government in West Bengal aims to enable the BSF to erect fencing and secure vulnerable stretches presently exploited by Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrators.

The West Bengal Chief Minister said that border fencing is his government’s priority for national security to curb the illegal influx of Bangladeshis.

“In our very first Cabinet meeting today, we have taken the decision to transfer the land to the BSF. The process of transferring this land commences today. It will be transferred to the MHA within the next 45 days. Once this is accomplished, the BSF will complete the border fencing, and the ongoing issue of illegal infiltration will be resolved within a short period,” CM Adhikari said.

Bangladeshi infiltration, demographic challenge and the TMC regime’s deliberate obstacles in the completion of the India-Bangladesh border fencing project

The India-Bangladesh border, stretching over 2,200 km in West Bengal, is one of India’s most porous international boundaries. In total, Bangladesh shares 4096 kilometres of border with the Indian states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, Mizoram and West Bengal.

Over the years, the Modi government has pushed for blanket barbed-wire fencing, floodlights, and BSF Border Outposts (BOPs) to tackle illegal infiltration, cattle smuggling, narcotics trafficking, fake currency, and other criminal activities.

For such projects, state governments are required to hand over the demanded land area while the Centre bears the cost. In West Bengal’s case, the Central government has already acquired or paid compensation for large tracts of land in around nine border districts. However, the erstwhile Mamata Banerjee-led regime caused frustrating delays in the handover of physical possession of the acquired land to the BSF, thus slowing down the border fencing project chronically over the years.

Consequently, massive stretches of land along the India-Bangladesh border remain unfenced despite budgetary allocations and the Centre’s appeals.

Over the decades, India has followed established protocols to deport Bangladeshi infiltrators and Rohingyas to their home country. The process, however, has been slow, often due to legal hurdles put up by Indian Islamo-leftists who approach courts to prevent deportation of illegal Muslim infiltrators, cumbersome due to the Bangladesh government and the Bangladesh Border Guard’s dishonest refusal to acknowledge their own citizens. As per a 2016 report, there are more than 2 crore Bangladeshis living illegally in India. The actual numbers are now estimated to be significantly higher than 2 crores.

In addition to Bangladesh’s refusal to accept its own citizens back, some state governments, particularly the TMC regime in West Bengal, have been non-cooperative in providing land for border fencing, despite its crucial role in deterring illegal entries.  This treacherous non-cooperation stemmed from the TMC government’s lethargic attitude in land acquisition to avoid displeasing the Muslim community, since the majority of the illegal immigrants are Muslims. OpIndia has documented numerous instances wherein Mamata Banerjee, who often boasted that she is not a Kafir, made policy decisions and gave speeches that indicated her pro-Muslim bias and anti-Hindu politics.

Last year, then Leader of Opposition (LoP), Suvendu Adhikari, had raised the issue of the ruling CM Mamata Banerjee-led TMC government’s reluctance to provide land for fencing 600 kilometres of area, which allowed several illegal immigrants to enter India. Adhikari said this while highlighting the case of 3 Rohingya women who were arrested at Sealdah railway station in Kolkata.

The Mamata Government continuously faced accusations of not cooperating with the Border Security Force (BSF) in curbing infiltration and transboundary crimes. In fact, the no-so-Kafir Mamata Banerjee’s obsessive electoral communal-political dynamics, and consequent delays in land acquisition, prevented completion of the border-fencing project.

It has been alleged that 569.254 km of the international border in West Bengal remains unsecured due to Mamata Banerjee’s intransigence, leaving the portion vulnerable to illegal infiltration and smuggling. It is due to the delays in acquiring the Centre-approved land areas by the TMC government that the BSF could not build essential border infrastructure like outposts and fences in over 17 critical locations. The West Bengal Police, under ex-CM Mamata Banerjee, also faced allegations of deliberate non-cooperation in the fight against transborder crimes and infiltration of Bangladeshi illegals.

Notably, there are three categories of land required for border fencing. First category: land areas acquired and compensation received by the state government from the central government, but only a partial portion of which is handed over to the BSF. The second category is wherein land acquisition proceedings started under the direct purchase policy but could not be finalised; thus, there is a status quo. Third is where the land acquisition process is yet to commence.

Besides causing delays in land handover, the Mamata Banerjee government also had a problem with the expansion of the BSF’s jurisdiction from 15 to 50 Kilometres.

While Mamata Banerjee kept denying the allegations of deliberate delays on her government’s part in the completion of the India-Bangladesh border fencing project, the Calcutta High Court rebuked the TMC regime over the same in April.

A bench comprising Chief Justice Sujoy Paul and Justice Partha Sarathi Sen reprimanded the Mamata government for failing to hand over land stretches across nine border districts on time to the BSF. The court also imposed a Rs 25,000 fine on the state government officer.

Alarmingly, the court found that out of 127.327 km of “lands already acquired” for which “compensation” had been “received by the state government from the central government”, only 8 km of land was handed over since 27 January.

“What is surprising and shocking is that in a matter of national importance, the respondent state has not thought it proper to file their report” on the compliance of its direction “on affidavit” but had instead filed a “sketchy and evasive report which does not disclose date and place-wise as to what action has been taken for handing over the land after passing the order of this court…” the court said.

The court further noted that out of 198.252 km of land stretches acquired for fencing, in the districts of 24 Parganas (N), Nadia, Murshidabad, Malda, Dakshin Dinajpur, Uttar Dinajpur, Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, and Cooch Behar, only 70.925 km was handed over to the BSF.

The court’s observations came during the hearing of a PIL filed by former Deputy Chief of Army Staff Subrata Saha.

The delay in land handover was conspicuously deliberate, since Mamata Banerjee did not want to upset her Muslim votebank by expediting the process of border fencing that would obstruct the influx of Bangladeshi Muslims into West Bengal. The mutual admiration between Mamata Banerjee and Bangladeshi Muslims can also be understood from the fact that after TMC’s defeat, several Bangladeshi Islamists issued statements in support of Banerjee, with some, like Nurul Huda, even going to the extent of encouraging her to declare war on Delhi and join Bengal with Bangladesh. Apparently, the worst of the Bangladeshi Islamists admire and support Mamata Banerjee since she obstructed border fencing and allowed a political shield to Muslim infiltrators for electoral gains.

No wonder, Mamata Banerjee and Trinamool Congress vehemently opposed the Special Intensive Revision, alleging Muslim disenfranchisement and continue to blame it for their humiliating defeat against the BJP in state elections.

Somnath at 75: The temple that powered India’s maritime economy and global trade, defied invaders, and rebuilt Hindu civilisation

Piyush Goyal
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Somnath at 75: The temple that powered India’s maritime economy and global trade, defied invaders, and rebuilt Hindu civilisation

On 11 May 1951, independent India witnessed an event that went far beyond the reconstruction of a temple. What happened at Somnath Temple was the civilisational resurrection of a people who had endured centuries of invasions, iconoclasm and humiliation, yet refused to surrender their faith, memory or sacred geography.

That day, India’s first President, Shri Rajendra Prasad, stood before the rebuilt Somnath Temple and performed the Pran Pratishtha ceremony of the Jyotirlinga despite strong objections from the then Prime Minister Shri Jawaharlal Nehru.

Somnath was much more than just a temple. It was one of the most important civilisational and economic centres of medieval India. In fact, ancient India understood what modern geopolitical theorists would describe centuries later: control over coastal networks shaped the destiny of entire civilisations. And nowhere was that understanding more visible than at Somnath.

Located strategically at Prabhas Patan on the Saurashtra coast, Somnath stood at the intersection of spirituality, trade, finance and maritime connectivity. It was not simply a shrine visited by pilgrims. It was one of the gateways to India’s medieval maritime world.

When Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Somnath in 1026, the attack was not just an act of religious fanaticism; it was a strategic strike against one of the economic nerve centres of Hindu civilisation. As the western coast increasingly came under foreign domination, India’s maritime confidence weakened. Over time, oceanic travel itself began to be socially discouraged in some sections of society as ‘Kala Pani.’ What began as a strategic defeat slowly transformed into a psychological and social retreat from maritime life. By the time Vasco da Gama arrived in India in 1498, Indian maritime dominance had already weakened significantly. European powers entered not merely to trade but to dominate the seas.

What Ghazni began symbolically, colonial powers later completed economically. But when India became independent in 1947, there was hope, and the nation was watching. Would India reclaim its historical memory after centuries of invasions and colonialism? Or would it continue viewing Hindu heritage through the lens of secular discomfort?

While Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel resolved to rebuild Somnath, and Shri K. M. Munshi saw it as a civilisational recovery and a matter of national self-respect, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru viewed the reconstruction with disdain, terming it Hindu Revivalism. Despite the dichotomy of Nehru’s ‘secularism’, which viewed minority assertion as pluralism and Hindu civilisational recovery as ‘revivalism’, President Shri Rajendra Prasad did attend the consecration ceremony – one that had profound ramifications.

The reconstruction of Somnath sowed the seeds of India’s cultural renaissance after centuries of suppression. Today, that same spirit can be seen in the rejuvenation of Kashi Vishwanath Temple, the Mahakal corridor in Ujjain, the revival of Kedarnath, and the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya.

India is no longer treating its civilisation as something to apologise for. It is reclaiming it with dignity and confidence.

But this resurgence is not limited to temples alone.

Under PM Shri Narendra Modi’s vision of “Vikas Bhi, Virasat Bhi”, India’s recent Free Trade Agreements with developed economies are carrying Indian civilisational knowledge systems to the world in unprecedented ways.

The recently concluded FTA with New Zealand is not merely a trade agreement in the conventional sense. It creates opportunities for Ayush practitioners, Yoga instructors and Indian traditional knowledge professionals to work in New Zealand for extended durations, while formally creating an enabling environment for Ayurveda, Yoga and holistic healthcare rooted in India’s ancient traditions.

Similarly, trade agreements with the UK, the European Union and Australia are integrating India’s civilisational knowledge systems into global economic frameworks. Under the EU trade agreement, Ayush practitioners will be able to provide services using qualifications earned in India, while also facilitating the establishment of Ayurveda wellness centres and clinics across Europe.

This is a remarkable historical reversal.

For centuries, India’s sacred institutions and philosophical traditions were attacked, ridiculed or dismissed under colonial and foreign frameworks. Today, those very traditions are becoming instruments of India’s soft power, economic expansion and global influence.

Yoga has become a worldwide wellness movement. Ayurveda is emerging as a globally relevant healthcare system. Indian spiritual traditions are generating employment opportunities, trade partnerships and institutional collaborations across continents.

Today, 75 years after reconstruction, Somnath symbolises not merely remembrance, but revival.

Modern India’s growing focus on the Indo-Pacific, maritime infrastructure and naval power represents the return of an old civilisational instinct. India’s Indo-Pacific vision is not something entirely new. It is the continuation of a journey interrupted centuries ago.

The same Gujarat that once hosted Somnath’s maritime ecosystem now anchors India’s economic rise through ports like Mundra and Kandla.

India’s naval expansion, maritime corridors and strategic presence in the Indian Ocean reflect the revival of a civilisational memory that had weakened after centuries of invasions and colonialism.

Ports, logistics corridors, fisheries, marine industries and coastal infrastructure are once again becoming the engines of Gujarat’s economic rise.

In many ways, Gujarat is reconnecting with the same maritime instinct that once made Somnath flourish.

The Vibrant Gujarat Regional Conference held in Rajkot earlier this year focused heavily on the maritime economy, blue economy investments and sea-led growth. The conference saw MoUs worth nearly Rs 5.78 lakh crore across 5,492 projects.

The Kutch region alone attracted investment commitments worth Rs 1.25 lakh crore.

Major investments are flowing into ports, logistics, renewable energy, fisheries and maritime infrastructure.

The same Saurashtra-Kutch belt that once powered India’s maritime civilisation around Somnath is once again becoming the centre of India’s sea-led economic rise.

This is not accidental. Civilisations prosper when they reconnect with their foundational strengths.

Yet the lessons of Somnath are not confined to medieval invasions alone.

Even today, India remains the target of forces that seek to destabilise its cultural harmony and civilisational confidence through terrorism, infiltration and radicalism.

The methods may have changed, but the intent remains familiar.

The New India under PM Modi has increasingly signalled that such threats will no longer go unanswered. With Operation Sindoor, India delivered a strong response to terrorists and their sponsors across the border, reinforcing the message that repeated attacks on India’s sovereignty and civilisation would not be tolerated.

Significantly, the anniversaries of Operation Sindoor and the reconstruction of Somnath fall only days apart.

The parallel is difficult to ignore.

Both represent India’s refusal to surrender. Both represent resilience after an attack. Both represent a civilisation that absorbs blows, regroups and rises stronger.

Ahead of his visit to Somnath on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the temple’s reconstruction, PM Modi captured this civilisational spirit perfectly when he wrote:

“Somnath gives us a civilisational message. The vast sea before it evokes timelessness. The waves tell us…that no matter how fierce the storms are or how turbulent the tides are, one can always rise again with dignity and strength. The waves return to the shore, as though reminding every generation that the spirit of the people can never be subdued for long.”

That is the true story of Somnath. Not merely that it was attacked numerous times by invaders. But that Hindu civilisation rebuilt it every single time.

Empires and invaders came believing they had buried Hindu civilisation forever. Yet today, those empires and invaders survive only in history books, albeit written by Marxist historians, while Somnath once again stands proudly on the coast of Saurashtra.

The temple still stands in all its glory. The traditions are still followed. The bells still ring. The saffron flag still flies over the Arabian Sea.

And just like the waves PM Modi described, Hindu civilisation too returned to the shore, again and again, undefeated.

This article was written by Union Minister Piyush Goyal on LinkedIn and has been republished here with due credit. The original article can be read here.

Inside The Timothy Initiative: Tracing the breadcrumbs of founder David Nelms’ visits to India and Christian conversion activities

Anurag
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Inside The Timothy Initiative: Tracing the breadcrumbs of founder David Nelms’ visits to India and Christian conversion activities

On 18th and 19th April, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) conducted raids at several locations linked to the Christian missionary organisation named The Timothy Initiative (TTI). According to the investigation agency, in just six months, TTI used foreign bank debit cards across different states to withdraw Rs 95 crore. It included Rs 6.5 crore withdrawn in Naxal affected regions of Chhattisgarh. While doing so, TTI bypassed FCRA regulations. Notably, the organisation is not registered under FCRA, which means it cannot legally receive foreign funding.

Intially known as “Project India” as it started in India, the organisation has been active in India since 2007. But its history in the country dates back to 1992, when its founder, David Nelms, came to India with his associate and decided to plant churches in every village of the country. OpIndia is doing a series of reports on how TTI functions.

Source: TTI

During our research, we found that TTI not only has its own network in India and other countries, but also collaborates with other churches to push its agenda. In our previous report, we described how TTI’s manual guides church planters to enter Hindu dominated villages, approach Hindus, avoid suspicion and use caste leaders to push evangelism in the country.

In this report, we will trace the history of TTI’s origin and how it functions alongside other churches. The aim of TTI is to convert Hindus and members of other communities to Christianity and have at least one church in every village in the country. Following ED’s action, a lot of content has either been blocked in India or removed from social media platforms. However, there are still a lot of breadcrumbs that need to be followed and documented.

Documented earliest visit of David Nelms to India

In January 2023, a person named Dan Burrell, who himself is an evangelist, shared a post on social media platform Facebook about his visit to India in 1992 with David Nelms, founder of TTI.

