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India’s shifting religious composition: Hindu population declines, Muslim and Christian shares rise in West Bengal and North-Eastern states

Shriti Sagar
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India’s shifting religious composition: Hindu population declines, Muslim and Christian shares rise in West Bengal and North-Eastern states

India has been a country with many kinds of religions. Most here practice Hinduism, but there are large communities who observe Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism and the tribal religions. The population by religion ratio has changed over time. Even though these changes might not be very prominent at the national level, they become extremely clear if we look closely at specific states and districts, especially in West Bengal, Assam, and the other North-eastern states.

The latest in-depth statistics we have available are those from the 2011 Census. It is more than a decade old now, but it continues to give us a solid idea of how the population mix changed between 2001 and 2011.

What changed between 2001 and 2011?

At the national level, the Hindu population came down slightly, from 80.46% in 2001 to 79.8% in 2011. But the Muslim population rose from 13.43% to 14.23%. Even Christians saw a marginal rise in their share. Although these numbers don’t look very large, if you take them district-wise, the story will be different.

The share of the Hindu population declined in 468 out of 640 districts of India. That is over 70% of the total districts. In 227 districts, the dip was even larger than the national average fall of 0.7%. The Muslim population increased in 513 districts, and the Christian population increased in 439 districts.

What is going on in West Bengal?

West Bengal has seen the Muslim population growing steadily and directly. In districts like Murshidabad, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and North and South 24 Parganas, the Muslim population grew at a higher rate than the Hindu population. For this reason, the Hindu share in these districts declined. Even the Hindu population declined by over 1% in some districts, much higher than the national average.

This growth isn’t merely evident in numbers. People who live in these regions have witnessed changes around them in the type of shops that open up, the sounds in the market, school holidays, and even in local politics. It’s the kind of change that builds up gradually, but once it reaches an extreme level, people take notice.

Assam’s border concerns

In Assam too, the share of Muslims increased in most districts, especially the ones which are adjacent to Bangladesh. Dhubri, Barpeta, Goalpara, and Morigaon districts all witnessed a massive increase in Muslim populations. Cross-border movement is thought by most people in Assam to be responsible for the phenomenon.

Though the Census does not ask about immigration or religious conversion directly, residents in Assam have been voicing opposition to illegal migration for years. Political parties, residents, and citizens regularly raise the issue. Demographic change has also been a major origin of the NRC (National Register of Citizens) and other verification campaigns across the state.

Christian population of the Northeast increases rapidly

There is a religious transformation taking place in Northeast India. States of Nagaland, Mizoram, Meghalaya, and Arunachal Pradesh are experiencing a high rise in the Christian population. In fact, in 238 Indian districts, the Christian population increased by more than 50% between 2001 and 2011.

It has been most pronounced in tribal areas, where Christian missionaries have worked for decades. While some call it religious conversion, others call it a spin-off of education, healthcare centres, and welfare schemes by church organisations in far-off lands.

In such states, Christianity’s growth is now not seen as external; it has become indigenous. The majority of the tribal groups now declare themselves to be Christian and practice both their old ways and the new faith.

Economist and member of the Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council, Shamika Ravi, posted on social media a set of maps. They demonstrated how religious dynamics changed in India between 2001 and 2011. One map showed where the Hindu share declined the most, and another showed where the Muslim and Christian populations increased most.

The maps confirmed what residents in these areas had been sensing for years, intuitively, that their immediate population mix was changing.

Why are the changes happening?

There are several reasons why the religious makeup of these wards is changing.

The birth rate is the primary reason because muslims have recorded higher birth rates than Hindus, though this gap has started to narrow in the recent past.

Where Muslims or Christians existed already in significant numbers, their numbers grew more quickly. A slight difference in birth rates makes a big difference in the long term.

Migration and conversion, to which one can lay one of the causes in states like Assam and portions of the Northeast, religious conversion and cross-border migration also affect the indigenous population.

Interestingly, the steepest decline of Hindu share was in constituencies where Hindus were neither the overwhelming majority nor an infinitesimal minority, where the constituency was already a mix. Where Hindus were more than 90% or less than 20%, however, the switch wasn’t as steep. For the Muslims, growth was biggest where they were already in large numbers. And Christian growth was biggest where groups of tribes lived, especially in remote hilly tracts.

These are not sudden changes

It’s also important to mention that these changes didn’t take place overnight. They’ve been happening gradually for years. For example, between 1961 and 2011, the Muslim share of India’s population grew in each decade. Between 1961 and 1971, it rose by 0.5%, and between 1991 and 2001 by 0.8%, and again between 2001 and 2011 by 0.8%.

So the 2001-2011 transitions are not unexpected. They are part of a longer trend that has been accumulating over the last 50 years.

