Lady Don of Seelampur, Delhi, Zikra, who was arrested in the murder case of Hindu boy Kunal, is now trying to escape responsibility in the murder. She has denied any involvement in the murder. Zikra claims that she is being falsely implicated. Meanwhile, the court has now sent her to 14 days of judicial custody.
While being taken to court, the dreaded don said, “I did not kill Kunal. I am being unnecessarily implicated.” Zikra’s brother Sahil has also been sent to two days of police remand. The police will now question Sahil about Kunal’s murder. Sahil is the main accused in this murder.
#WATCH | Delhi's Seelampur Murder Case | "I did not kill Kunal. I am being framed unnecessarily," says 'Lady don' Zikra, who was arrested by Delhi Police in connection with the murder of a 17-year-old boy in Delhi's Seelampur area pic.twitter.com/JLthIJxGL8
Delhi Police has so far arrested nine people, including two minors, in connection with Hindu youth Kunal’s murder in Seelampur area of Delhi. Those detained include 18-year-old Sahil, who has been identified as the main accused. Officials revealed that several suspects were trying to flee to Nepal via Uttarakhand but were nabbed at the border.
After Zikra’s denial and the arrest of nine people in the case, the police have now started further investigation to unearth the real motive behind the murder and the full truth about Zikra’s involvement. It is also known that Zikra has a two-year-old child and she reportedly lives separately from her husband.
She was earlier arrested under the Arms Act for posting a video on social media brandishing a weapon. It is worth noting that on April 16, 2025, Kunal, who had gone out of the house to get milk, was stabbed to death. After this, there were many protests in Seelampur against the brutal murder.
People had said that it is difficult for Hindus to live here. Now investigation and action is going on in this matter. During police interrogation, Zikra had told that her brother Sahil was attacked during Diwali. Kunal was murdered to avenge this attack.
Lauding the “deep connection” between the United States and India, US Vice President JD Vance on Tuesday said he is amazed by the richness of India’s history and tradition and the country’s “laser-like focus on the future”.
Speaking at an event in Jaipur on the second day of his visit to India, the US Vice President spoke of the growth in bilateral ties across a range of sectors, including energy, and said, “American energy can help realise India’s nuclear power production goals.”
He said like President Donald Trump, Prime Minister Narendra Modi inspires “remarkable loyalty because of the strength of his belief in his people and in his country”.
“In the United States, we’re proud of the deep connection between our nations, between India and the United States. Prime Minister Modi, as most of you probably know, was one of the first visitors welcomed into the Oval Office during President trump’s second term…we’re so grateful for Prime Minister Modi’s hospitality as well as the reception that he and everyone else in this country have given us on this first trip for me to India,” he said.
Vance also shared his personal connection with India. “This is my first time visiting the birthplace of my wife’s parents,” he said. Vance, who arrived in Delhi on Monday, is on a four-day visit to India.
PM Modi on Monday evening met US Vice President, who was accompanied by the Second Lady Usha Vance, their children, and senior members of the US Administration. Vance and his family also visited the Akshardham Temple and Cottage Emporium earlier in the day.
In his speech, JD Vance recalled meeting with PM Modi. “Prime Minister Modi welcomed me. Usha and our three small children at his beautiful home. I’ve been amazed by the ancient beauty of the architecture of India, by the richness of India’s history and traditions, but also by India’s laser-like focus on the future. I think this appreciation for history and tradition and this focus on the future is very much something that, I think, animates this country in 2025,” he said.
Earlier in the day, the Vance family visited Amber Fort in Jaipur and received a warm welcome.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
What is a leftist rhetoric if it is not seeped in hypocrisy? The Indian leftist media rages against people or institutions when it suits their agenda, but slanders others for daring to criticise the same entities, that too, on valid grounds. Several left-liberal propaganda outlets, including The Wire, The Leaflet, and a rather mainstream one—Times of India—have launched an ad hominem attack on Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar over his recent criticism of the judiciary regarding the Supreme Court wielding Article 142 as “nuclear missile against democratic forces”.
Addressing the valedictory function of the 6th Rajya Sabha Internship Program, Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar harshly criticised the recent Supreme Court verdict regarding the powers of the Governor and the President under Articles 200 and 201 of the Constitution. In the Judgment passed on 8th April, a division bench of the Supreme Court set a time limit, not envisaged in the Constitution, on the exercise of power to grant or refuse assent to a state Bill by the President and the Governor. The Supreme Court prescribed a deadline of 3 months on the President’s power to grant or refuse assent to a Bill reserved by the Governor for his consideration.
