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Union govt reopens application window for PLI Scheme for ACs and LED lights due to industry appetite to invest more

OpIndia Staff
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Union govt reopens application window for PLI Scheme for ACs and LED lights due to industry appetite to invest more

The Union Government is reopening the application window for the PLI Scheme for White Goods (ACs and LED Lights). A press release issued by the Ministry of Commerce & Industry said that this is being reopened based on the appetite of the industry to invest more under the Scheme. The ministry said that this is an outcome of the growing market and confidence generated due to manufacturing of key components of ACs and LED Lights in India under the PLIWG Scheme.

The application window is being opened on the same terms & conditions stipulated in PLIWG Scheme notified on 16.04.2021 and PLIWG Scheme Guidelines issued on 04.06.2021, as amended from time to time.

The application window for the Scheme shall remain open for the period from 15th September, 2025 to 14th October, 2025 (including both dates) on the PLIWG on-line portal. The ministry said that no application will be accepted after the closure of the application window.

In order to avoid any discrimination, both new applicants as well as existing beneficiaries of PLIWG who propose to invest more by way of switching over to higher target segment or their group companies applying under different target segment would be eligible to apply, subject to fulfilling the eligibility conditions.

So far, 83 applicants with committed investment of Rs 10,406 crore have been selected as beneficiaries under the PLI scheme. The investments will lead to manufacturing of components of Air Conditioners and LED Lights across the complete value chain, including components which are not manufactured in India presently with sufficient quantity.

The Union Cabinet had given approval for the PLI Scheme for White Goods for manufacture of components and sub-assemblies of Air Conditioners (ACs) and LED Lights on 07.04.2021 in pursuance of the clarion call of the Prime Minister Narendra Modi for ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ to bring manufacturing at the centre stage and emphasise its significance in driving India’s growth and creating jobs.

The Scheme is to be implemented over a seven-year period, from FY 2021-22 to FY 2028-29 and has an outlay of ₹ 6,238 crore.

US politician demands more tariffs on India after pressure tactics to curb Russian oil imports fail: Read how Modi govt is standing its ground against Western hegemony

OpIndia Staff
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US politician demands more tariffs on India after pressure tactics to curb Russian oil imports fail: Read how Modi govt is standing its ground against Western hegemony

A senior U.S. politician has demanded tougher tariffs on India after Washington’s earlier attempts to reduce New Delhi’s Russian oil imports fell flat. U.S. Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick, who recently visited New Delhi as part of a high-level delegation, has now called for even tougher tariffs on countries continuing to buy Russian oil.

India, which has continued to import Russian oil to meet the energy needs of its people and refuses to bend to Western hegemony, happens to be a major target of these proposed penalties.

During his trip, Fitzpatrick said Indian refiners were signalling a shift under “sustained U.S. pressure,” but the ground reality shows otherwise. 

Imports of Russian oil into India are actually set to rise in September, according to a report by Reuters. Still, the Republican lawmaker, who chairs the House Intelligence Committee’s CIA Subcommittee, has returned to Washington, calling for further economic action.

Backing his demand, U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham released a lengthy statement supporting President Donald Trump’s push for coordinated tariffs on nations such as China, India, and Brazil. The message was blunt: if New Delhi continues to buy Russian crude, Washington wants to hit back with more tariffs.

A new round of pressure tactics by another US leader

In his statement, Senator Graham praised Trump for “urging America and Europe to impose serious tariffs on China for propping up Putin’s war machine by buying cheap Russian oil and gas.” He added that similar measures should extend to India and Brazil, describing it as “the right approach to bring maximum economic pressure to bear.”

Graham also confirmed that bipartisan lawmakers are pushing for legislation to empower Trump to act decisively. “We will be urging our colleagues, on both sides of the aisle, to join us in advancing this legislation and standing with freedom against tyranny,” he said, suggesting that new sanctions and tariffs could soon become law.

This signals that Washington is preparing for a fresh round of economic coercion. Trump himself has doubled tariffs on Indian imports in recent weeks, and now members of Congress are openly calling for secondary penalties aimed squarely at New Delhi.

Modi government refuses to bend

But despite this sustained pressure campaign, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his government have made it clear that India will not compromise on energy security. Far from scaling back imports, India’s refiners are preparing to increase purchases of 

Russian crude, taking advantage of discounted prices and diversifying its supply lines in the process.

Officials in New Delhi have emphasised that this decision is not about politics but about economics and stability. By sourcing cheaper oil, India has been able to keep inflation in check and shield its 140 crore citizens from the worst of the global energy crisis. The government’s stand reflects a wider principle: India will pursue policies in its own national interest, regardless of Western virtue signalling.

EAM Jaishankar pushes back against criticism

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has been particularly vocal in defending India’s oil imports. Speaking in Moscow on 22nd August, he dismissed accusations that India was undermining global stability. “We are not the biggest purchasers of Russian oil; that is China. We are not the biggest purchasers of LNG; that is the European Union. We are not the country which has the biggest trade surge with Russia after 2022,” he said, adding that it was “perplexing” to see India singled out.

Jaishankar also reminded the international community that India’s oil purchases had in fact stabilised global markets. “We are a country where the Americans have said for the last few years that we should do everything to stabilise the world energy market, including buying oil from Russia. Incidentally, we also buy oil from the U.S., and that amount has increased. So honestly, we are very perplexed at the logic of the argument,” he pointed out.

At another event in late August, the minister delivered a clear message: “If you don’t like it, don’t buy it. But Europe buys, America buys. If you don’t like it, don’t buy from us.” His words struck a chord, highlighting the double standards at play. While Europe continues to import Russian LNG and the U.S. still purchases Russian uranium, India is being pressured to cut ties.

PM Modi’s strong response

Prime Minister Modi has also made his stance clear. “The pressure on us may increase, but we will bear it all.” He emphasised that national interests of farmers, small and medium-scale industries, and common citizens are given priority. For PM Modi, securing affordable energy is not negotiable, and no amount of external pressure can override that.

This confidence is backed by numbers. India is currently importing over a million barrels of Russian crude per day, much of it at a discount compared to global benchmarks. A more recent report by the news agency even said India would get Russian oil at a discounted price, with a barrel of Urals crude reportedly $3–$4 cheaper than Brent. 

Trump’s 50% tariffs on India

The latest remarks by the US congressman comes days after US President Donald Trump‘s 50% tarrifs on Indian imports took effect on August 27. One half of these duties were imposed over India’s oil trade with Russia, which the US officials claim indirectly funds the war in Ukraine.