These data matter for a variety of reasons

These population changes matter for a variety of reasons. In a nation like India, where politics, identity, and communal life hinge so much on religion, even modest transitions can produce huge controversies.

In the West Bengal and Assam states, shifting demographics determine local politics, school education, festival management, and land disputes. In tribal areas, the process of converting to Christianity shapes the manner in which individuals identify themselves culturally.

Others are concerned that, if left unabated, the composition of the local population would completely change in a period of about two decades. Others view this as just part of natural expansion in an open nation.

No new information yet

The 2021 Census was expected to provide us with an estimate of such transitions, but it’s been delayed first due to COVID-19, and then due to administrative reasons. So, we are still stuck using 2011 data to get a sense of things.

Until the new data arrives, arguments regarding demographic transitions will have to go on based on old numbers, satellite studies, and surveys such as the one addressed here.

Diversity has been one of the major features of India from day one. But to maintain harmony in such a large and diverse society, monitoring the ways in which this diversity is changing is a must.

Between 2001 and 2011, we saw clear trends, the Hindu proportion of population declined in all districts except a few, while Muslim and Christian proportions increased, especially in West Bengal, Assam, and the Northeast. Transformations always have multiple causes, and these transformations are not new. But they are more visible today, especially in sensitive regions of population composition.

Indian cricket veterans withdraw from playing against Pakistan at World Championship of Legends, match called off: Details

OpIndia Staff
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Indian cricket veterans withdraw from playing against Pakistan at World Championship of Legends, match called off: Details

On Saturday (20th July), the highly anticipated India vs Pakistan cricket match of the World Championship of Legends (WCL) has been called off amid widespread outrage over the match.

According to reports, the decision follows the withdrawal of multiple Indian cricketers, including Harbhajan Singh, Shikhar Dhawan, Suresh Raina, and the Pathan brothers (Yusuf and Irfan). There was massive outrage among the Indian public over the scheduling of the match in the aftermath of the Pakistan-sponsored Pahalgam terrorist attack.

WCL sponsor Easemytrip made a post on X saying, ” EaseMyTrip will not be associated with or participate in any WCL match involving Pakistan. We proudly continue to support the India Champions and stand firmly by our team. However, as a matter of principle, we do not support or promote any match that includes Pakistan. This position was communicated unambiguously to the WCL team from the beginning. EaseMyTrip supports Team India, but will not engage in any match featuring Pakistan”.

What is World Championship of Legends

The WCL is a cricket tournament that features famous retired international stars from various cricketing nations. It is sanctioned by the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB). The 2025 edition runs from 18th July to 2nd August across the four venues in the UK. The participating teams are from India, Pakistan, England, the West Indies, South Africa, and Australia. India is the defending champion, defeating Pakistan in the 2024 final.

Background: The Pahalgam attack and Operation Sindoor

On 22nd April 2025, in a cowardly act, several Pakistani terrorists invaded the Baisaran valley of Pahalgam. They brutally killed 26 Hindus based on their religion. The attack was claimed by The Resistance Front (TRF), an offshoot of the Pakistan-based terrorist organisation Lashkar-e-Taiba.

On 7th May, in response, India launched Operation Sindoor, a fully-fledged cross-border anti terrorist operation, targeting and destroying multiple terror camps in Pakistan via missile strikes.

Why was the match cancelled

The match was cancelled after key Indian players refused to play against Pakistan. Shikhar Dhawan publicly shared an email dated 11th May, 2025, affirming his stance: “My country is everything; nothing is above the nation”

Apart from that, the tournament sponsor EaseMyTrip also declared it would boycott all matches involving Pakistan, emphasising its “Bharat First” policy.

In a viral social media post, Pakistani Captain Shahid Afridi made a derogatory remark on the Pahalgam terror attack. He told the local reporters in Pakistan, “The terrorists continued to kill people in Pahalgam for an hour, and not a single Indian soldier out of 8 lakh showed up. But when they did, they blamed Pakistan, India carries out terrorism itself, kills its own people, and then puts the blame on Pakistan”.

How the Balrampur conversion racket exposes the modus operandi of sexual harassment, blackmail, and a foreign-funded Islamist network in India

Anurag
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How the Balrampur conversion racket exposes the modus operandi of sexual harassment, blackmail, and a foreign-funded Islamist network in India

The Uttar Pradesh Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) has busted a massive Islamic conversion racket operation running from Balrampur district. The racket was being run by a man named Jalaluddin who called himself Chhangur Baba. The racket is one of the largest Islamisation networks uncovered in recent Indian history involving over Rs 100 crores in foreign funding and was not limited to religious conversions. It included blackmail, sexual exploitation, land encroachment and links to criminal foreign intelligence syndicates.