Source: Facebook

In his post, he wrote that the 1992 trip to India and Thailand was a life changing mission trip. He clearly noted that for over 30 years, he and David have been in the business of religious conversions. There is a possibility that this was the visit mentioned on TTI’s website, where Nelms appeared to be “heartbroken” because there were only temples and mosques in India, and not churches. According to the website, that particular visit gave birth to the idea of TTI.

Source: TTI Global

This post is the oldest proof of David’s visit to India and his indulgence in conversion activities. The post contained a blurred image of both Dan and David, which we have enhanced using AI.

Person on the left is David Nelms, founder of TTI. Source: Facebook/Dan Burrell

Following the breadcrumbs left by TTI

As the documented history of the organisation on its website, which is blocked in India, suggests, it was founded in 2007. In 2009, a person named Tony Armour shared a video on Facebook where he had tagged David Nelms, and the location was set as Bengaluru, Karnataka. The video was titled “India 2009”. The first image that appeared in the video was of possible Indian church planters sitting happily with David Nelms for a group photograph.

Source: Screenshot from video shared by Evangelist Tony Armour who visited India with Nelms in 2009. (Image had been enhanced using AI)

In the video, Nelms and other foreigners were seen roaming around a suburban location, meeting vulnerable families and spending a lot of time with children. It appears that they used children to get comfortable with the families to push the conversion agenda.

Notably, towards the end, Tony Armour was seen with UB Bhat, an entrepreneur from Karnataka who was one of the victims of the IC814 Indian Airlines hijack. In one of the books, TTI asked church planters to use caste leaders to build a rapport with the locals so that they could be converted. It seems that they not only used caste leaders, but also prominent personalities, whether they were involved in conversions or not, to establish TTI’s reputation among Indians.

In 2013, David Nelms posted on Facebook that he would be in India from 11th to 18th September and invited people to come and see the work TTI had carried out in India, Nepal, and Pakistan.

Source: Facebook/David Nelms

In July 2016, David posted on Facebook that he was headed towards India.

Source: Facebook/David Nelms

In January 2017, David posted a photograph on Facebook with the caption, “Having fun with my Punjabi peeps!” Notably, Punjab is among the states most affected by Christian missionary activity. Lakhs of Hindus and Sikhs have converted to Christianity over the years in Punjab.

Source: Facebook/David Nelms

In February 2017, David Nelms posted on Facebook that he had returned to the US, adding that “India/Nepal were both a blast”, indicating that he had visited both India and Nepal.

Source: Facebook/David Nelms

David’s son, Jared Nelms, is currently serving as president of TTI. In the same year, TTI posted about him on LinkedIn. The post mentioned that Jared and his wife, Amber, served as missionaries in India for almost five years. Notably, the post suggested that Jared possibly lived in India for five years to push the church planting agenda. It is unclear whether the stay was continuous, or whether he and his family came to India multiple times during that period.

Source: TTI’s LinkedIn Profile

What David Nelms has left in the public domain about his visits to India is actually very limited. What remains today is mostly a few Facebook posts, an old tagged video, and references that can be pieced together only after careful tracking. This is especially important because much of TTI’s online material has either been blocked in India or removed from public platforms. So while the available record is small, it is still enough to establish that India was not a one off stop for Nelms, but a repeated and important part of TTI’s activity.

Even from these scattered details, one thing becomes clear. David Nelms visited India multiple times over the years, and his son Jared Nelms appears to have had an even deeper presence here. TTI itself said that Jared and his wife Amber served as missionaries in India for almost five years. Whether that stay was continuous or spread across multiple visits is not fully clear, but it strongly suggests that the Nelms family was not engaging with India through brief tours alone, but through longer stays linked to missionary work.

This becomes even more serious when seen alongside TTI’s own claims. In its “Kingdom Impact” material, it says it has planted over 2,68,750 churches across 50 countries since 2007, including India, and converted 23,92,427 people to Christianity, including 2,01,954 widows and orphans. In the next report, we will trace how churches have collaborated with TTI over the years in India, or in efforts directed at India.

PM Modi asks Indians not to buy gold for a year: Read how gold imports burden economy, cause massive Forex outflow and widen trade deficit

Rukma Rathore
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PM Modi asks Indians not to buy gold for a year: Read how gold imports burden economy, cause massive Forex outflow and widen trade deficit

On 10th April (Sunday), Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged for the conservation of foreign exchange reserves amid the crisis in West Asia. He asked people to promote domestic travel rather than unnecessary international travel, foreign weddings and vacations. He also requested Indians to refrain from buying non-essential gold for a year to lessen the strain on foreign exchange outflows.

“Gold purchases are another area where foreign exchange is used extensively. In the national interest, we must resolve not to purchase gold for a year,” PM Modi conveyed while addressing a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rally in Hyderabad.

Gold is usually considered as a “safe haven” asset amid geopolitical turmoils. Hence, investors flock to acquire it in times of dispute or unpredictability. However, rising crude oil prices are also fuelling concerns about protracted inflation and soaring interest rates across the globe. Hence, the matter has turned out to be more complicated.

How West Asia war impacted the economy and Gold investment

Oil prices have jumped again as worries about disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz intensified following President Donald Trump’s rejection of Iran’s recent peace proposal. Global inflation risks are boosted by rising oil costs, which led central banks such as the US Federal Reserve to maintain higher interest rates for longer. This consequently has an adverse effect on gold since it doesn’t provide yield or interest. Investors frequently favour interest-bearing assets, including bonds and fixed-income instruments over bullion when interest rates remain substantial.

On the other hand, India is one of the biggest importers of gold in the world and procurement increases dramatically during holidays and the marriage season. The country pays for the majority of its gold imports using foreign currency, because domestic gold production is minimal and the growing global gold prices put an additional financial strain on its coffers. An uptick during a time of excessive crude prices exacerbates the trade gap and imposes greater pressure on the rupee and foreign exchange stock. The higher consumption causes a dollar drain and expands the nation’s import bill.

Moreover, global gold prices have been volatile due to the consistent fight between Iran and the United States, with bullion markets responding dramatically to each provocation and setback in the ceasefire. Therefore, the appeal made by PM Modi is a proactive move to strengthen the finances by shaping the spending habits of people.

This is important since India’s enormous yearly demand for gold is largely met by supplies from abroad. The action is linked to the mounting economic difficulties triggered by the elevated cost of energy and tensions in the Middle East.

The accelerating impact on vulnerable foreign reserves

India’s foreign exchange reserves are squeezed by its hefty gold shipments which account for about 9% of its entire import bill and are second only to crude oil. The projected value of these imports in FY26 was $72 billion. The matter has been made worse by the ongoing strife which has pushed up costs of fundamental goods like fertiliser and oil.

The current account deficit swelled as a consequence of these pressures, reaching $13.17 billion in Q4 2025. Thus, India’s foreign currency reserves slipped from a peak of $728.49 billion in February 2026 to roughly $690.69 billion by early May 2026. According to International Monetary Fund (IMF) projections, the country’s current account deficit could touch $84.5 billion in 2026 or around 2% of GDP.

It is continually widening, which shows that more money is leaving India than entering it. Meanwhile, India imported over $72 billion worth of gold in FY26, a 24% boost over the earlier year.

Representational Graph via AI

The four items (crude oil, gold, vegetable oils and fertilisers) depicted in the graph account for 31.1% of all imports into India. Gold alone contributes to over 10% of the entire import budget. Hence, the prime minister’s suggestion to cut back on gold purchases is a direct means of reducing foreign exchange expenditures and safeguarding these key reserves.

The interest of Indians in gold investments poses a serious challenge during critical times

The fact that gold has transformed into more than just a cultural commodity associated with festivals and weddings in India further emphasises the prime minister’s statement. For the first time in history, Indians are obtaining more gold for investments than jewellery in 2026. Gold is rapidly being employed as a financial hedge against uncertainties.