As Fitzpatrick said that Indian refiners may be mulling reducing Russian oil imports, he said the move was “a consequential shift that directly undermines Moscow’s ability to finance its war in Ukraine”.

Why India continues buying Russian oil

Explaining India’s position further, Jaishankar said that crude oil purchases from Russia not only support India’s domestic needs but also help keep international prices stable. “Yes, it is in our national interest, but it is also in global interest,” he said.

He recently visited Russia for annual bilateral talks, where discussions included expanding trade. Meanwhile, Jaishankar reaffirmed that India’s stand on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is clear-cut. “We desire an early cessation of hostilities,” he mentioned, reiterating that India desires peace while managing its economic interests.

Petroleum Minister Hardeep Puri also emphasised that India has diversified its oil sources, now buying from nearly 40 countries instead of 27 earlier, which gives it flexibility in case of disruptions. This diversification strategy strengthens energy security, making India less vulnerable to geopolitical shocks.

Negotiations with Washington stall

Despite repeated visits and negotiations, U.S. efforts to persuade India have failed. Fitzpatrick’s office claimed that Indian refiners were preparing to scale back Russian imports, but data tells another story. 

According to a report by Reuters, Reliance Industries and Rosneft-backed Nayara Energy are actually preparing to increase their purchases by 10–20% this month. That means an additional 150,000-300,000 barrels per day will be flowing in from Russia.

This directly contradicts Washington’s narrative that pressure tactics are working. Instead, the opposite is happening: India is doubling down. The recent reports also indicate that India is buying Russian oil at discounts, which fortifies its economy but disappoints American lawmakers.

Strengthening relations with Russia and China

India’s strengthening ties with Russia and China are another sign of India’s not bowing down, and PM Modi is standing his ground. Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin solidified connections during their latest meeting at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in China.

The two leaders, hold a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Summit, meeting for the first time after the US imposed 50 per cent tariffs on India over its Russian oil imports.

During his bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Tianjin, China, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also addressed the war in Ukraine and said, “We have been continuously discussing the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. We welcome all the recent efforts for peace. We hope that all parties will move forward constructively. A way has to be found to end the conflict as soon as possible and establish lasting peace. This is the call of the entire humanity.”

“We welcome all the recent efforts for peace,” PM Modi said in the meeting. 

This was not just a symbolic friendship. It was a calculated statement, India will not be bullied out of its choices.

India’s increasing proximity to Russia is also counterbalanced by its engagement in multilateral forums such as BRICS and SCO, where China dominates. For New Delhi, both strategic and economic opportunities are on offer through such platforms, complementing its autonomy from Western pressure.

Double standards exposed

The larger problem lies in the hypocrisy of Western nations. Europe, which still imports massive amounts of Russian LNG, is not penalised. The U.S., which continues buying Russian uranium for its nuclear industry, is not questioned. But India, which has openly explained its position and acted transparently, is singled out for criticism.

In 2022, the European Union paid over $120 billion to Russia for fossil fuels. In the same period, India’s payments were less than half that, around $50 billion. Despite this, Western governments have focused their criticism on New Delhi, ignoring their own continued dependence on Russian energy.

Jaishankar has not missed an opportunity to call out this double standard. “Arguments used to target India have not been applied to China,” he pointed out, adding that many of the same critics were silent when global oil prices spiked in 2022 and India’s Russian purchases helped stabilise markets.

India’s clear message to the world

At the heart of India’s stance is a simple principle: decisions will be made in the national interest. Jaishankar has asserted that New Delhi will not compromise on energy security, time and again. Modi has asserted the same, reiterating that India will not yield to foreign pressure.

The Trump administration’s threats of tariffs and congressional resolutions will likely take up space on Washington’s front pages, but are not about to alter policy in New Delhi. India has demonstrated that it can resist pressure, defend its economy, and remain a player in the global community by appealing for peace and diplomacy in Ukraine.

The latest calls for additional tariffs, led by Congressman Fitzpatrick and supported by Senator Graham, underline Washington’s frustration. Negotiations have failed, tariffs have not worked, and India’s oil imports from Russia are still rising. For the Modi government, this is a matter of sovereignty and survival, cheap oil keeps the economy running and citizens protected from inflation.

What is PFI’s India Vision 2047 document, which has come under spotlight after arrest of its Bihar President Mahboob Alam

OpIndia Staff
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What is PFI’s India Vision 2047 document, which has come under spotlight after arrest of its Bihar President Mahboob Alam

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) arrested the Bihar state president of the banned Islamic fundamentalist organisation Popular Front of India (PFI) on Saturday (14th September). Accused Mahboob Alam alias Mahboob Alam Nadvi has been arrested in connection with the 2022 Phulwarisharif criminal conspiracy case.

Mahboob Alam, who is a resident of the Hasanganj area of district Katihar, Bihar, was arrested in Kishanganj. He is the 19th accused to be arrested and chargesheeted out of the total 26 persons named by the police in the case. The case relates to the involvement of the PFI in anti-national and unlawful activities aimed at creating an atmosphere of terror by spreading religious enmity between members of different religions and groups.

The NIA said that the case is related to activities prejudicial to peace and harmony, and intended to disrupt public tranquillity and cause disaffection against India, justifying the use of criminal force. “Originally filed by local police against 26 suspects, the case involves PFI members in illegal and anti-national acts. These activities aimed to spread fear by fuelling religious hatred between communities, disrupt peace, and create unrest against the country. The group even promoted violence to achieve their goals,” said a statement released by the NIA.

According to the investigation agency, Mahboob Alam and other PFI members were acting on the plan laid down in a secret “vision document” of the Islamic outfit, which was seized by the agency from Ahmad Palace in Phulwarisharif on July 11, 2022. The NIA revealed that Mahboob Alam was found to be a part of the conspiracy linked to the plan. He and the other co-accused were involved in recruitment, training, meetings, and other anti-national activities of the PFI. “He also raised funds and provided the same to co-accused persons and PFI cadres. Investigations in the case under the BNS and UA(P) Act are continuing,” the NIA said.

PFI’s mission for Gazwa-i-Hind by 2047

In July 2022, the Bihar police seized an 8-page document during a crackdown on a secret PFI operation in the state, in which it planned to launch an attack on PM Modi during his visit to Patna. The document titled “India 2047: Towards Rule of Islam in India” contained a detailed plan for the Islamisation of India in the coming years. The PFI circulated the document among its cadre to motivate them to act on the plan that aimed to dominate the ‘coward Hindus’ and subjugate them, a goal which, according to the PFI, would be achievable even with the support of 10% of Muslims.