VP Dhankhar questioned the Supreme Court for issuing a direction to the President of India. He reminded the Supreme Court that its power is limited to interpreting the Constitution. “We cannot have a situation where you direct the President of India, and on what basis? The only right you have under the Constitution is to interpret the Constitution under Article 145(3). The President is called upon to decide in a time-bound manner, and if not, it becomes law. So we have judges who will legislate, who will perform executive functions, who will act as super-parliament, and absolutely have no accountability because the law of the land does not apply to them,” said the Vice President.
The Vice President further pointed out that the judgment, which had the effect of modifying the concerned provisions, was delivered by a bench of two judges, which did not represent the majority of the total number of judges in the Supreme Court.
“When Article 145(3) was there, the number of judges in the Supreme Court was eight, 5 out of 8, now 5 out of 30 and odd. But forget about it, the judges who issued a mandamus virtually to the President and presented a scenario that it will be the law of the land, have forgotten the power of the Constitution. How can that combination of judges deal with something under Article 145(3) if preserved, it was then for five out of eight. We need to make amends for that also now. Five out of eight would mean interpretation will be by majority. Well, five constitutes more than the majority in eight. But leave that aside. Article 142 has become a nuclear missile against Democratic forces, available to the judiciary 24 x 7,” Dhankhar stated.
Amidst a constitutional standoff in the DMK-ruled Tamil Nadu, where Governor RN Ravi delayed assent to 10 bills, after which the state government sought Supreme Court intervention, VP Dhankhar also raised concerns over the judges allegedly performing executive functions, acting like a “Super Parliament” with “zero accountability”.
“Recently there was a directive to the President, by a recent judgement. Where are we heading? What is happening in the country? We have to be extremely sensitive. It is not a question of someone filing a review or not. We never bargained for this. The President being called upon to decide in a time-bound manner, and if not, it becomes law. So we have judges who will legislate, who will perform executive functions, who will act as super Parliament, and absolutely have no accountability because law of the land does not apply to them,” VP Dhankhar said.
He also raised concerns over judicial impunity as he spoke about a lack of formal investigation in the Justice Yashwant Varma case, wherein semi-burnt cash was found at the judge’s residence.
The Vice President’s comments raising concern over judicial overreach, particularly, in matters involving a delicate balance of power among the judiciary, executive and legislature, did not sit well with leftists who take delight in masquerading as the champions of democracy, freedom of expression and whatnot but have qualms in muzzling the voice of those ideologically opposed to them, simply because the views of their do not align with the leftist agenda.
It should be a matter of national concern when the sitting Vice President of the country and Rajya Sabha chairman publicly questioned the actions of the Supreme Court, raising concerns regarding accountability in a democracy wherein elected representatives are subject to scrutiny but judges are nearly immune to all sorts of accountability and scrutiny. However, the leftist media cabal decided to do what it does best: attack the person speaking uncomfortable truths rather than addressing the concerns raised.
The Leaflet insinuates that the judiciary is sacrosanct, should not be criticised
In this vein, The Leaflet, a leftist propaganda outlet run by senior advocate Indira Jaising, published an article on 20th April 2025, attacking VP Dhankhar for criticising judicial overreach. The Leaflet suggested that Dhankhar’s strongly worded criticism of the judiciary in a particular context comes at a multi-faceted cost, including political, constitutional and legal, moral, as well as credibility.
“The most pressing question that props up amidst this unidirectional war of words against the Supreme Court is this: can constitutional officeholders, who are expected to act as neutral guardians of the Constitution, publicly question the provisions of the Constitution and actions of the judiciary in such a brazen and pointed manner?” The Leaflet asked in its piece titled “Why the contemptuous tirade by VP Dhankar and BJP MPs against the judiciary is costly for our democracy”.
Firstly, and most importantly, VP Dhankhar did not question the provisions of the Constitution. He only raised concerns over what he deemed as misuse of certain constitutional provisions. Secondly, the Vice President directing a sharp critique against the judiciary, does not imply that he has relinquished his neutrality as someone holding a constitutional office, although the opposition parties and the leftist ecosystem want to insinuate the same.
The Leaflet further made a case for how despite being procedurally shielded from court appearances under Section 133 of Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 by virtue of his office, the Supreme Court should initiate contempt action against the Vice President because how dare he question the Supreme Court’s action as if the latter is the One-True-God who must not be named.