The World Gold Council (WGC) released data last month that revealed a major shift in the gold market in India. In the March quarter, investment demand for gold increased 54% year over year to 82 tonnes, surpassing demand for jewellery, which decreased by almost 20% to 66 tonnes. Despite record-high prices, the overall demand for gold climbed by 10%.

Representational Graph via AI

Inflows into gold exchange-traded funds rose by 186% during the March quarter as shares reached all-time highs. In India’s contemporary gold market, transactions of bars and coins almost equalled the demand for jewellery. This pattern presents a massive challenge during critical periods which already witness astronomical oil prices.

The large volume of gold imports necessary to meet domestic local demand becomes especially troublesome as it widens the trade deficit and weakens the currency. Thus, the timing of PM Modi’s remark is vital. The West Asia conflict is already hurting global supply chains and energy imports are going to be more and more expensive.

The nation is specifically susceptible to shocks from the outside because it imports around 90% of its crude oil needs. Foreign exchange reserves find themselves under double constraint when heavy gold imports are introduced in this scenario. Crude oil, gas, edible oil and fertilisers are all ‘necessary’ commodities, but gold is not. Its value lies in socio-cultural and aesthetic needs, not ‘necessity’.

Strong demand, negligible production and a recent downturn

India absorbs 700-800 tonnes of gold annually due to its profound cultural traditions, celebrations, nuptials and application as a store of value. The nation’s meagre domestic production, roughly 1-2 tonnes per year, is far less than this requirement. India is the largest importer of the precious metal, second only to China since it imports more than 90% of its gold needs.

Image via World Gold Council/Voronoi

New Delhi bought $51.8 billion worth of gold in 2024, making it the fifth-largest importer in the world by value. During the previous fiscal year, India imported almost 60 tonnes of gold per month with a monthly average of about $6 billion. However, imports plummeted from around 100 tonnes in January to roughly 65-66 tonnes in February, then to 20-22 tonnes in March.

According to reports, imports were only 15 tonnes roughly $1.3 billion in April, offering further short-term respite for policymakers trying to mitigate stress from the external sector. It is among the lowest monthly levels recorded in decades outside of the Covid pandemic.

PM Modi’s plea alongside notable administrative and tax issues are considered responsible for this precipitous decline. Major banks have also halted shipments owing to multiple factors. The India International Bullion Exchange (IIBX) continues to receive some gold, but it takes longer and costs more money. India’s gold prices are higher than those throughout the world due to this shortage.

The influence on gold prices subsequent to PM Modi’s appeal

Stock prices for prominent jewellers fell dramatically following PM Modi’s recommendation. The price of 24 carat gold has come down by ₹603.0 to ₹15192.0 per gram. The value of 22 carat gold has sunk by ₹552.35 to ₹13915.872 per gram, while the price of 24 carat gold has moved by -1.84% over the last week and by 0.13% over the past month. Nevertheless, it is not feasible to predict how long this trend will hold in the future.

It is noteworthy that India has made multiple attempts in the past to reduce gold imports through increased import taxes, limitations and gold monetisation programs. However, demand has stayed robust because gold is not considered as a luxury product and serves as a blend of financial insurance, security and savings. Consequently, the World Gold Council has forecasted that investment demand will persist to be sturdy in the upcoming quarters.

The analysts expressed that it is unclear how successful PM Modi’s request will be in the long run even though the temporary import ban would improve India’s trade balance. The government’s actions have demonstrated a constant focus on managing import costs and safeguarding foreign exchange reserves. However, the situation is probably going to remain dynamic as government attempt to strike a balance between gold consumption and economic stability.

India’s first mini-micro LED display unit to be set up in Gujarat’s Dholera: Read about this advanced technology and ways it can make Bharat ‘Atmanirbhar’

OpIndia Staff
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India’s first mini-micro LED display unit to be set up in Gujarat’s Dholera: Read about this advanced technology and ways it can make Bharat ‘Atmanirbhar’

As the global race for advanced technology accelerates, India has been trying to strengthen its position on the global map of advanced technology, not just as a manufacturing hub, for the last few years. From semiconductors to artificial intelligence (AI) and electronics manufacturing, India is now also moving ahead rapidly in the technological competition going on around the world, and Gujarat is now emerging as an important centre in this journey. In a major development, India’s first mini/micro LED display fabrication unit will now be set up in Dholera, Ahmedabad, after receiving approval from the Central government under the India Semiconductor Mission.

The project will be developed by Crystal Matrix Limited with an investment of nearly ₹3,068 crore. The Company will set up a Gallium Nitride (GaN) based mini/micro-LED display fabrication facility in Dholera. Until now, India has not manufactured such advanced display technologies domestically and has mostly depended on imports from countries like China, South Korea and Taiwan. Now, for the first time, India is moving towards developing such technology domestically. 

What is mini-micro LED technology?

Display technology has become extremely important in today’s world of smartphones, smartwatches, premium televisions, EVs and AR/VR devices. The brighter, more energy-efficient and thinner the screen, the better the user experience is considered. Mini and Micro LED technology is seen as the next generation of display technology. 

Currently, most devices around the world use LCD or OLED screens, but mini/micro LED displays offer higher brightness, greater contrast, lower power consumption, and longer life-cycle. Micro-LED technology in particular is considered extremely important for future devices, as it is ideal for foldable displays, automotive dashboards, augmented reality glasses, and ultra-premium televisions.

In simple terms, till now, India has been a country that mostly buys such screens. Now, this facility to be set up in Dholera can become a major link that takes India from a ‘consumer’ to a ‘producer’.

What is gallium nitride (GaN) and why is it becoming increasingly important?

A key part of this entire project is gallium nitride (GaN) technology. While silicon-based technology is typically used in semiconductor manufacturing, GaN is seen as a next-generation high-performance semiconductor material.

GaN allows faster power transfer, generates less heat and is far more energy-efficient than traditional silicon-based systems. Because of these advantages, its use is rapidly increasing not only in display technology but also in electric vehicles, defence electronics, 5G infrastructure and advanced communication systems.

This means the Dholera project is not just about manufacturing screens. It is also being viewed as India’s entry into the larger compound semiconductor ecosystem, which is expected to play a major role in future global technologies.

According to PIB, the facility will not only manufacture mini and micro LED display modules but will also provide GaN foundry services. Advanced processes like epitaxy on 6-inch wafers will also be carried out at the plant.

A major step towards reducing dependence on China-Taiwan

The world has seen the importance of the semiconductor supply chain closely over the past few years. The Covid-19 pandemic, the US-China trade tensions and rising geopolitical concerns surrounding Taiwan exposed the risks of depending too heavily on a few countries for semiconductors and advanced electronics.

For India, this became an important strategic issue. From smartphones and automobiles to defence systems and communication networks, semiconductors are now essential for almost every major industry.

The mini/micro LED fab unit to be set up in Dholera is being considered as part of the same larger strategy. It simply means that India no longer wants to be just an electronics assembly country, but is also moving towards manufacturing the basic components of future technologies within the country.

What does it have to do with the life of a common man?

Terms like semiconductor or display fabrication often sound highly technical to the average reader, but in reality, this technology is directly related to everyday life. The advanced displays that will be seen in smartphones, smart TVs, electric vehicles, wearable devices and AR/VR products in the coming times are now being prepared to be made in India.

According to the details released by the government, this facility in Dholera will be able to produce 72,000 square meters of mini/micro LED display panels and 24,000 sets of RGB wafers per year. So this is not just a factory, but an industrial capacity that can give India a stronger position in the consumer electronics economy of the next decade. Along with this, thousands of high-tech jobs will be created, and local youth will get new opportunities in the manufacturing sector.

Acceleration for ‘Self-reliant India’

In recent years, slogans like “Make in India” and “Atmanirbhar Bharat” have been repeatedly promoted by the government. But this project in Dholera shows that this vision is now visible on the ground too. Because self-reliance does not come from just assembling imported products, it comes when a country builds its own manufacturing capacity in core technologies.