Furthermore, the document mentioned a conspiracy to launch a full-fledged armed uprising against the Indian State with the help of their trained cadre and with the help of Islamic countries like Turkey. The plan also included appealing to other Islamic nations seeking their help in bringing the Indian state and the majority Hindus ‘to their knees’.

This was followed by two rounds of raids conducted by the NIA at multiple locations, in which the agency seized several incriminating documents and materials from PFI organisations settled in almost 17 Indian states. The documents included a training module to make IEDs and bombs from available domestic material, and also the ‘Vision 2047’ document and a CD, underlining the PFI’s goal of Islamisation of India.

After the discovery of the PFI’s vision document, the central government passed an order banning the radical outfit and its associated or affiliated fronts in September 2022 for a period of 5 years. The government maintained that the organisations operated as unlawful associations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). The affiliations banned along with the PFI include All India Imams Council, Campus Front of India (CFI), Rehab India Foundation, National Confederation of Human Rights Organisation (NCHRO), National Women’s Front, Junior Front, Empower India Foundation, and Rehab Foundation, Kerala. 

Canada: Ontario Court rejects asylum claim of ‘Khalistani’ Pardeep Singh – Read how refugee protections are repeatedly abused using the ‘Khalistan card’

Anurag
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Canada: Ontario Court rejects asylum claim of ‘Khalistani’ Pardeep Singh – Read how refugee protections are repeatedly abused using the ‘Khalistan card’

On 6th September, the Federal Court in Toronto, Ontario rejected the asylum claim of one Pardeep Singh, an Indian citizen who had sought refuge in Canada after his work permit expired in November 2024. According to snippets of court documents shared by a freelance journalist who goes by the handle OnTheNewsBeat on social media platform X, Pardeep Singh entered Canada in February 2023 on a spousal work permit.

He attempted to stay on by filing a refugee claim. However, his application was dismissed as ineligible under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. Notably, he had previously made a refugee claim in Australia between 2014 and 2019. Interestingly, Singh played the infamous ‘Khalistan card’ and claimed possibility of persecution by Indian authorities if he returned to his home country.

The timeline of his case underlines a well-established pattern. After his work permit expired, Singh did not apply for an extension. Instead, he played the ‘Khalistan card’ and filed a refugee claim on 16th November 2024. This was rejected on grounds of prior asylum attempts. In February 2025, he was informed that he could apply for a Pre-Removal Risk Assessment (PRRA).

For those who are unaware, PRRA is a process in Canada that allows certain individuals facing deportation to ask for protection if they believe they would be at risk if sent back to their home country. Through this option, applicants can present new evidence showing they face danger of persecution, torture, risk to life, or cruel and unusual treatment or punishment. The application is then reviewed by immigration officials before the removal. This option cannot be seen as a full asylum process but a last chance safeguard for people about to be deported, which in this case was Pardeep Singh.

After getting information that he was eligible for PRRA, Singh pursued the option only to get his application rejected on 15th August 2025. Ten days later, the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) informed him that he would be deported on 8th September 2025. Singh challenged the decision with an Application for Leave and Judicial Review (ALJR) and sought a deferral of removal. However, his request was denied on 2nd September 2025.

In the judgment, the Federal Court noted that Singh had submitted affidavits and evidence. However, the decision officer placed little weight on those documents. Instead, social media evidence presented by authorities highlighted Singh’s involvement in the Farmers’ Protest in India and his continued support for the Khalistan movement in Canada.

The court specifically observed that Singh’s parents had also provided a joint affidavit in support of his claim. However, the officer found it lacking in substance, noting that it contained no concrete details about the alleged threats or harassment they faced and offered little clarity on the circumstances of their arrests. As a result, the affidavit was given minimal weight, with the focus instead shifting to Singh’s own online activities and public associations.

A familiar modus operandi

The rejection of Singh’s claim brought back a now-familiar tactic. The asylum route has become a convenient alternative for many Punjabi youth who are unable to migrate legally under skilled categories. In doing so, they invoke the infamous ‘Khalistan card’. The strategy works in one of two ways. Some adopt an outward persona of being pro-Khalistan to strengthen their claim of possible persecution in India, while others are genuine sympathisers of the Khalistani separatist ideology and attempt to parlay that into asylum.

The logic is simple. They project themselves as victims of political and religious persecution linked to the Khalistan movement. These individuals expect sympathetic treatment in Western countries that often present themselves as protectors of minorities. While many attempts succeed, like in the case of now-dead Khalistani terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar, Singh’s case shows that not every attempt is successful. Repeated claims in multiple countries, lack of supporting evidence, or exposure of social media activity that confirms more opportunism than persecution can easily undermine the narrative.

The ‘Khalistan card’ and its enablers

The abuse of asylum procedures is not a new phenomenon. In Punjab, there is a cottage industry running around asylum claims. Local agents routinely guide youths on how to build a persecution story including vocabulary to use, organisations abroad to contact and affidavits to support their claim. Lawyers in Canada, the US, Australia, and the UK then take over. They often charge hefty fees to structure these asylum petitions.

This is a two-way problem. On one hand, fraudulent claims are being made to bypass the legal route of staying in a foreign country. On the other hand, actual supporters of the Khalistan movement, most of whom are either proclaimed terrorists or terror-sympathisers, find their way to countries like Canada away from Indian law enforcement agencies. Interestingly, despite having a treaty on the extradition of criminals, Canada has repeatedly rejected India’s requests, especially when it comes to Khalistan supporters.

Social media is filled with youth in Canada, the US, and Australia who openly glorify Khalistani terrorists, promote separatist propaganda, and amplify the rhetoric of groups like Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), a banned terrorist organisation in India. Host countries often provide a shield to these elements despite the security risk to themselves.

The dangers of asylum abuse

In principle, asylum is meant to protect individuals who face genuine threats of persecution, torture, or death in their home countries. It is a humanitarian instrument rooted in international law. However, the system begins to crumble when it is routinely gamed.

Fraudulent claims often clog asylum systems, delaying protection for those who genuinely need it. They also introduce security risks, especially when the asylum narrative is built around extremist ideologies. Canada, for instance, is facing the side-effects of supporting the Khalistani movement. It has ruined diplomatic relations with a friendly country, India. Host societies are left grappling with the unintended consequences, that too on an international level.