Jalaluddin was running the racket along with his wife and other family members. He was arrested on 5th July from Gomti Nagar. His son, Mehboob, and close aides were arrested in April. He operated under the guise of a Sufi saint near Chand Auliya Dargah and even authored a religious book titled “Shijra-e-Tayyaba” to project himself as a spiritual leader. Interestingly, despite their conversion to Islam, the family maintained Hindu identities in official documents including passports and property records.

Several FIRs have been registered across multiple districts. Reportedly, his network lured at least 40 individuals, mostly Hindu girls, into Islam through coercion, deceit and sexual relationships. Muslim men were paid to take on Hindu identities, lure young Hindu women, and then marry them through nikah ceremonies arranged by Jalaluddin. Many of the victims of his network were minors. The incentive paid to Muslim men to lure Hindu girls was based on the caste of the victim. If the girl lured to convert to Islam was a Brahmin, Sikh, or Kshatriya, the incentive to be paid was Rs 15–16 lakh. Similarly, Rs 10–12 lakhs for OBCs and Rs 8–10 lakh for others.

The ATS recovered a diary that contained over 100 names marked as potential targets. Properties worth crores, showrooms, luxury cars and multiple foreign trips, specifically to Gulf countries, were revealed during the investigation, highlighting the extent of his illicit wealth. The ATS also found that he had travelled abroad over 40 times, while his close associate, Neetu (later converted to Nasreen), made 19 trips to the UAE between 2014 and 2019. However, discrepancies in travel and conversion certificates raised questions about document forgery.

A house of lies – Encroachment and blackmail

Jalaluddin’s Balrampur base was built on deception. The 3-bigha bungalow, which authorities demolished on 8th July, was an illegal structure registered under Nasreen’s name. It housed the converted Rohra family, Ghanshyam (now Jamaluddin), Neetu (Nasreen) and daughter Samale (Sabiha), who had earlier owned the property. The bungalow was not the only illegal property linked to Jalaluddin. A nearby college, hospital and madarsa built on Gram Samaj land were also bulldozed.

The extent of blackmail came to light through the account of a Hindu man named Sanchit who worked as a sweeper at Jalaluddin’s house. He was offered Rs 5 lakh, a house, and a motorcycle to convert. When he refused, he was threatened, falsely implicated in rape charges, and his wife jailed on fabricated grounds.

A network of front organisations and foreign accounts

The conversion racket was not based on ideology alone. It was fuelled by organised financial engineering. Jalaluddin created bogus entities like Aasvi Enterprises, Aasvi Charitable Trust, and Baba Tajuddin Aasvi Boutique to launder foreign funds. These funds were funnelled through at least 40 bank accounts that involved suspicious NEFT transactions and direct international transfers. He even deposited Rs 6 lakh from an Indian bank account into a foreign one.

One of his associates, Idul Islam from Pune, helped in expanding the network in Maharashtra. The ATS identified a Rs 16 crore property in Lonavala registered under an associate, which revealed the scale of interstate operations.

CM Yogi and law enforcement respond

Following the revelation of the racket, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, issued a strong statement. He assured that every illegal asset would be confiscated and the guilty would be punished as per the law. He promised “exemplary punishment”, especially for those who endangered women’s safety and disturbed societal harmony.

The Enforcement Directorate (ED) has now registered a case under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) and joined the ATS and STF in a coordinated multi-agency investigation. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) may soon follow suit.

The deeper malaise – A sample of Islamist nexus in India

The Balrampur racket is not an isolated incident. It is merely a sample of the Islamist conversion nexus operating in India. The model used by Jalaluddin is similar to other known cases, including the infamous Beawar Muslim gang in Rajasthan. Both cases involved the targeting of school-going Hindu girls, caste-based conversion incentives, fake Hindu identities, sexual exploitation, and conversion through deceit.

Further investigations into the network have revealed Jalaluddin’s ties to international Islamist groups, including Saudi Arabia Islamic Development Bank, Dawat-e-Islam, Muslim World League, and the Islamic Union of Nepal. He even collaborated with Christian missionary groups operating along the India-Nepal border, reportedly paying them for data on vulnerable Hindu families. This inter-religious collaboration aimed solely at religious conversion highlights a disturbing new trend.

Reports have revealed that Jalaluddin has links with Pakistan’s ISI, identifying him as part of Mission Aabaad. It is a systematic plan to alter India’s demography through conversion. The presence of caste-based pricing, foreign funding, links to gangsters like Mukhtar Ansari, and document forgery all point to a powerful and well-connected syndicate.