The leftist portal further insinuated that, besides constitutionality, somehow, VP Dhankhar has also breached morality. The propaganda piece argued that as per Article 69, the Vice-President affirms to “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and the law”, however, Dhankhar’s ‘politically charged’ rhetoric goes against the VP’s constitutional duty but also “betrays the dignity and responsibility that comes by virtue of holding public office”, Leaflet claimed.
It, however, failed to decipher that VP Dhankhar’s remarks were not politically charged or at odds with his constitutional duty, rather, his criticism of the judiciary was driven by a genuine concern over a pattern wherein the judiciary seems to be discharging the duties of President, and at times those of the Parliament as well. The Leaflet further delved into the supposed ‘credibility cost’, attempting to project the judiciary as an institution somehow sacrosanct to criticism.
“The judiciary, unlike the legislature and the executive, does not derive its authority from mass mobilisation, political rallies, or control over administrative machinery. It has no army to enforce its decisions, no monetary resources to appease people, and no electorate to appeal to. Its only real sources of strength are public trust and its intrinsic integrity. These are what lend legitimacy to its pronouncements and ensure compliance with its rulings,” The Leaflet argued.
It is amusing that The Leaflet emphasised that judiciary’s source of strength are “public trust and its intrinsic integrity”, however, the leftist propaganda outlet cries hoarse when the Vice President raises concern over the erosion of public trust and ‘intrinsic integrity’ when semi-burnt stash of unaccounted cash is found at a sitting judge’s house, and not a single FIR is registered against him, no concrete action is taken. Apparently, as per the liberal logic, such incidents and subsequent judicial nonchalance in acting against the judge don’t erode public trust in the judiciary, but raising questions over the same does.
The Wire calls Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar a “partisan attack dog”
Another leftist propaganda outlet, The Wire, targeted VP Dhankhar’s criticism of the Supreme Court for using Article 142 and calling it a “nuclear missile against democratic forces”. The Wire being its authentic, dishonest self, twisted facts to suggest that VP Dhankhar criticised Article 142, a constitutional provision, contrary to the reality, that he did not decry the constitutional provision but its alleged misuse by the Supreme Court. The Wire further lamented that VP Dhankhar’s rhetoric aligns with the ‘grievances’ of the ruling party, arguing that he parroted the party (BJP) line. Just like The Leaflet, The Wire also presented Dhankhar’s criticism of the alleged judicial overreach as a ‘violation’ of constitutional morality and ‘betrayal’ of his oath to “preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution.”
“The vice-president’s job is to rise above party politics, not descend into the trenches as the executive’s attack dog,” The Wire said.
Notably, Article 142 is a one of its kind provision in the Indian Constitution which confers vast discretionary powers on the Supreme Court. The contours of the Supreme Court’s power under this provision transcend the boundaries of procedural and substantive law. The provision empowers the Court to fill any gaps in the existing statutory provisions and pass any decree or order which it deems “necessary for doing complete justice” in any case pending before it. In addition to that, the provision also says that the Supreme Court has the power to punish for its contempt. It is pertinent to note that even though the Supreme Court enjoys extraordinary powers under Article 142, they are not absolute. OpIndia’s crisp explainer on Article 142, instances when the Supreme Court evoked this provision and how its powers are not absolute can be read here.
After peddling the ‘judiciary under attack’ bogey, The Wire resorted to launching ad hominem attacks on the Vice President, casting aspersions on his ideological commitment, terming his tenure as the governor of West Bengal during which he repeatedly raised concern over post-poll violence in the state and severely criticised the TMC government for Birbhum massacre, ‘egregious’, and his appointment as the country’s Vice President, a reward for his ‘egregious’ conduct.
“Beginning with the Janata Dal in the late 1980s, he moved to the Congress party in 1991 to become an MLA in Rajasthan, only to later join the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2003. Such a trajectory across the political spectrum suggests that his loyalties have been shaped more by personal ambition and political expediency than by steadfast adherence to any core ideology. His opportunistic party-hopping and lack of a consistent ideological anchor render him an untrustworthy character, raising doubts about his motivations and reliability in upholding the principles he now vocally espouses,” The Wire piece asserts as if Dhankhar is only politician in the country who switched parties.