The Mini/Micro LED Fab Unit at Dholera is an important step in the same direction. This project can give India a new identity in the field of future display technology, compound semiconductors and advanced electronics manufacturing.

For a long time, such advanced technologies were largely associated with countries like the United States, Taiwan, South Korea and China. India is now trying to enter that same global race, and the Dholera project may become one of the clearest symbols of that technological shift.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Gujarati.)

From restoring schools to reopening temples and shops: How the BJP is reclaiming Bengal from TMC’s ‘Jungle Raj’ after its landslide victory in the state 

Shriti Sagar
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From restoring schools to reopening temples and shops: How the BJP is reclaiming Bengal from TMC’s ‘Jungle Raj’ after its landslide victory in the state 

In a historic political shift in West Bengal, BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari took oath as the ninth Chief Minister of the state on Saturday, 9th May, becoming the first Chief Minister from the Bharatiya Janata Party in Bengal’s history. The grand oath-taking ceremony was held at Brigade Parade Ground and witnessed massive crowds, political leaders and supporters gathering to mark the beginning of a new political chapter in the state after more than 15 years of Trinamool Congress rule.

The BJP had secured a massive and historic victory in the Assembly elections on 4th May. Out of 293 constituencies, the BJP won 206 seats, while the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) was reduced to just 81 seats. One of the biggest political shocks came from Bhabanipur, where former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee lost her seat. Just a decade ago, such a political outcome would have seemed impossible in Bengal.

The BJP’s rise in Bengal has been long and gradual. From having zero seats in 2011 to now forming the government in 2026, the party spent years building its organisation at the grassroots level. BJP leaders and workers repeatedly claimed that the people of Bengal were frustrated with the “jungle raj” of the TMC government. 

Now, just days after coming to power, the BJP has begun the process of reclaiming Bengal, from reopening schools and temples to restoring shops and livelihoods taken over by the TMC govt led by Mamata Banerjee.

Reopening of schools in remote villages

The first signs of this reclamation emerged from the remote villages of the state. One of the first such developments after the change in government came from Jharkhali in South 24 Parganas district, where the Aranyaj School, under illegal occupation of local TMC leaders for nearly two years, was finally reopened. Videos from the village showed children and residents unlocking the gates of the school and celebrating its reopening.

The school had originally been started in 2023 by social worker Amrita Bose Gupta as a free English-medium school for poor children. It also worked on women’s empowerment projects. However, according to the school administration, local TMC-linked groups took over the property in July 2024. Since then, the school building reportedly remained shut, depriving children in the area of education.

According to the FIR filed by Amrita Bose Gupta, the attack on the school in 2024 was brutal. She said that TMC goons led by Bishnupur TMC MLA, Dilip Mondal,  entered the campus early in the morning, cut electricity and CCTV wires, dragged people out of their rooms and assaulted women and elderly family members. She also claimed that her young son was attacked and her mother was beaten unconscious while trying to save him.

While talking to OpIndia, the school administration said that books, computers, solar panels, furniture, hostel items and even women’s sanitary napkin production machines were looted. Cash, food grains, uniforms and other materials were also stolen. Despite FIRs and chargesheets, locals claimed that no strong action was taken during the TMC government because the accused enjoyed political protection.

The atmosphere changed after the BJP’s victory. Videos now show villagers cleaning the school premises, hoisting the national flag and preparing to restart classes. Speaking about the reopening, Amrita Bose Gupta said that for the past month she and her team had been receiving death threats but continued campaigning for political change. She said the BJP victory gave them courage to finally reopen the school.

Another similar incident emerged from the Majhipara locality of North 24 Parganas district. Viral videos showed BJP workers breaking the locks of a school building which locals confirmed that it had been converted into a TMC party office and a centre for illegal activities. BJP workers were seen asking children to return to school and assuring villagers that they no longer needed to fear “TMC goons”.

For many BJP supporters, these reopenings are being projected not just as administrative action, but as a symbolic reclaiming of education spaces that they had become victims of political control.

Restoration of puja at temples

The BJP’s reclamation efforts have also extended to the religious and cultural heart of Bengal. In a viral incident from Rampurhat in Birbhum district, BJP leaders reopened the Bhog room of the Sri Sri Radha Govinda Temple, which locals said had been occupied for years and converted into a TMC party office.

Video shared by Banglar Barta Digital News showed BJP workers breaking open locks and removing chairs and banners linked to TMC activities from the temple premises. According to locals, the Bhog room, where prasad for Lord Jagannath used to be prepared, had stopped functioning as a religious space years ago.

Another major moment came from Asansol, where a Durga temple that had remained closed for years reopened soon after the BJP’s victory became clear. BJP MLA Krishnendu Mukherjee had promised before the elections that if elected, he would ensure the reopening of the temple.

On 4th May, after the BJP secured its landslide victory, Mukherjee personally visited the temple, unlocked the gates and performed puja. The temple, maintained by the Sri Sri Durga Mata Charitable Trust, had reportedly remained closed for years due to disputes and administrative restrictions, except during Durga Puja and Lakshmi Puja.

As soon as the gates reopened, large crowds gathered at the temple. BJP supporters celebrated the moment as a sign of political and cultural change in Bengal. For many locals, the reopening was not just about a temple, but about restoring religious spaces that they felt had been neglected or politically controlled during the TMC government.

Social Justice: Returning livelihoods and dignity 

The TMC’s ‘Jungle Raj’ was not limited to the possession of public buildings; it even struck at the very survival of the common man. Across Bengal, stories are emerging of shops and small businesses that were forcibly snatched from those who refused to toe the party line. The BJP has now begun a process of “Social Justice” by returning these livelihoods to the public. 

One such case came from Purba Bardhaman district, where BJP workers helped reopen the shop of former BJP mandal president Binod Patel. According to local reports, the shop had been shut down by former TMC MLA Khokan Das after Patel refused to join the TMC following the 2021 elections.

After reopening the shop, Patel said that the BJP government would ensure that no one in Bengal suffers such political harassment again. Videos from the area showed BJP supporters celebrating the reopening as a moment of justice.

Another emotional case came from Koyra Kadamgachi station area in North 24 Parganas district. According to viral videos circulating online, a BJP worker’s shop had been forcibly taken over by TMC-linked miscreants during the lockdown period and converted into a liquor shop. The BJP worker later passed away, but after the BJP came to power, party workers returned the shop to his family.

In the video, the late worker’s wife, Rina Barui, explained how local TMC workers occupied the shop and kept delaying its return. She said her family repeatedly requested the return of the property, but were told to first support and vote for the TMC. Even after elections, the shop was not returned.

Rina Barui said, “Once the business started doing well, they set their sights on it.” She thanked BJP leader Sajal Ghosh and party workers for finally restoring the shop to her family. The video has now become symbolic for BJP supporters, who say it reflects the suffering faced by many party workers during the previous government.

These incidents are only the beginning of a larger process of reclaiming Bengal from years of fear, political violence and illegal occupation. The new administration faces a mountain of challenges, from recovering stolen school equipment to ensuring that the culprits who enjoyed political protection for fifteen years are finally brought to book. 

From daily riots under SP rule to zero kidnapping-for-ransom cases: How Yogi govt transformed UP’s law and order landscape

Rimmi
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From daily riots under SP rule to zero kidnapping-for-ransom cases: How Yogi govt transformed UP’s law and order landscape

Over the past nine years, the law and order situation in Uttar Pradesh has seen a major transformation. The Yogi Adityanath government’s zero-tolerance policy has made the state riot-free, completely curbing incidents like kidnapping for ransom. The state, which was known as the “riot state” before 2017, has now become an example of peace and security.

On average, 19 riots and 33 kidnappings took place every day under the SP government.