The nexus is not just religious, it is criminal, financial, and political. From benami land deals and forged identity documents to mafia ties and encroachments, it reveals how these networks quietly embed themselves in society and operate with impunity. The complicity or negligence of local authorities allowed this racket to thrive for nearly 15 years.

While bulldozers have razed illegal structures, police have arrested several key accused, and agencies like ED and ATS are tracing the flow of foreign money, it is now clear that India now stares at an uncomfortable reality. Religious conversions have become a multi-crore industry. It is fuelled by international funds, caste-based targeting, sexual blackmail and deep ideological penetration.

The Balrampur conversion racket is not just a case of forced religious change but a chilling exposé of how Islamist syndicates operate in India. From grooming and sexual exploitation of minors to caste-based pricing for conversions, the racket reveals a structured pattern of harassment and blackmail. Backed by Rs 100 crore in foreign funding and aided by forged identities, bogus trusts, and missionary data, the operation reflects a well-oiled machinery designed to alter India’s demography. This case demonstrates how such networks exploit vulnerable populations while evading authorities, reinforcing the need to dismantle every arm of this deep-rooted Islamist nexus.

Implications for national security and communal harmony

As the probe into Jalaluddin’s network gets intense, the inclusion of terrorism-related charges cannot be ruled out. It is clear that there is a connection to foreign intelligence and funding. The evident demographic agenda has made it a serious national security concern. The Balrampur case has reaffirmed that there is a need for strict scrutiny of foreign-funded NGOs, religious trusts, and educational institutions that operate without accountability.

Furthermore, there is a need for cultural introspection. Why are India’s vulnerable communities repeatedly targeted and coerced into leaving their faith? And why have successive governments ignored this pacing undercurrent?

Jalaluddin’s downfall must serve as a warning bell and it has to be understood that this is not the last nexus busted in India. Without structural reform, stronger legislation, and vigilant enforcement, more “Chhangur Babas” will rise while hiding behind saffron names. They will construct illegal empires under the noses of administration, slowly chipping away at India’s social fabric. The conversion racket in Balrampur is no anomaly, it is a blueprint. And it is time the nation took notice.

Aligarh Muslim University: Hindu employee narrates how he is being mocked for wearing tilak, accuses officer Sameer of harassment and religious discrimination

OpIndia Staff
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Aligarh Muslim University: Hindu employee narrates how he is being mocked for wearing tilak, accuses officer Sameer of harassment and religious discrimination

Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in Uttar Pradesh, which often makes headlines for all the wrong reasons, is in the news once again. A Hindu employee at AMU’s Jawaharlal Nehru Medical College has raised the issue of religious discrimination on the university campus.

Ashish Sharma, employed at the purchase section of the college, has accused Assistant Finance Officer Sameer Mursil Khan of harassing him based on his religion. Sharma said that Khan has been harassing him for the past year. He said that Khan taunts him for wearing a Tilak, which is a Hindu religious symbol.

“For over a year now, Sameer Mursil Khan, the Assistant Finance Officer, has been repeatedly harassing me. Sometimes he says, ‘Go back,’ or asks, ‘Who is this tilak-wearing person?’ He even says the tilak is getting bigger day by day. He interferes in our office matters even when I have no orders. He sits and interrupts, telling suppliers what to do when I have no authority over orders,” Sharma told the media on Saturday (19th July).

The victim said that Khan has been threatening him and said, “You do not know about my background. Don’t take me lightly. My father has served as president here.” He said that whenever he goes to Khan’s office to hand over a parcel, he is not allowed to enter. Sharma said that he is fearing for his life because of Khan’s threats. His family are also scared and asking him to leave the job.

Sharma said that he has a right to practice his religion and therefore he has filed a complaint with the university authorities, including the Vice-Chancellor and the Registrar, regarding the harassment and religious discrimination by Khan. He said that, if needed, he would approach the local member of Parliament.

Ashish Sharma has been working at the college for seven years. He said that due to religious discrimination, he has not received his overdue salary appraisal and promotion and unfair restrictions are imposed on him.

Some college student leaders have expressed support for Sharma. AMU Proctor, Professor Wasim Ali, confirmed that the university has received Sharma’s complaint. He said that both parties will be heard and the matter will be amicably resolved.

Rajdeep Sardesai lies about Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj to whitewash Mughal atrocities: When false moral equivalence becomes historical slander

Jinit Jain
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Rajdeep Sardesai lies about Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj to whitewash Mughal atrocities: When false moral equivalence becomes historical slander

In an alarming demonstration of distorting history, India Today journalist Rajdeep Sardesai has once again stirred controversy—this time by misrepresenting the legacy of one of India’s most revered historical icons, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. During a recent episode of ‘Democratic Newsroom’ on India Today, Sardesai appeared so rattled over the latest NCERT textbook revisions initiated by the central government that he didn’t mind employing lies to achieve false moral equivalence between Mughal tyrants and Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.