Lessons from past patterns

Canada has faced challenges with countless Punjabis seeking asylum over the years claiming possibility of persecution for supposed Khalistan sympathies. In many cases, they succeed. Former Sangrur MP Simranjit Singh Mann even boasted of issuing thousands of letters supporting asylum claims, often in exchange for money. These letters painted applicants as potential victims of state oppression, creating a paper trail to bolster their narratives.

Singh’s case as a cautionary tale

Pardeep Singh’s case is not extraordinary. It follows a predictable script. Arrival on a temporary permit, expiration of legal status, shift to asylum claim, invocation of the Khalistan card and eventual rejection. However, that does not mean the Federal Court has rejected the narrative. In some instances, claims survive because of technical grounds.

For example, Gurcharan Singh (IMM-12706-24), where the matter was remitted for redetermination over oral hearing inconsistencies; Iqbal Singh Dhaliwal (IMM-11033-24), where the Court found a key CBSA dossier overlooked and sent the case back; or Amandeep Singh and Kanwaldeep Kaur (IMM-4214-24), where the Court upheld findings that their Khalistan-based sur place claim was disingenuous and dismissed it. These examples show the narrative remains alive, with outcomes shifting case by case. These decisions came in the past two months in Toronto Federal Court.

In the case of Pardeep Singh, the Canadian authorities underlined his previous asylum claim in Australia and demonstrated that this was not an isolated attempt but part of a pattern. For Singh, the outcome is deportation and his case can very well be used by pro-Khalistani elements to put pressure on policymakers to amend rules that reflect the host country prioritising asylum seekers’ rights.

Conclusion

Pardeep Singh’s failed asylum claim is more than an individual story. As mentioned above, there were three decisions made in just two months on similar grounds. It is a reflection of how the ‘Khalistan card’ has become both a tactic and a liability in global migration politics. By attempting asylum in multiple countries, by leaning on separatist narratives, and by projecting a persona of persecution, such individuals represent a pattern that has become all too familiar.

The tragedy is, while these elements are playing with the system, genuine asylum seekers, those who are facing real threats, find their voices drowned out.

Lashkar-e-Taiba to rebuild Markaz Taiba headquarters destroyed in Operation Sindoor using govt grant and floor relief funds, demolition completed

OpIndia Staff
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Lashkar-e-Taiba to rebuild Markaz Taiba headquarters destroyed in Operation Sindoor using govt grant and floor relief funds, demolition completed

The Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) headquarters in Murdike destroyed by India’s operation Sindoor is being rebuilt using government funds. A report by India Today said that the LeT is using state funds and reliefs given to flood victims to rebuild its Markaz Taiba headquarters.

Markaz Taiba is the ‘alma mater’ and the most important training centre of Lashkar-e-Taiba, located in Nangal Sahdan, Muridke, Sheikhupura, Punjab, Pakistan. Established in 2000, the centre is spread across 82 acres, and is comprises of madrassa, market, residential area for terror entities, sports facility, a fish farm and agricultural tracts.

The complex holds arms and physical trainings facility, as well as for dawa’h and radicalisation/ indoctrination for terror entities both from within Pakistan and abroad. There are separate Sufa education centres for men and women for religious indoctrination of male and female cadres. Several structures in this large complex were destroyed in Operation Sindoor in May this year.

As per the report, the terror group has completed demolition of the structure bombed by Indian forces. Most of the buildings in the complex were destroyed in the missile strikes, and only skeletal remains of the structures were left standing, and were unsafe for use. Therefore, the structure has been demolished to pave way for new construction.

LeT started demolition of Markaz Taiba complex using five JCB machines on August 18, and by August 20, Umm-ul-Qura training complex was partially razed. The structure was completely demolished by 4th September. After that, the heavily damaged accommodation block was fully demolished by 7 September.

At present, the debris from the site is being cleared, and construction of a new structure will begin soon. The group has set a target to complete the new building by February 5, 2026 for the annual Kashmir Solidarity Day convention, a major event for LeT.

Notably, after multiple terror bases were destroyed by India during Operation Sindoor, Pakistan government had promised to rebuilt them, as all the bases are located in public buildings like mosques and health centres. Last month, LeT received initial assistance of PKR 4 crore (₹1.25 crore) from the govt to rebuild the Markaz Taiba, however, the group will need PKR 15 crore (₹4.70 crore) to rebuild the structure to its previous state.

Therefore, the terror group has launched a fundraising campaign, under the grab of seeking help for flood victims. LeT is receiving both online and offline donations under the label ‘Relief for flood victims.’ 

Congress ecosystem’s sinister fantasy of Nepal-style violence in India: A desperate bid to import chaos and anarchy to revive its fading fortunes

Jinit Jain
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Congress ecosystem’s sinister fantasy of Nepal-style violence in India: A desperate bid to import chaos and anarchy to revive its fading fortunes

When history looks back at the decades following India’s independence, one of the most remarkable features of our national journey will be that despite our immense diversity, our frequent political turbulence, and our periodic bursts of social unrest, India has managed to remain a democracy that resolves its contradictions through the ballot box, not the bullet. Unlike our neighbours Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, or Bangladesh, India has, against all odds, consciously resisted the path of violent insurrections. We have faced wars, insurgencies, terrorism, and ideological extremism, but we have never allowed democratic transfer of power to be undermined by mob violence or street revolutions.

It is against this backdrop that the recent moves by the Congress ecosystem, a cocktail of party leaders, social media trolls, partisan journalists, and ideological sympathisers, appear deeply sinister. Having failed to dethrone Prime Minister Narendra Modi in three consecutive Lok Sabha elections (2014, 2019, 2024), and having exhausted the vocabulary of electoral jibes like “Suit Boot ki Sarkar” or “Chowkidar Chor Hai”, Congress now seems to be experimenting with a dangerous, reckless strategy: instigating Indian youth to take up violent protest on the lines of Nepal’s “revolutionary” movements. This is not mere rhetoric. It is an effort to inflame resentment, encourage lawlessness, and potentially push India onto the path of civil war.

Nepal’s Tragic Example: From Protest to Inferno

The glorification of Nepal’s Gen Z protests by Congress ecosystem warriors is not some harmless social media fantasy. Nepal is currently reeling under one of its deadliest political crises in decades. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli was forced to resign after violent protests left 19 young demonstrators dead in brutal clashes. What began as an agitation against corruption quickly descended into unrestrained mob violence.