During the SP government, between 2012 and 2017, questions were raised about law and order in the state. According to the NCRB report, on average, approximately 19 riots and 33 kidnappings occurred daily. During this period, more than 25,000 riots occurred, severely damaging the state’s image. Both businessmen and ordinary citizens lived under the threat of extortion.

Yogi government adopted a zero-tolerance policy

After coming to power in 2017, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath announced a strict “zero tolerance” approach towards crime and criminals. Under its zero-tolerance policy, measures such as proactive policing, the use of the Gangster Act, and the confiscation of mafia properties were implemented. As a result, Uttar Pradesh has not seen a single riot in the last nine years. Certain anti-social elements attempted to incite riots, but the government thwarted those plans by taking timely, strict action.

Before minor incidents escalated into violence, reports were filed under anti-riot laws and unruly elements were put behind bars. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has clearly stated on public platforms, “No curfew, no danga, UP mein sab changa.” This policy has established an atmosphere of peace throughout the state.

NCRB report confirms the claims

The NCRB’s 2024 report confirms this change in the state. According to the report, Uttar Pradesh recorded a zero crime rate for kidnapping for ransom. This rate remained zero in 2023 as well. Compared to other states in the country, Uttar Pradesh is in the best position in this regard. As per the data, states like Nagaland recorded a kidnapping-for-ransom crime rate of 0.7, Manipur 0.6, Arunachal Pradesh 0.3 and Meghalaya 0.2, while Uttar Pradesh remained at zero.

There has been no kidnapping for ransom in the state for two years (2023-2024). While businessmen were often abducted and ransomed, such incidents have now completely ceased. The NCRB report clearly states that during the Samajwadi Party (SP) regime, 33 kidnappings were reported daily, but under the Yogi government, this figure has reached zero.

The Yogi government’s record on the crime rate of riots is also noteworthy. According to NCRB data, Uttar Pradesh recorded a riot crime rate of 1.1 in 2024, which is lower than the national average of 2.2. The report mentions that the 1.1 figure in Uttar Pradesh mainly includes cases where attempts to incite violence were quickly controlled, and legal action was taken before situations worsened. This rate was 8.4 in Manipur, 6.4 in Maharashtra, 5.4 in Karnataka, 5.3 in Haryana and 4.7 in Himachal Pradesh.

Yogi government changed the picture of UP

This positive change is the result of the Yogi government’s zero-tolerance policy against crime and criminals, proactive policing, and consistent action against organised crime. By enforcing the Gangster Act, the police have broken the financial backbone of the mafia and seized their assets. The impact of these steps is clearly visible on the ground.

Uttar Pradesh is now not only riot-free but also outperforms the national average in other crime categories. Compared to the time of the Samajwadi Party government, Uttar Pradesh’s image has completely changed. Where riots and kidnappings were common, today a story of peace and development is being written.

The government believes that strict law and order are the foundation of development. These measures, taken under Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, have not only deterred criminals but also increased the sense of security among ordinary citizens. The latest NCRB report bears testimony to this truth.

In this way, the Yogi government has proven that a zero-tolerance policy, combined with the right balance of strictness and sensitivity, can pave the way for a crime-free society. Uttar Pradesh has now become an example for the entire country.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Hindi.)

800-year-old Kakatiya-Era Shiva Temple demolished in Congress-ruled Telangana, case filed after outrage: What the controversy is and why the temple matters historically

Shriti Sagar
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800-year-old Kakatiya-Era Shiva Temple demolished in Congress-ruled Telangana, case filed after outrage: What the controversy is and why the temple matters historically

A controversy has erupted in Telangana after the Congress government demolished an 800-year-old Shiva temple from the Kakatiya period in Warangal district during land-clearing work for a government school project. Following public outrage and complaints from historians, heritage activists and residents, the Union Ministry of Culture and the Archaeology Department have now registered a case over the incident.

The ancient temple was located in Ashok Nagar village, Khanapur Mandal, Warangal district. According to reports, the structure was brought down on Wednesday, 6th May, while authorities were preparing land for the construction of a proposed Young India Integrated Residential School under the state government’s education initiative. Historians believe the temple dates back to the reign of Kakatiya ruler Ganapatideva and is nearly 800 years old.

The demolition has triggered sharp criticism from different quarters, with many accusing the authorities of ignoring Telangana’s rich cultural heritage in the name of development.

Case registered after a complaint to the National Monuments Authority 

The matter took a serious turn after the noted Telangana rights lawyer, Immaneni Rama Rao, filed a complaint with the National Monuments Authority. Following the complaint, both the Union Ministry of Culture and the Archaeology Department registered a case regarding the demolition of the temple.

The complaint sought legal action under Section 30 of the Telangana Heritage Act against officials who allowed the demolition work without taking mandatory approvals from the Archaeology and Endowments Departments. It also accused the state government of not forming the required Heritage Conservation Committee under the law.

According to the complaint, the ancient structure could have been protected or even relocated instead of being demolished completely. The National Monuments Authority is now expected to examine the entire incident and determine whether rules related to heritage conservation were violated.

At the same time, questions are also being raised about the use of heavy machinery at the site. Activists said that the temple was flattened during levelling work carried out for the school project.

Administration denies deliberate demolition 

As the controversy grew, the Warangal district administration issued a clarification after conducting a joint inspection of the site on Wednesday, 6th May. The inspection involved officials from the Revenue Department, Archaeology Department, Telangana State Education Welfare and Infrastructure Development Corporation, and local revenue authorities.

In its response, the administration denied claims of intentional demolition. Officials said the area was heavily covered with thick bushes and trees, and while clearing the vegetation, “remnants of an old dilapidated structure were noticed on the ground.”

The district administration also claimed that “no dismantling activity was carried out by the executing agency.” Officials further said that the land belonged to the government and was not listed as endowment land.

According to the Archaeology Department officials who joined the inspection, the temple structure was “not notified or recorded in the list of protected monuments or archaeological sites.”

However, the explanation has not convinced many historians and activists, who argue that the temple had long been known locally and should have been protected.

Officials promise restoration of the temple 

Following the backlash, Warangal District Collector Dr Satya Sharada and Narsampet MLA Donthi Madhava Reddy visited the site and assured locals that the temple would be reconstructed.

Collector Satya Sharada described ancient monuments as “rare heritage assets” and said the administration would work with historians and archaeology experts to restore the structure.

She said the temple was not officially listed in Archaeology Department records, but because it was believed to belong to the Kakatiya period, steps would now be taken to preserve and reconstruct it.

MLA Donthi Madhava Reddy also defended the project, saying the land had been selected because of its open space and greenery. According to him, officials clearing the site failed to notice the ancient structure earlier.

He assured residents that the Shiva temple would be rebuilt at the same location, along with the proposed school project. He also said an idol of Goddess Saraswati would be installed at the reconstructed shrine.

Historical importance of the temple

The demolished structure was considered historically very important because it contained a rare seven-line Telugu inscription dated February 1231 AD. The inscription referred to Kakatiya ruler Ganapatideva with titles such as “Maharaja” and “Rajadhirajulu,” meaning king of kings.

Historians said the temple stood within the historic “Kota Katta” mud fort zone, an area associated with ancient defensive structures from the Kakatiya era.

According to heritage experts, the temple had already been documented by the Heritage Department as far back as 1965. The structure occupied less than half an acre inside the larger 20 to 30-acre land identified for the school project.

S Haragopal, convener of Kotha Telangana Charithra Brundam, said the temple had valuable stone inscriptions connected to the Kakatiya dynasty. He claimed the granite pillars and inscriptions are now buried under debris after the demolition.

Some reports also suggested that the sanctum sanctorum was dug up during the process, leading to suspicions that there may have been attempts to search for hidden treasure beneath the structure.

Political row intensifies in Telangana

The incident has become a major political controversy in Telangana. Many opposition leaders and heritage protection groups have been criticising the Congress government in connection with the demolition of this historical structure.