While the changes in textbooks, among other things, aim to bring more balance and historical accuracy by highlighting the brutalities of Mughal invaders, facts long suppressed or sanitised in earlier educational narratives, it has also veritably triggered a meltdown among leftwing ‘intellectuals’, with Rajdeep’s angry rant perfectly embodying the complete disregard of historical facts concerning Hindu cultural and historical icons among the left echo chamber.

In his attempt to defend the discredited, Mughal-centric version of Indian history, Sardesai launched into a bizarre tirade, drawing false equivalences between the reign of Shivaji Maharaj and that of the Mughals. Sardesai argued that all medieval rulers, including Shivaji, were driven by political compulsions of the times, an oversimplification that serves only one purpose: to blur the civilizational distinction between native guardians of dharma like Shivaji and foreign invaders like Mughals.

But in doing so, Rajdeep went a step too far. He alleged that Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was a dacoit and his army had wreaked havoc during raids on Bengal. This is not just factually incorrect; it is a blatant lie.

The truth: Shivaji never invaded Bengal

Historical records, including those by both Indian and foreign chroniclers, unanimously state that Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj never invaded Bengal, nor did his army conduct raids in that region. Shivaji’s military campaigns were primarily focused on liberating large parts of the Deccan and western India from Mughal and Sultanate control. His resistance was largely confined to the oppressive regimes of Bijapur, Golconda, and especially the Mughals under Aurangzeb.

If there is no credible record of Maratha activity in Bengal during Shivaji’s time, what then was the basis of Rajdeep Sardesai’s claim? None. It appears to be a calculated fabrication aimed at manufacturing moral equivalence between Hindu warrior kings and Islamic invaders whose campaigns were drenched in blood, temple destruction, and forced conversions.

A false equivalence meant to whitewash Mughal crimes

By drawing such false comparisons, Rajdeep is not merely misinforming the public; he is engaged in a subtle but dangerous propaganda effort to trivialise the genocidal violence committed by the Mughals against Hindus and other non-Muslims. Unlike Shivaji, whose campaigns were focused on defensive warfare, protection of the native population, and establishing Hindavi Swarajya (self-rule), the Mughals, especially Aurangzeb, were driven by an explicitly Islamic supremacist fantasy of turning India into an Islamic nation. Temples were occupied, razed, women were abducted and put into harems, and Hindus were taxed, converted, or killed.

There is no recorded instance where Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s forces indulged in mass rape, temple desecration, or religious persecution. In fact, he was known for his chivalry, especially toward women, and often went out of his way to protect the honour of those captured during warfare, a code of ethics absent from the Mughal playbook.

Political bias masquerading as journalism

This episode raises uncomfortable questions about the ideological lens through which certain sections of Indian media view history. Rajdeep Sardesai’s remarks were not rooted in ignorance, but were entrenched in clear intent to undermine nationalist historical consciousness, which is gaining ground through textbook corrections and contemporary public discourse where questions are raised over celebrations of Mughal tyrants and maintaining tombs commemorating them.

However, Rajdeep’s statements on Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj is symbolic of a larger pattern: an entrenched elite class that views native Indian rulers with contempt while romanticising Muslim invaders, rationalising their atrocities as the “order of the day”, and drawing false moral equivalences and lies to buttress their contentions. This intellectual dishonesty is not only disrespectful to historical truth but also an affront to national sentiment.

History must be respected, not manipulated

As India reclaims its civilisational narrative and corrects decades of systematic historical distortion perpetrated by Nehruvian Marxists, public intellectuals and journalists must act responsibly. Criticism of government policies is welcome in a democracy, but spreading outright lies about national heroes like Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj crosses all lines of journalistic ethics, which some ‘journalists’ seem to have abandoned, especially after Modi came to power for the third term in 2024.

Rajdeep Sardesai owes an apology, not just to the people of Maharashtra, but to all Indians who take pride in their history and heroes. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was not just a king; he was a symbol of resistance against tyranny, a guardian of dharma, and a beacon of just rule. Any attempt to stain his legacy with falsehoods and slanderous allegations must be exposed, condemned, and corrected.

Bihar ADG Kundan Krishnan issues apology for claiming that farmers become contract killers when they have no work, says ‘didn’t mean to hurt anyone’

ANI
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Bihar ADG Kundan Krishnan issues apology for claiming that farmers become contract killers when they have no work, says ‘didn’t mean to hurt anyone’

Bihar’s Additional Director General (ADG) of Police, Kundan Krishnan, issued a public apology on Saturday after his earlier remarks linking the rise in murders to the lack of farm work before the monsoon.