Oli’s Bhaktapur residence was set ablaze, the homes of former prime ministers Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda” and Sher Bahadur Deuba vandalised, and several ministers were hounded out of office. Protesters stormed the residence of Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba, wife of Sher Bahadur Deuba, physically attacking both in their own home. The violence claimed more lives, 17 killed in Kathmandu, two in Sunsari, and left the capital engulfed in chaos.

Mobs set fire to Nepal’s parliament, Kathmandu’s iconic Hilton Hotel, and several government complexes, including the Singha Darbar, which houses Nepal’s administrative offices. Even the ancient Pashupatinath Temple had to be protected by the Nepalese Army after hooligans attempted to storm it. The wife of former Prime Minister Jhalanath Khanal tragically succumbed to burn injuries after their residence was torched. Ministers were chased through the streets, beaten, and threatened, while Oli himself went into hiding. The army had to take over, enforcing curfews and attempting to restore a semblance of order.

Amidst this anarchy, Nepal’s so-called youth revolutionaries have already split, with some distancing themselves from the arson and destruction. But the damage is done: the Himalayan nation has been pushed into turmoil, its economy devastated, and its political system teetering on collapse. The emergence of rapper-turned-politician Balen Shah and NGO-founder Sudan Gurung as potential successors highlights the vacuum, and the dangers of mob-fuelled politics.

This is the “model” some Congress sympathisers and trolls are glorifying for India.

From electoral failure to dangerous instigation

It is a truth universally acknowledged that the Congress party has been unable to reconcile itself with Modi’s repeated electoral victories. Despite enormous media backing, a vast network of NGOs, international commentary sympathetic to its cause, and an entrenched dynastic leadership, the party has seen its base shrink. Each electoral setback has pushed the party not towards reform or reinvention but towards greater bitterness.

The latest symptom of this desperation is the open flirtation with revolutionary language. When Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate shared a video on X captioned “Their Kids vs Your Kids”, the intent was clear. The video contrasted images of BJP leaders’ children, portrayed as living privileged lives, with visuals of protesting youth being lathi-charged by the police, captioned “Your Kids”.

The design of this propaganda was not subtle; it was crafted to evoke anger, jealousy, and a sense of injustice, pushing young Indians to think that violent rebellion is the only path available. The video was amplified on social media by several Congress leaders and loyal supporters alike.

This was not an isolated episode. Rahul Gandhi’s favourite online troll, Arpit Sharma, has been called out for glorifying violent protests in Nepal and encouraging Indians to imitate them. Arpit Sharma, a popular Congress troll, posted a video on X, heaping praises on the ‘courageous’ young Nepali protestors who marched through the streets of Nepal, vandalising and destroying anything and everything that came in their way.

A starry-eyed Sharma hailed the Nepalese Gen Z for raising their voice against the corruption in their country. However, he lamented that the Indian youth were not courageous enough to organise similar violent demonstrations against the Indian government.

In the video, Sharma went on to suggest ideas, including Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s Vote Chori lie, to the Indian youth to organise Nepal-like violent demonstrations in India. He claimed that 60 crore young voters in India can come together and shake the “power structure” in the country. Sharma’s father, Vikas Sharma, contested the 2022 Uttar Pradesh Assembly Elections on the ticket of AAP. However, he lost the election.

Sharma subsequently deleted the tweet following massive online backlash. But it nevertheless demonstrates how Congress ecosystem warriors have been hankering for violence just because their favourite leader has repeatedly failed electorally in his bid to reach the highest office of the land.

Another prominent troll, @thepeeinghuman, went so far as to suggest “monitoring” the offsprings of Indian politicians — effectively an open call to paint targets on the backs of people whose only ‘fault’ is that their parents belong to a party the troll despises.

Still another influencer, @ms_medusssa, rationalised violence as an inevitable outcome of “systems where justice is inaccessible,” during a video chat with ex-Newslaundry ‘journalist’ Meghnad. When social media handles with significant influence begin to justify violence as natural or necessary, they are not engaging in debate; they are planting landmines in India’s democratic soil.

The hypocrisy on nepotism

The most galling aspect of this campaign is the naked hypocrisy. The Congress ecosystem pretends to be outraged about the “privilege” enjoyed by children of BJP leaders, while maintaining a studied silence on Rahul Gandhi’s dynastic entitlement. Rahul Gandhi is a fifth-generation dynast: From Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, and followed by Rajiv Gandhi — at least four generations before Rahul Gandhi were actively involved in shaping India’s politics in profound manner. No other party in the democratic world clings so desperately to hereditary leadership, and yet Congress supporters do not dare to question this.

Contrast this with the BJP’s leadership, most of whom, including Narendra Modi himself, rose from humble beginnings. Modi was once a tea seller at a railway station; Amit Shah was a booth-level worker in the Jan Sangh-BJP tradition; Nitin Gadkari, Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, all come from ordinary families. Their children may or may not pursue politics, but their political authority is not inherited, it was earned through decades of ground-level struggle. To compare their children’s relative privilege with the masses while ignoring the Gandhi family’s dynastic entitlement is not just dishonest; it is malicious propaganda designed to inflame resentment, anger, and bitterness among people.

Why this is dangerous for India

The reason this strategy is so perilous is not just its dishonesty, but its potential to unravel India’s hard-won stability. The instigation of violent uprisings has consequences far beyond one election cycle. India is today the world’s fastest-growing major economy, a hub of digital innovation, and a leading voice of the Global South. But all of this progress rests on a bedrock of political stability. Investors, industries, entrepreneurs, and global powers trust India because it has shown that, despite noisy democracy and regular political change, it does not descend into chaos.

If the Congress ecosystem succeeds even partially in planting the idea that violent street revolution is a legitimate path to political change, the risks for India are immense. The first and most immediate danger is economic derailment. Investor confidence is notoriously fragile in the face of instability. India’s booming stock market, its steady flow of foreign direct investment, and the momentum behind its manufacturing drive could all collapse if the spectre of mob violence were to dominate headlines. We have already seen how political chaos and street protests triggered an economic freefall in Sri Lanka, and how years of insurgency in Nepal destroyed decades of developmental progress.

The second risk is civil strife. India is home to extraordinary diversity: linguistic, regional, religious, and caste-based. And, it has so far managed to hold this complex mosaic together through democracy and constitutional methods of dispute resolution. But if violent methods were to be normalised, these very fault lines could erupt into a patchwork of civil conflicts. Each grievance group might feel emboldened to justify violence as a tool for its cause, leading to an endless cycle of insurgencies that could make governance nearly impossible.