District general secretary of the BJP, Rana Pratap Reddy, condemned the incident and demanded the reconstruction of the temple in its original design. He accused the government of demolishing the structure without getting any clearance from the Archaeology Department.

Former BRS MLA Peddi Sudarshan Reddy also criticised the government on the grounds that they have destroyed the cultural heritage of Telangana in the name of developmental works. He further demanded strict action against the contractor involved in the demolition and questioned whether official approvals had been taken before the structure was razed.

Drugged doctor, secret videos, blackmailing and illegal gambling: Multiple FIRs reveal a long criminal history of Bareilly gym owners Akram and Alam Beg

विशेषता
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Drugged doctor, secret videos, blackmailing and illegal gambling: Multiple FIRs reveal a long criminal history of Bareilly gym owners Akram and Alam Beg

The Uttar Pradesh Police recently arrested two brothers, Akram Beg and Alam Beg, in connection with the rape and blackmail of a female doctor. The accused ran a gym called ‘Ultimate’, which was attended by around 80 Hindu women, yet it did not have a female trainer.

Alam Beg tricked the female doctor into drinking a sedative-laced pre-workout drink, claiming that it would help her shed weight. After consuming the drink, the doctor fell unconscious, after which the two brothers took her to a private room. They raped her there and recorded her obscene videos on the cameras installed in the room and their mobile phones. The brothers later blackmailed the doctor using the obscene videos and extorted money from her.

The doctor endured their harassment of the Beg brothers for nearly years before she finally mustered the courage to approach the police, which led to their arrest. The accused are seven siblings, all brothers, and many of them have criminal cases pending against them. Let’s take a look at the criminal acts of the siblings.

October 2024: Two brothers misbehaved with a Hindu woman and sent men after her

In October 2024, a woman filed an FIR against the two brothers. According to the FIR, accessed by OpIndia, the Hindu woman said that Akram and his brother Alam behaved indecently with her, verbally abused her, and threatened to kill her. She said that she was subjected to lewd remarks and inappropriate behaviour at the gym on multiple occasions. The victim said that on one occasion, Alam assaulted her and chased her out of the gym. She also accused the two brothers of sending men after her, harassing and threatening to kill her.

March 2024: Alam Baig enters a woman’s house and attempts to rape her

In May 2024, an FIR was filed against Alam Beg and others. In the FIR, a woman from Bareilly accused Alam of entering her home, attempting to rape her, and threatening to kill her. According to the FIR, which is available with OpIndia, the woman said that Alam Beg alias Chhote Miyan, who is her neighbour, had been sexually harassing her for some time. She added that Alam Beg is an alcoholic and had previously behaved indecently with her. The victim stated that she had informed her husband about this.

The incident mentioned in the FIR happened around 11 pm on March 30, 2024, when she was alone in her room. Alam Beg, who was drunk, entered her room with a knife. He allegedly lay down on her bed and forcibly performed obscene acts with her. He forcibly stripped the victim and attempted to rape her.

The victim said that when she protested and raised an alarm, Alam Beg brandished a knife and threatened to kill her. Seeing Alam waving a knife, the victim’s young children began crying and screaming, after which the accused fled the scene.

When the victim’s husband returned home about half an hour after the incident, she told him the entire incident. Her husband then went to the Alam’s house to confront him. Alam’s brother Mukarram alias Mickey, nephew Raza Khan, and Sohail Ahmed also arrived there.

As per the FIR, Alam and his relatives assaulted and abused the victim and her husband. Furthermore, they threatened to kill the entire family and expel them from the neighbourhood. The victim said that the accused are powerful and have influence in the area.

April 2025: Case filed against Alam Beg and his brothers for running a gambling den

In April 2025, a resident of Bareilly’s Baradari police station area accused Alam Beg and his brothers of running a gambling den, entering his home and assaulting him, and threatening to kill him.

According to a copy of the FIR, available with OpIndia, one Naseem Beg submitted a complaint with the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) alleging that his neighbour, Akmal Beg alias Aua, his brother Alam Beg, Mukarram Beg alias Mikki, and their family members ran a gambling den. The complaint stated that anti-social elements and gamblers regularly gathered in the Gher Jafar Khan, Jhanda Wali Gali, Purana Shehar area.

According to the complaint, a crowd of gamblers and anti-social elements gathered in the area again around 9 pm on April 15, 2025. Naseem Beg called the police. After the police arrived, the gathering was dispersed, but the situation escalated as soon as they left.

Alam Beg, Mukarram Beg alias Mickey, and about 10-12 other gamblers arrived at Naseem Beg’s house and began kicking the gate and threatening him. The complaint states that the accused threatened Naseem, saying, “Today you called the police and stopped the work, now this will happen every day. If you create another obstruction, we will have the entire family killed.”

On the night of April 23, 2025, at around 10:50 p.m., Alam Beg, under the influence of alcohol, along with his cousin Mukarram Beg alias Mikki, and two other accomplices, entered Naseem Beg’s home while Naseem Beg and his wife were present. The accused abused and assaulted them. Alam Beg had a pistol in his hand, which he pointed at Naseem Beg.

Alam Beg threatened to kill Naseem and his wife for complaining to the police to stop his brother, Akmal Beg’s, gambling business. Naseem Beg also stated in his complaint that Mukarram Beg tried to kill him by strangling him.

August 2025: After the case was registered, Alam assaulted his neighbour.

A second FIR was registered against Alam and others on September 8, 2025, relating to the gambling and intimidation case registered in April 2025.

According to a copy of the FIR available with OpIndia, complainant Naseem Beg stated that on August 14, 2025, police officers arrived in his neighbourhood to investigate the gambling case from April 2025. Angered by this, Alam Beg, Uwais, and Ismail entered Naseem’s house the next day, August 15, 2025, at around 12 noon.

After entering Naseem’s house, the accused abused and assaulted him and his wife. Uwais hit Naseem’s head with a sharp weapon, causing his head to bleed.

According to the FIR, the accused then dragged Naseem out of the house, as the entire neighbourhood stood witness to the incident. When Naseem tried to record the acts of the accused on his mobile phone, Alam Baig snatched his mobile phone. The accused took out two SIM cards from the mobile phone.

Naseem Beg said that while leaving, the accused threatened him that if he did not withdraw the case filed earlier, his entire family would be killed.

The FIRs filed against the accused reveal a long, ongoing chain of criminal acts of the accused, involving targeting women, bullying, threats, assault, and creating an atmosphere of fear in the area. The repeated appearance of the same names in complaints filed by different people at different times reveals the long-standing dominance of these jihadists.

The FIR filed by the female doctor alleging rape, blackmail by making obscene videos, and extortion, is the latest in the series of criminal cases filed against the accused. The FIRs against the accused include allegations of indecency with women, attempted rape after trespassing into a home, running a gambling den, threatening with a gun, and assaulting women to withdraw their cases. The fact that about 80 Hindu women visited the ‘Ultimate Gym’ and the absence of any female trainers also raises many questions.

The Police are now faced with the challenge of not just investigating a single case but also finding out whether the criminal acts of the accused were part of a larger network that was systematically targeting women. Currently, the police have arrested Akram Beg and Alam Beg. One can hope that the police will not treat the current case as an isolated incident and will delve deeper into it to expose the network, if any, and bring those involved to book.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Hindi.)

Over 47178 MW of renewable energy production capacity, development of Dholera Special Investment Region and more: How Gujarat is emerging as India’s green energy corridor

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
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Over 47178 MW of renewable energy production capacity, development of Dholera Special Investment Region and more: How Gujarat is emerging as India’s green energy corridor

Renewable energy is now becoming one of the biggest drivers of economic and industrial change across the world. Countries that once depended heavily on oil and gas are rapidly moving towards clean energy because of rising fuel costs, climate concerns, geopolitical tensions and the need for energy security. India is also moving in the same direction, and among all states, Gujarat has emerged as one of the strongest players in this transition.