In a fresh statement, Krishnan clarified that his comments were misinterpreted and not aimed at disrespecting farmers. The controversy erupted following his recent press briefing in which he claimed that the surge in murders in Bihar could be attributed to idleness caused by the gap in agricultural work before the monsoon.

Addressing the issue, Krishnan said, “In the earlier press conference…a part of the speech given by me was presented in detail. There has been a controversy over this.”

“The speech given by me did not mean that the farmers of our country, our forefathers, had anything to do with any criminal incidents. In fact, they have always been and will always be worthy of our respect,” he added.

Krishnan also shared his personal connection to farming, saying, “My forefathers were also farmers, and I have a deep connection with my village and the agricultural society. Behind every criminal incident, there are only criminals and they have no caste or religion.”

He later added, “I have a lot of respect for the farmers, but still, if my speech has hurt anyone, then I am sorry for that and I apologise for that.”

Earlier in the day, lashing out at ADG’s statement, Union Minister Chirag Paswan said that the statement was “pointless”, further stating that speaking this way about the providers of food was wrong.

Speaking to ANI, Paswan stated that instead of blaming farmers, the administration must take responsibility and fulfil its duties rather than washing its hands clean.

“Such statements are pointless. This kind of comment seems like an attempt to sweep things under the rug. Speaking in this manner about the providers of food (farmers) is incorrect. The administration must take responsibility and fulfil its duties. You can’t wash your hands clean by simply saying, Farmers are committing crimes, If crime is happening, that’s worrying. It demands your attention and accountability,” Paswan told ANI.

Paswan said that even if a single incident of crime happens, it was the responsibility of the state government.

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

ISIS-style conversion racket busted: UP Police exposes pan-India Islamic radicalization syndicate; 10 accused linked to PFI, SDPI arrested

OpIndia Staff
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ISIS-style conversion racket busted: UP Police exposes pan-India Islamic radicalization syndicate; 10 accused linked to PFI, SDPI arrested

In a major nationwide crackdown under the Yogi Adityanath-led Mission Asmita initiative, the Uttar Pradesh Anti-Terror Squad (ATS) has busted a large-scale Islamic religious conversion and radicalisation syndicate that operated with tactics mirroring those of the ISIS. The racket, which spanned across six Indian states, involved terror funding through the dark web and targeted vulnerable Hindu women and minors through coercion, deception, and ‘love jihad’.

The operation led to the arrest of ten individuals from Delhi, Goa, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, and Uttar Pradesh.

The arrests come close on the heels of another major bust in Balrampur earlier this month, where Jalaluddin alias Chhangur Baba was nabbed for spearheading a foreign-funded conversion racket involving over ₹100 crore in remittances and incentives for mass conversions.

AK-47, Love Jihad, and ISIS-style tactics

The current investigation began in Agra in March after two sisters, aged 33 and 18, went missing. The case soon snowballed into the exposure of a pan-India jihadi network. According to Agra Police Commissioner Deepak Kumar, one of the sisters had even uploaded a social media profile photo of a girl holding an AK-47, signalling links to terror ideologies. The police suspect that she was radicalised online and recruited into an ISIS-inspired module targeting minor girls.

The network is believed to have channeled funds through illegal routes including the dark web, with financial trails traced to Canada, the United States, London, and Dubai.

“Their methods — coercion, grooming, love jihad, and brainwashing — bear the unmistakable signature of ISIS,” said Uttar Pradesh DGP Rajeev Krishna, adding that several of the accused were linked to banned Islamist outfits such as the Popular Front of India (PFI) and the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI).

Accused operated in multiple states

The 10 accused arrested by the Agra Police from Delhi, Goa, West Bengal, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, have been identified as Aisha alias S.B. Krishna (Kolkata, West Bengal), Osama (Kolkata, West Bengal), Rehman Qureshi (Agra, UP), Abbu Tariq (Muzaffarnagar, UP), Abdur Rehman (Dehradun, Uttarakhand), Mohammad Ali (Jaipur, Rajasthan), Junaid Qureshi (Jaipur Rajasthan), Mustafa alias Manoj (Delhi), and Mohammad Ali (Jaipur, Rajasthan).

Accused arrested in Islamic conversion racket

They face charges under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (Sections 87, 111(3), and 111(4)) and the UP Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021.

Accused arrested in Islamic conversion racket
Accused arrested in Islamic conversion racket

Foreign funding, ISI, and Christian Missionary links

Earlier this month, in a separate yet connected case, Jalaluddin alias Chhangur Baba was arrested in Balrampur for running an elaborate conversion racket funded by over ₹100 crore from Gulf countries. His network provided caste-based incentives to Muslim men who managed to convert Hindu women. Investigations also revealed his links to Pakistan’s ISI and local Christian missionary groups operating in Uttar Pradesh.