The leftist propaganda outlet’s deliberate attack on Dhankhar’s career trajectory and ideological commitments tries hard to assert that Dhankhar has been ideologically fickle; however, after becoming Vice President, he is acting like a loyal “lapdog” of the ruling BJP. The Wire outrightly accused VP Dhankhar of breaching constitutional propriety and aligning with the Modi government’s imaginary designs to undermine judicial checks on executive power.
The Wire argued that VP Dhankhar’s criticism contributes towards eroding public trust in the judiciary, and also asserted that he should be ‘sacked’ for his “partisan assaults”.
Times of India goes ‘out of line’ to trivialise the significance of the Vice President’s office as VP Dhankhar criticises “judicial overreach”, The Telegraph joins
In its editorial, the Times of India described VP Jagdeep Dhankhar’s remarks as the “butter icing on a unappetizing case”. The TOI went as far as to downplay the significance of the post of Vice President by calling it a ‘ceremonial constitutional post’.
“Before examining V-P’s comments in more detail, it’s necessary to restate certain things. The V-P post, aside from the job as presiding officer of the Upper House, is a ceremonial one. Therefore, a V-P has no locus standi when it comes to matters of policy, politics and judicial verdicts. That means all news consumers, the readers of this newspaper, for example, must realise no matter what any V-P says on any current affairs issue, his post means his comments must be discounted entirely. Similar constraints apply to those holding the job of president and governor,” the TOI editorial reads.
On one hand, the TOI downplayed the importance of the post of Vice President; on the other, it lamented how dare India’s Vice President make critical observations against the judiciary. In other words, how dare the Vice President question the judiciary?
Meanwhile, The Telegraph also decided to diminish the importance of the VP’s post, calling it a mere ceremonial one. In its editorial headlined, “Quiet, please: Editorial on Jagdeep Dhankhar’s criticism of Supreme Court verdict on state bills”, The Telegraph appeared as an advocate of the Supreme Court and treated VP Dhankhar like an accused blasphemer whose remarks are “patently objectionable”. Doubling down on its “Vice President is a ceremonial or simply insignificant post” assertion, The Telegraph wrote, “The occupants of even benign offices are expected to abide by constitutional conventions: mutual respect among institutions and their office-bearers is one such convention. But Mr Dhankhar seems not to care much about decorum.”
The media outlet further stated that the relations between the Modi government and the judiciary have not been ideal on many occasions, including the Centre’s assertion that there is a dearth of transparency in the judiciary and a need to get rid of the collegium system. The Telegraph also claimed that the Modi government sitting on the names of collegium-recommended judges is “an overreach of the judicial turf by the executive.”
Apparently, the Centre should keep mum when the country is questioning how come no concrete action is being taken against the judge at whose residence such a huge amount of cash was found. The Telegraph wants the Modi government to bury its head in the sand, even as the collegium continues to be a closed-door affair with hardly any proscribed norms pertaining to the eligibility criteria, or even the selection procedure. It seems like more than the antipathy between the executive and the judiciary, there is antipathy between common sense and The Telegraph.
Deccan Herald calls VP Jagdeep Dhankhar a ‘serial offender’, projects him as a blasphemer for having critiqued “the judiciary, its processes and the constitution”
Calling VP Dhankhar’s critical statement against the judiciary as “most improper”, and the one which amounts to a “gross violation” of the responsibilities of the Constitutional office he holds, Deccan Herald argued that the Vice President of India may criticise any judgement by the Supreme Court, however, he is somehow guilty of an unpardonable crime—criticising the judiciary, its processes and the constitution”.
Deccan Herald suggested that Dhankhar criticised the constitution when he proposed an amendment to Article 145 (3), as if the constitution has been immune to amendments since it first came into effect in independent India. “It is not wrong to criticise and comment on the judgments of the Supreme Court. But it is debatable whether a person holding a high Constitutional office should do that in public in such strong terms. Dhankhar has gone even beyond that and criticised the judiciary, its processes and the constitution,” the Deccan Herald editorial reads.
Leftist media criticise the Supreme Court when it aligns against their interests, sanctify the judiciary when its ideological opponents make critical comments
Interestingly, the same left liberal propaganda outlets sanctifying the Supreme Court while offering a hyperbolic and intellectually dishonest criticism of VP Dhankhar have a well-documented track record of criticising its rulings that clash with their ideological leanings. Just weeks back, The Wire did a program critiquing the judiciary’s accountability system, calling it faulty, weak and toothless, while also suggesting measures to change the way judges are appointed. In another program, in February this year, The Wire had a panel discussion over whether the judges are overstepping in various capacities.