Today, Gujarat has become the leading state in India in renewable energy capacity. The state currently has around 47,178 MW of renewable energy capacity. This includes nearly 29,303 MW of solar power, 15,642 MW of wind energy, 2,103 MW of hydro power and 130 MW of bio energy. Gujarat is also leading the country in rooftop solar installations, with more than 6,881 MW capacity already installed.

But Gujarat’s renewable energy push is not just about generating electricity. The state is now building an entire green energy ecosystem where power generation, manufacturing, exports, hydrogen, battery storage, semiconductors and future industries are being connected together. This is why the phrase “from Khavda to Dholera” is now being seen as a symbol of India’s new green energy corridor.

Gujarat saw renewable energy as an economic opportunity early

For many years, India’s energy sector has mainly focused on coal and thermal power plants. Renewable energy was treated as an additional source rather than the main driver of growth. Gujarat, however, was among the first states to view solar and wind energy not only as an environmental need but also as a major economic opportunity.

The state already had several natural advantages. Gujarat has a long coastline, strong wind flow in regions like Kutch and Saurashtra, vast empty land, and high solar radiation for most of the year. At the same time, Gujarat already had a strong industrial base and major ports. Instead of limiting renewable energy to electricity production, the state started linking it with industries, exports and future manufacturing.

That thinking slowly shaped a larger model where solar parks, wind corridors, hybrid renewable projects, transmission networks, green hydrogen plans and industrial cities became part of one connected system.

Khavda: India’s biggest green energy hub rising in the desert

One of the biggest examples of Gujarat’s renewable energy strategy can be seen in the Khavda region of Kutch near the Pakistan border. This area was once mainly known for desert land and a sparse population. Today, it is turning into one of the world’s largest renewable energy hubs.

The Khavda hybrid renewable energy park combines both solar and wind power on a massive scale. The geography of the region has become its biggest strength. Large stretches of unused land, strong sunlight throughout the year and powerful wind currents make the region ideal for renewable energy generation.

Although the project is still expanding, a major part of it has already become operational, and thousands of megawatts of electricity are being generated. Its capacity is expected to rise even further in the coming years. Many reports already describe it as one of the largest renewable energy parks in the world.

The importance of Khavda goes beyond just producing electricity. The region is also becoming a testing ground for India’s future energy strategy. Along with energy generation, a large transmission network is being developed so that electricity from Kutch can reach industrial regions and other states efficiently.

This is where the idea of a “green energy corridor” becomes important. Gujarat is not only producing clean energy, but also building the entire chain from generation to industrial use.

Dholera: Building the industrial economy of the future

If Khavda represents energy production, Dholera represents the future industrial economy powered by that energy.

The Dholera Special Investment Region is being developed as one of India’s most ambitious smart industrial city projects. But it is not just about roads, buildings and urban development. The city is being designed around future industries such as semiconductor manufacturing, electric vehicles, battery storage, green hydrogen and advanced manufacturing.

This is where Gujarat’s approach looks very different from the traditional renewable energy model. The state is not satisfied with only producing green electricity. It wants industries of the future to run on that electricity.

The idea is simple: renewable energy generated in regions like Khavda can eventually power industrial hubs like Dholera. On one side, there are giant solar and wind projects, and on the other side, there are semiconductor plants, EV ecosystems, battery manufacturing units and export-focused industries.

This turns renewable energy into an industrial transformation rather than just an energy transformation.

Government policies played a major role

Natural advantages alone did not make Gujarat a renewable energy leader. Long-term policy planning also played a major role.

The state government focused on making large areas of land available for renewable projects, especially in Kutch. Land acquisition is often one of the biggest challenges for solar and wind projects, but Gujarat managed to use its vast open spaces effectively.

The government also invested heavily in transmission infrastructure so the electricity produced could be connected smoothly to the grid. Gujarat additionally pushed for hybrid renewable projects where both solar and wind power are developed together to improve efficiency and stability.

The state also succeeded in attracting major private investment. Large companies like Adani Group, Tata Group and Reliance Industries are investing heavily in Gujarat’s green energy sector.

Rooftop solar is another area where Gujarat moved quickly. Due to policy support and faster implementation, rooftop solar adoption expanded across the state on a large scale.

Ports and exports add another advantage

Gujarat’s ports and industrial corridors have strengthened its renewable energy plans even further. Because of its strong port network, the state is also positioning itself as a future export hub for green hydrogen, ammonia and other clean energy products.

This gives Gujarat an advantage not only in electricity generation but also in global clean energy trade.

As countries across the world shift towards low-carbon economies, industries running on clean energy are becoming more attractive for global supply chains. Gujarat is trying to place itself at the centre of that future market.

Renewable energy is also about energy security

The renewable energy push is not just about climate goals. It is also closely linked to India’s energy security.

India still imports a large share of its oil and gas requirements. Whenever tensions rise in regions like the Middle East, fuel prices increase and directly impact the Indian economy.

This is why large renewable energy ecosystems like the one being developed in Gujarat are strategically important. If India expands solar, wind and green hydrogen capacity significantly, dependence on imported fuel can gradually reduce over time.

At the same time, global industries are increasingly looking for manufacturing supply chains powered by clean energy. In the coming years, industries may not only compete on cost, but also on how green their energy source is.

More than electricity: Jobs, investment and manufacturing

Renewable energy is often seen only as an environmental issue, but Gujarat’s model shows that it can also become a major source of industrial growth, jobs and investment.

Large-scale solar and wind projects create demand for transmission systems, logistics, manufacturing units, maintenance networks and skilled workers. When those projects are connected with sectors like semiconductors, electric vehicles and battery manufacturing, the economic impact becomes much larger.

This is one of the reasons why Dholera is being seen as a major future industrial zone. If green energy-based manufacturing grows successfully there, Gujarat could further strengthen its position on India’s industrial map.

Is Gujarat becoming India’s first green industrial state?

The developments taking place across Gujarat are now raising an important question: Is the state becoming India’s first major green industrial economy?

The answer appears to be yes. Gujarat is trying to connect renewable energy generation, storage, transmission, industry, exports and urban infrastructure into one integrated system.

Massive renewable projects in Khavda, wind corridors across Kutch and Saurashtra, rooftop solar expansion, green hydrogen plans, smart industrial cities like Dholera, and export infrastructure linked to ports together create a much larger picture.

The state is no longer positioning itself only as an electricity producer. Gujarat is trying to become the centre of India’s future green economy.

Gujarat’s changing role in India’s economy

Over the last two decades, Gujarat has repeatedly aligned itself with India’s changing economic priorities. The state was once mainly known for ports, petrochemicals and manufacturing. Later, it became a major automobile and industrial corridor hub.

Now, Gujarat is moving into another phase, becoming a centre for the future energy economy.

The transformation is visible on the ground. Solar panels spread across the deserts of Kutch, wind turbines along the coastline, expanding transmission networks, green hydrogen projects and smart industrial zones together show how the state is reshaping its economic structure.

The most important part of Gujarat’s strategy is that renewable energy is not being treated as a separate sector. Instead, it is being linked with manufacturing, exports, urban development and future technologies.

The bigger picture ahead

The world is currently going through a major energy transition, and Gujarat is trying to prepare itself for that future much earlier than many others.

Clean energy production in Khavda, industrial expansion in Dholera, green hydrogen projects, EV ecosystems, semiconductor plans and export-focused infrastructure together form a larger vision. It is a vision where energy and industrial growth move side by side.

Gujarat’s current model suggests that if geography, policy support, industrial infrastructure and long-term planning work together, a state can go beyond simply producing electricity and become the centre of a wider economic transformation.

As India’s energy and industrial landscape changes in the coming years, Gujarat appears determined to stay at the front of that shift.

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