Mission Asmita: Coordinated crackdown on conversion syndicates

The entire operation is part of Mission Asmita, a state-wide campaign initiated by the UP Government to eliminate threats to national security stemming from foreign-funded religious conversions, radicalisation, and communal subversion.

As DGP Krishna confirmed, coordination with national agencies is ongoing, and custodial remand for the accused will be sought to unravel the full scope of the conspiracy. Specialised agencies including the ATS and STF have been roped in due to the terror-linked nature of the case.

Trump admin escalates tensions with Brazil, revokes visa of Supreme Court Judge for ordering ankle monitor, house arrest & other restrictions on ex-president Bolsonaro

ANI
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Trump admin escalates tensions with Brazil, revokes visa of Supreme Court Judge for ordering ankle monitor, house arrest & other restrictions on ex-president Bolsonaro

The U.S. on Friday revoked the visa of Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, overseeing the case against former president Jair Bolsonaro, in a sharp escalation of tensions between the two nations, The Washington Post reported.

The move follows Moraes’s order restricting Bolsonaro–mandating an ankle monitor, barring foreign contacts, and house arrest outside daylight hours–after accusations of seeking U.S. support to destabilize Brazil, The Washington Post said. Justice Moraes also barred Bolsonaro from contacting foreign governments and individuals under investigation, intensifying the scrutiny around Brazil’s judicial handling of his case.

U.S. Secretary of State and current President Trump asserted that the visa revocation was a response to what he described as a “political witch hunt” against Bolsonaro, alleging it violated basic rights and overreached beyond Brazil’s borders, according to The Washington Post. The sanctions reportedly also extend to Moraes’s allies and their immediate families.

The unprecedented diplomatic spat comes amid a wider rift involving trade tensions. On July 9, President Trump imposed a 50 percent tariff on Brazilian imports, citing concerns over free speech suppression under Moraes’s leadership, The Washington Post highlighted.

Moraes’s campaign against online misinformation–including the takedown of over a hundred social media accounts–has sparked criticism from Bolsonaro supporters who claim the judge wields the Supreme Court as a tool for political persecution, The Washington Post added. The judge accuses Bolsonaro and his son, Congressman Eduardo, of conspiring with foreign powers to intimidate Brazil’s judiciary, a charge Eduardo described as a continuation of a pattern of authoritarian behavior.

Legal analysts expressed skepticism about the U.S. invoking the Magnitsky Act–a sanction tool targeting human rights abuses–in this context, calling its use against Moraes questionable, The Washington Post reported. Despite the brewing confrontation, it remains unclear how many foreign nations Moraes visits or whether the visa revocation will significantly impact him personally.

Tensions continue as both countries dig in. Bolsonaro and his supporters have amplified their efforts to seek further U.S. intervention, including sanctions under the Magnitsky framework. Meanwhile, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has condemned Bolsonaro’s allies domestically, calling them traitors to national interests.

The dispute underscores deepening discord between Brazil and its longstanding ally, the U.S., with political, trade and judicial disagreements showing little sign of resolution.

(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)

First Balasore self-immolation, now Greater Noida suicide: Why do we need such tragedies to wake us up to the problem of harassment of students

Chandrani Das
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First Balasore self-immolation, now Greater Noida suicide: Why do we need such tragedies to wake us up to the problem of harassment of students

Jyoti Sharma, a second-year student from Sharda University in Greater Noida, pursuing BDS, died by suicide in her hostel room. She passed away on July 18, Friday, reportedly after writing a suicide note. The note accuses two professors and the university administration of mental harassment. The two staff members, Mahinder and Shairy, have been arrested so far.

In the suicide letter, she wrote that she had been mentally harassed and humiliated for a long time, which caused her significant distress. She expressed her desire for the accused to face legal action. She held the teachers of PCP and Dental Materials responsible for her death.

The note reads, “They mentally harassed me. They humiliated me. I have been under stress because of them for a long time. I want them to face the same thing. I am sorry. I can’t live like this anymore. I can’t…”

Shortly after the incident came to light, students gathered and protested against the university administration, alleging negligence. They claimed Jyoti had been under immense stress due to accusations of forging signatures. A minor scuffle broke out between the protesters and the police, while the family of the deceased was seen manhandling the head of the dentistry department.

The incident occurred on Friday night, and a case has been filed at the Knowledge Park Police Station in Gautam Buddha Nagar. “The woman’s body has been sent for post-mortem, and two staff members of the university have been arrested on the basis of a complaint filed by the victim’s family,” said Additional DCP of Greater Noida, Sudhir Kumar.