A third and equally grave danger lies in the precedent set by our region. Every neighbouring country offers a cautionary tale. Pakistan’s repeated coups and jihadist uprisings have kept it perpetually unstable. Nepal’s Maoist revolution, which Congress sympathisers today romanticise, led to years of bloodshed and left the economy permanently scarred. Sri Lanka’s civil war, Myanmar’s military crackdowns, and Bangladesh’s violent street politics all demonstrate how rebellion can set a nation back by decades. India has consciously avoided this trap so far. To now import such a virus would be nothing short of national suicide.

Finally, there is the tragedy of generational loss. India’s youth today have unprecedented opportunities at their fingertips. From startups and global careers to digital platforms and expanding higher education, millions of young Indians are being empowered to dream bigger than ever before. But if the Congress ecosystem succeeds in redirecting this immense energy into street battles and violent confrontations, the result would be catastrophic. An entire generation’s future would be wasted in destruction rather than creation, tearing down what they should instead be building.

The calculated silence on Rahul Gandhi

The hypocrisy comes into full view when we notice what is left unsaid. If Congress-supporting voices are truly outraged about dynastic privilege, why is there no outrage over Rahul Gandhi? Why is there no campaign against Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s dynastic entitlement? Why no mention of the countless Congress MPs, MLAs, and state leaders whose only credential is their parentage?

The truth is that this outrage is not principled but weaponised. “Nepotism” is only condemned when it can be used to provoke anger against BJP leaders. When the exact same phenomenon exists in the Congress fold, it is celebrated as “continuity of legacy.” The aim is not to reform Indian politics, but to destabilise India’s polity.

The long shadow of insurrection

History teaches us that once the genie of violent politics is unleashed, it is nearly impossible to put it back in the bottle. Nepal’s Maoist revolution, celebrated by some Congress supporters today, did not lead to a utopia of justice; it led to decades of killings, instability, and economic stagnation. Pakistan’s repeated flirtations with jihadist violence have left its society fractured and its state perpetually on the brink. Sri Lanka’s civil war took 30 years and countless lives to extinguish. Myanmar is today a humanitarian catastrophe. Bangladesh, too, has seen cycles of violent protests that stunted its democratic development.

India’s miracle has been to avoid this path despite far greater diversity and fault lines. Our democratic culture, our faith in elections, and our ability to resolve disputes through constitutional means have ensured stability. If Congress now tries to erode this culture by instigating youth towards violent confrontation, it will not be Modi who suffers. It will be India itself; its youth, its economy, its unity.

A dangerous gamble with India’s future

At its core, the Congress ecosystem’s flirtation with violent rhetoric is an admission of defeat. Having failed to convince Indian voters electorally, it now dreams of revolution by chaos. But the costs of this gamble are catastrophic. It threatens to derail India’s economic rise, fracture its social fabric, and plunge it into the same cycle of instability that has crippled its neighbours.

India is too big, too diverse, and too important to be sacrificed at the altar of dynastic desperation. The Congress ecosystem must be held accountable for its reckless instigation, its selective outrage, and its silence on its own hypocrisies. The Indian people have repeatedly chosen democracy, progress, and stability. They will not allow a bitter, dynastic party and its ecosystem of trolls to drag them into the abyss of civil war.

The choice before India is clear: stay the course of growth and democratic stability, or surrender to the chaos that Congress seems to romanticise. The people have spoken thrice at the ballot box. It is time Congress heard them or risk being remembered not as a party of governance, but as a party that once dreamt of plunging the country into blood.

PM Modi to inaugurate India’s first bamboo-based ethanol bio-refinery in Assam; read why it is called 2G ethanol and how it differs from 1G, 3G and 4G ethanol

Raju Das
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PM Modi to inaugurate India’s first bamboo-based ethanol bio-refinery in Assam; read why it is called 2G ethanol and how it differs from 1G, 3G and 4G ethanol

India is set to achieve a significant milestone in sustainable energy with the inauguration of the country’s first bamboo-based ethanol plant by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 14th September. Located at Numaligarh in Golaghat district, Assam, this state-of-the-art facility has been established by Numaligarh Refinery Limited (NRL), a subsidiary of the Indian Oil Corporation Limited (IOCL), with 26% of the shares held by the state govt.

The plant has been built with an investment of around Rs 5,000 crore aimed at promoting green energy, enhancing farmer incomes through bamboo cultivation, and reducing dependence on fossil fuels. The plant will be operated by Assam Bio Ethanol Private Limited (ABEPL), a joint venture between Numaligarh Refinery Limited and two Finnish companies, Fortum BV and Chempolis Oy.

The facility is designed to process lignocellulosic biomass, primarily bamboo, into ethanol and other value-added products like bio-chemicals, contributing to the economy. The plant will process around 500,000 tonnes of bamboo annually, and will produce 48,900 tonnes of ethanol, significantly contributing to 20% ethanol blending in petrol.

This is not just an ethanol producing plant, but a bio-refinery which will produce a range of products and byproducts from bamboo. Apart from bio-ethanol to be blended with fossil fuel, the bio-refinery will also produce furfural, a product used in making resins, acetic acid, and valuable by-products such as enzymes, formic acid and food grade carbon dioxide. The residue remaining after extraction of useful products will be used to generate power. The plant will produce 25 megawatts of electricity, of which 20 MW will be used internally, and the rest 5 MW will be supplied to the refinery.

Apart from 48900 MT of ethanol,  the plant will produce 19000 MT of furfural, 11000 MT of acetic acid, and 31000 MT of food grade liquid CO₂ from bamboo.

The plant is also working with IIT Guwahati on a pyrolysis project to produce biochar from bamboo waste.

The refinery will source bamboo directly from around 3,000 farmers across Assam. The north eastern states have abundant supply of bamboo, a fast-growing grass plant. India’s northeastern region is home to over 66% of the country’s bamboo forests. After the closure of paper mills in the region, there is no large-scale use of bamboo, and therefore there will be no shortage of raw material for the bio refinery.

The biorefinery has already demonstrated its technical prowess by successfully producing 99.7% pure bamboo ethanol. This achievement underscores the plant’s readiness for commercial operations and its potential to utilize Assam’s abundant bamboo resources.  

This initiative not only boosts local economies by creating jobs and supporting bamboo farmers but also aligns with India’s commitments to reduce carbon emissions and achieve net-zero goals.

Understanding 1G, 2G, 3G and 4G Ethanol: Key Differences and Why Bamboo Falls Under 2G

Ethanol or ethyl alcohol( C₂H₅OH) is a clear colourless liquid, biodegradable, low in toxins, and causes little environmental pollution if spilled. It is a high-octane energy source and has replaced lead as an octane enhancer in petrol.

The ethanol to be produced in the Numaligarh plant will be 2G ethanol. Notably, commercially produced ethanol is classified into generations, 1G, 2G, and 3G, based on the source of raw materials and the production processes involved. These categories reflect advancements in technology to address sustainability challenges, such as food security and resource efficiency.

First-Generation (1G) Ethanol

1G ethanol is produced from edible crops rich in sugars or starches, such as sugarcane, corn, sugar beet, or grains like wheat and rice. The process is relatively straightforward, the feedstock is crushed or milled to extract sugars, which are then fermented using yeast to produce ethanol. This method has been in commercial use for decades and forms the backbone of India’s current ethanol blending program, primarily sourced from sugarcane molasses.

However, 1G ethanol faces criticism due to the “food vs. fuel” dilemma. Diverting food crops for biofuel production can drive up food prices, strain agricultural land, and compete with human and animal feed needs. Additionally, it relies on fertile arable land and water-intensive crops, limiting scalability in densely populated countries like India.

Second-Generation (2G) Ethanol

2G ethanol addresses the limitations of 1G ethanol by using non-edible lignocellulosic biomass as feedstock. This includes agricultural residues like rice straw, sugarcane bagasse, forestry waste, energy crops like switchgrass, and dedicated plants such as bamboo or miscanthus. Unlike 1G ethanol, 2G ethanol feedstocks do not compete with food production, as they are derived from non-food sources.

The production process for 2G ethanol is more complex and energy-intensive. It involves pretreatment like steam explosion or acid hydrolysis to break down the tough lignocellulosic structure, which comprises cellulose, hemicellulose, and lignin, into fermentable sugars. These sugars are then hydrolysed, fermented, and distilled into ethanol. This requires advanced enzymatic or chemical technologies, making 2G costlier initially but more sustainable in the long term.

The Numaligarh plant is India’s second 2G ethanol plant, and the first to use bamboo. A plant set up by Indian Oil in Haryana’s Panipat to make ethanol from rice straw is the first such 2G ethanol plant in the country. That plant started operations in August 2022. Using rice straw to make ethanol can help in mitigating the stubble burning problem in India.

Bamboo is specifically useful to produce 2G ethanol because bamboo is a fast-growing, lignocellulosic grass that does not require fertile soil or excessive water, thriving in wastelands. It yields high biomass, up to 40 tons per hectare annually, and contains 40-50% cellulose, ideal for ethanol production.

In the Numaligarh plant, bamboo chips are pretreated and converted into ethanol, producing not just fuel but also byproducts like furfural and acetic acid, enhancing economic viability without impacting food security.

Third-Generation (3G) Ethanol

3G ethanol represents the next development in ethanol production, primarily sourced from microalgae or cyanobacteria cultivated in photobioreactors or open ponds. These microorganisms offer superior yields, up to 100 times more than 1G crops per unit area, and can grow in non-arable land, seawater, or wastewater, minimising environmental footprint. The process involves harvesting algae, extracting lipids or carbohydrates, and fermenting them into ethanol.

While 3G ethanol promises higher efficiency and lower land use, it remains largely experimental due to high costs, scalability challenges, and energy demands for cultivation and harvesting. Commercialization is expected in the coming years, but it is not yet widespread like 1G or emerging 2G technologies.

Fourth-Generation (4G) Ethanol

4G ethanol is an emerging concept in biofuel research, that combines advanced biotechnology, synthetic biology, and carbon capture to make fuel in a more sustainable way. It typically involves genetically engineered microorganisms or photosynthetic organisms that can directly convert carbon dioxide, sunlight, or waste gases into ethanol, rather than relying on crop-based feedstocks.

The idea is to create a carbon-neutral or even carbon-negative fuel, reducing greenhouse gas emissions while avoiding land-use conflicts. Though still largely at the research and pilot stage, 4G ethanol represents a future direction where renewable energy, industrial waste recycling, and cutting-edge biotechnology converge to produce cleaner liquid fuels.

Uttar Pradesh: Yogi govt approves construction of 2.5 lakh houses in urban areas, earlier completed rural housing projects in record time

OpIndia Staff
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Uttar Pradesh: Yogi govt approves construction of 2.5 lakh houses in urban areas, earlier completed rural housing projects in record time

In a major development, the Yogi Adityanath-led government in Uttar Pradesh has given a nod to the construction of 2.5 lakh houses in the State under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban) 2.0 for the Financial Year 2025-2026.

An amount of ₹735.94 crores, which includes funds from both the State and the Centre, has been earmarked for the project.

At the same time, the photo and video recording of each newly constructed house and geo tagging has been made mandatory.

The Yogi Adityanath government has given instructions for following the National Building Code and other disaster prevention guidelines during the construction phase.

So far, 2,52,605 houses have been allotted under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban) 2.0 scheme. The Yogi government has built houses in record time (199 days as against the national average of 299 days) under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Rural).

According to reports, between 2016-17 and 2024-25, about 36.34 lakh houses have been built. Under the Mukhya Mantri Awas Yojana (Rural), about 3.51 lakh houses have been completed.

With this milestone, Uttar Pradesh ranks second in the country with 99.37% completion rate. Today, the State ranks first on several parameters such as mason training, social audit, site inspection, land lease to eligible beneficiaries and housing completion.

99.39% of the completed houses have been connected with toilets, 93.31% with electricity, 94.42% with gas and 80.02% with drinking water connections.

Chief Secretary SP Goyal had given instructions to complete the construction of the remaining houses and equipping them with all facilities within given time frame.

Canada offers protection to Khalistani terrorist Inderjeet Gosal, who was involved in the Bramtpon Hindu temple attack, blames India for threat to his life without proof

OpIndia Staff
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Canada offers protection to Khalistani terrorist Inderjeet Gosal, who was involved in the Bramtpon Hindu temple attack, blames India for threat to his life without proof

Continuing to host and support Khalistani elements in Canada, the Canadian authorities recently offered protection to Khalistani terrorist Inderjeet Gosal from an alleged threat to his life.

As per reports, the information was revealed by Gosal during an interview given to Global News on Thursday (11th September). Gosal said that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) officers formally warned him that his life was in imminent danger. Gosal, who believes that Indian hitmen are after his life, claimed that the Canadian police cautioned him last month, saying that he might be killed within weeks.