He added that tension had escalated due to the anger among the deceased’s family and university students towards the administration. The anger and scuffle were defused by the police through dialogue, and peace was restored at the scene. Further legal proceedings are underway.

Dr. Ajit Kumar, the university’s Public Relations Officer, confirmed that two faculty members have been suspended. “For now, two teachers have been suspended. A committee has also been formed to investigate the matter. Action will be taken against those found guilty based on the committee’s report,” he stated.

This is not an isolated case of a student taking her life due to harassment. A similar incident took place in Odisha’s Balasore shocking self-immolation case on July 12. A 20-year-old girl set herself on fire, allegedly after enduring sexual harassment by the head of her college department. She suffered 90 percent burns and later succumbed to her injuries at AIIMS Bhubaneswar on July 14.

These brutal incidents show no discrimination based on gender or age. This was evident in the tragic case of a teenager from The Global Public School in Kerala who ended his life after reportedly being bullied, assaulted, and harassed by his schoolmates.

According to the teenager’s mother, on January 15, he was forcibly taken to the toilet and made to lick the seat; his head was then pushed into the toilet while it was flushed. He was also bullied for his skin tone. The relentless harassment severely affected his mental health, ultimately driving him to end his life by jumping from the 26th floor of their apartment building.

On April 30, 2023, a 16-year-old boy died by suicide after allegedly being mentally abused by his principal and faculty members. He purportedly left a suicide note in which he apologized to his parents and elder brothers and urged serious action against those who had harassed him. The boy allegedly died by suicide in Telangana, with his family accusing the college management and certain members of the teaching staff of harassment and holding them responsible for his death, police reported. The student, in his first year of intermediate studies at a private college in Narsingi, Telangana, was found hanging in a classroom by his friends on Tuesday night, April 30.

All these incidents reflect one painful similarity: before taking their own lives, the victims tried to express what they were going through and, in the end, wrote in their suicide notes.  Instead of receiving empathy and support from those around them when they spoke up about harassment in educational institutions, their voices were often ignored. Their stories must be heard, and their grievances must be addressed before blaming the victim. Continued ignorance will only lead to more such tragedies unless educational institutions actively work towards providing safe, empathetic, and responsive environments for students.

Assam govt cracks down on illegal encroachment, ‘rattled’ Mamata Banerjee claims persecution of Bengalis, Himanta Biswa Sarma slams appeasement politics of TMC supremo

OpIndia Staff
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Assam govt cracks down on illegal encroachment, ‘rattled’ Mamata Banerjee claims persecution of Bengalis, Himanta Biswa Sarma slams appeasement politics of TMC supremo

On Saturday (19th June), a war of words ensued between West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma over the latter’s crackdown on illegal encroachment in his State.

For the unversed, the Himanta government is actively carrying out anti-encroachment drives in Assam to remove squatters from government-owned land.

This includes freeing large forests and village grazing areas, which have been illegally occupied by encroachers (many of whom are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh).

In a tweet on Saturday (19th June), West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee falsely claimed that the anti-encroachment drive was aimed at Bengali population.

“The second most spoken language in the country, Bangla, is also the second most spoken language of Assam. To threaten citizens, who want to coexist peacefully respecting all languages and religions, with persecution for upholding their own mother tongue is discriminatory and unconstitutional,” she claimed.

“This divisive agenda of the BJP in Assam has crossed all limits and people of Assam will fight back. I stand with every fearless citizen who is fighting for the dignity of their language and identity, and their democratic rights,” Mamata Banerjee further added.

Ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Vidhan Sabha elections, Mamata Banerjee is eyeing to consolidate the Bengali Hindu vote bank in the State by presenting the TMC government as the ‘messiah’ of Bengalis living across the country.

Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma lashed out at Mamata Banerjee for misleading people and conflating action against illegal encroachment as action against Bengalis.

“Didi, let me remind you— In Assam, we are not fighting our own people. We are fearlessly resisting the ongoing, unchecked Muslim infiltration from across the border, which has already caused an alarming demographic shift,” he highlighted the menace of illegal immigration.

“And yet, when we rise to defend our land, culture, and identity, you choose to politicise it. We do not divide people by language or religion. Assamese, Bangla, Bodo, Hindi—all languages and communities have coexisted here. But no civilisation can survive if it refuses to protect its borders and its cultural foundation,” he added.

“While we are acting decisively to preserve Assam’s identity, you, Didi, have compromised Bengal’s future—encouraging illegal encroachment by a particular community ,appeasing one religious community for vote banks, and remaining silent as border infiltration eats away at national integrity—all just to stay in power. Assam will continue to fight to preserve its heritage, its dignity, and its people—with courage and constitutional clarity,” Himanta Biswa Sarma emphasised.

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