He said that the police official issued him a duty-to-warn notice again on Monday (8th September) regarding fresh threats to his life. The police official reportedly told Gosal that some hitmen were there to kill him. The Canadian Police reportedly offered him witness protection, which he is said to have refused on the grounds that it would interfere with his activism. “As a result of being the organiser of the Khalistan Referendum, I am facing an imminent threat to my life from the agents and proxies of the government of India,” he said.

Canadian police alleged India’s involvement in attacks on Khalistani elements in Canada

Without disclosing the details of the RCMP’s communication to him, Gosal claimed that the source of the alleged threat to his life originates from the Indian government. “It all stems from them, it all stems from the Indian government. They call the shots,” Gosal claimed. “We know this goes to the top of the chain of the Indian government, and we’re asking the Canadian government, our prime minister, Mark Carney, to take the necessary steps,” he added. Gosal urged the federal government to take immediate action against the alleged operations of Indian diplomats and intelligence agents.

According to reports, the Canadian police started issuing duty-to-warn notices to Khaistani elements regarding alleged threats to their life in 2022. In October 2024, the RCMP linked the incidents of attacks on Khalistani elements in Canada with the Indian government. The Canadian police alleged that the Indian diplomats and consular officials collected information on targets and passed it to the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), which then tasked organised crime members operating in Canada.

Who is Inderjeet Gosal

Inderjeet Gosal is a 36-year-old Khalistani terrorist based in Brampton, Canada. In November 2024, he was arrested by the Canadian police in connection with a violent attack on a Hindu temple in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) in Brampton. He was later released by the Peel Regional Police (PRP), subject to certain conditions.

Gosal was reportedly at the centre of the violent attack carried out by Khalistani terrorists on the Hindu temple. Gosal is the coordinator for the Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), a Khalistani terrorist group banned in India. He is also the principal organiser of the Khalistani campaign in Canada. He succeeded Khalistani terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar, who was killed in 2023. The killing of Nijjar was pinned by the Canadian government on India, without any evidence, which led to strained relations between India and Canada. Gosal is considered the lieutenant of SJF’s general counsel, Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, who is designated a terrorist by India. In a statement given to the Financial Times last year, Gosal said that he was not afraid to die for the establishment of an independent state for Sikhs (Khalistan) in Punjab, India.

The possibility of the revival of India-Canada relations

The India-Canada relations took a downward turn during the previous Trudeau government in Canada, after he accused the Indian government of being involved in the killing of Khalistani terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar, without any evidence. This led to both countries expelling each other’s diplomats. However, after the present Canadian PM Mark Carney, assumed office this year, the relations between the two countries seem to be improving. Unlike his predecessor, Carney has adopted a pragmatic and economy-focused approach in resetting Indo-Canada relations. Even though there has been an apparent shift in Canada’s approach towards India since Carney took charge, the Canadian government has not actively taken any steps to curb Khalistani elements thriving in the country.

ISIS-linked terror module busted by Delhi Police was planning to kill a Mumbai politician and Hindu boys married to Muslim girls across India, reveals investigation

OpIndia Staff
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ISIS-linked terror module busted by Delhi Police was planning to kill a Mumbai politician and Hindu boys married to Muslim girls across India, reveals investigation

A shocking revelation has come to light from the interrogation of members of a pan-India terror module linked to the Islamic State (ISIS). The arrested suspects told Delhi police that their group had planned to kill a well-known politician in Mumbai. Apart from this, they were also targeting Hindu youths across India who had married Muslim girls and wanted to kill them. This disclosure has put security agencies on high alert, as it shows the growing ambitions of the terror network.

Weapons smuggled from Mewat to Delhi

Additional Police Commissioner of Delhi Police Special Cell, Pramod Singh Kushwaha, said that the accused suspected terrorists were increasing the capacity (members) of their module. Module members Aftab Nasir Qureshi and Sufiyan Abubakar were assigned the task of targeting the politician. For this, these people had brought weapons to Delhi. They had brought weapons from Mewat (Nuh) of Haryana to Delhi.

A person had come to Delhi from Mewat to give them weapons. When they were about to leave for Mumbai by train with the weapons, the team of ACP Rahul Vikram and Inspector Vinaypal posted in the Special Cell arrested him and Sufiyan. Pistols and cartridges have been recovered from their possession.

Plot to kill Hindu boys

Investigators also revealed that another arrested accused, Kamran from Madhya Pradesh, had been assigned with the task of killing Hindu boys who had married Muslim girls. The gang’s leader, Danish, had even sourced weapons from Telangana for these operations.

Officials said the ISIS-backed group was deliberately trying to expand its base across India. Danish and his associates had already misled over 80 young men and roped them into their module. These new recruits were being brainwashed and encouraged to join their violent plans.

Delhi police plans counselling

Police officials underlined that terror groups often manipulate and misguide innocent youths in the name of religion. To counter this, Delhi Police runs a programme where such misguided individuals are given counselling and then handed back to their families. Amit Kaushik, Deputy Commissioner of the Special Cell, confirmed that counselling would also be provided to youths connected with this particular module.

While Delhi Police uncovered a direct plan of violence through this ISIS-supported module, another form of radicalisation is spreading across society in a different way. Islamist groups are not only encouraging targeted killings but are also running online propaganda campaigns to control the personal lives of Muslim girls. One such campaign is being widely promoted under the name of the “Bhagwa Love Trap.”

The “Bhagwa love trap” propaganda

Islamist groups are pushing a dangerous propaganda campaign called the “Bhagwa (Saffron) Love Trap.” This campaign falsely paints Hindu boys as predators of Muslim girls and seeks to discourage interfaith friendships and relationships.

Activists behind the campaign have gone as far as sharing personal information of Muslim girls who are in relationships or friendships with Hindu men. These details are posted on social media platforms like X and Instagram, often accompanied by abusive language. Posters and banners have also been put up, urging the Muslim community to “protect the faith” of their girls.

Several disturbing incidents have been reported where Muslim girls were harassed, threatened, or even assaulted simply because they were seen with Hindu boys. In some cases, they were subjected to online abuse and doxing.

Interestingly, many of the claims made under the “Bhagwa Love Trap” banner lack real evidence. The Hindu boys mentioned in these cases did not hide their identities. They were identified through their social media profiles, religious symbols like sacred threads (kalawa), and openly using their real names. This is very different from “love jihad” cases, where Muslim boys have been accused of hiding their religion to deceive Hindu girls.

The real issue seems to be the opposition of radical groups to free relationships between two consenting adults. If Hindu boys and Muslim girls, both over 18, openly choose to meet and form friendships, why should this be treated as a crime?

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