From the Supreme Court ruling on Article 370, which upheld the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35a, Ram Janmabhoomi land dispute verdict wherein the apex court gave the disputed land to the Hindu side, to any other ruling which did not align with the leftist agenda, The Wire openly criticised the Supreme Court. Not to forget, back in May 2022, The Wire published an article wherein it argued that the Supreme Court is “embarrassing” itself by keeping the pleas challenging the striking down of Article 370 and 35a pending. The Wire accused the Supreme Court of “judicial insensitivity”.
The Leaflet went as far as to question the integrity of the Supreme Court in upholding the abrogation of Article 370 and 35a, insinuating a judicial complicity in supposed executive ‘overreach’. “However, the rationale used by the Supreme Court to reach the conclusions was stretched and did little to enhance confidence in the judicial process,” The Leaflet article published in December 2023 read.
The entire leftist media ecosystem had accused the Supreme Court of capitulating to ‘majoritarian sentiments’ when it passed the Ayodhya verdict, accusing the top court of failing to uphold secular principles, which, according to them, could have only been saved if the court ordered reconstruction of Babri structure at the Ram Janmabhoomi site.
The leftist media ecosystem’s hypocrisy is amusing, when the judiciary hands verdicts that do not align with their ideological interests, then it becomes bad, flawed and insensitive and to an extent devoid of integrity, however, when it rules against the Centre or rules in favour of a political party they support, as in the Tamil Nadu bills case, these same propaganda outlets elevate judiciary to an unimpeachable pedestal. Apparently, the judiciary is sacrosanct only when it happens to align with the left liberal agenda, but can be subjected to criticism otherwise.
Is it the first time a person holding constitutional office has criticised the judiciary?
The opposition parties and the leftist media cabal are working overtime to vilify Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, mocking his career trajectory, his ideological commitment, even the value of the Vice President’s post, in order to push a narrative that somehow Dhankhar has violated a sacred rule by criticising the judiciary. However, a person holding constitutional office criticising the judiciary is not an unprecedented phenomenon in India’s democratic history.
Back in 2005, then Lok Sabha speaker Somnath Chatterjee launched a scathing attack on the Supreme Court following its order in the Anil Kumar Jha vs Union of India case, wherein it ordered the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly to conduct a floor test to determine the majority of the Shibu Soren-led state government. It must be recalled that in the 2005 state assembly elections, the BJP was by far the largest party, winning 30 seats out of the 63 seats it contested. The BJP’s pre-poll alliance partner JD(U) contested the other 18 seats and won 6. This took the NDA tally to 36 in the 81-member Assembly. The UPA parties were far behind with JMM winning 17 and Congress winning just 9 for a total of 27 seats, if you would like to include the NCP’s lone MLA as well. Immediately after the results, the BJP received the support of 5 other MLAs: 2 from the AJSU (All Jharkhand Students Union), the lone MLA from the Jharkhand Party and 2 other independents. This took the NDA tally to 41, which would be a clear majority.
The BJP duly staked claim to form the government and also physically presented the 5 supporting MLAs before the Honourable Governor of Jharkhand. However, Governor Syed Sibtey Razi invited JMM supremo Shibu Soren to form the government. Soren was sworn in as CM and Stephen Marandi as Deputy CM. The Soren government had three weeks to prove a majority, meanwhile, the NDA deemed the Governor’s act unconstitutional.
The NDA approached the Supreme Court, which issued an interim order in March 2005, directing the Jharkhand state assembly to advance the floor test on 11th March. The court ordered a video recording of the proceedings and directed the Pro-tem speaker to conduct the floor test. This, however, did not sit well with Somnath Chatterjee, who called the Supreme Court’s intervention “judicial overreach”. Chatterjee had alleged that the Supreme Court’s “interference” in the legislative process, particularly, dictating the time and manner in which the floor test proceedings were to be conducted, encroached on the autonomy of the legislature.
In an interview with Frontline, Chatterjee minced no words in criticising the judiciary as he said, “What I have done is to respond to my conscience as a parliamentarian of long service and to my present responsibilities as the Speaker of the House of People, the custodian of the constitutional rights and powers of legislators. What I have done is to highlight a serious encroachment by the Supreme Court on well-demarcated areas of powers of the legislatures.”
Chatterjee further accused the judiciary of intruding in the legislature’s power sphere by ordering a floor test, that too, under specific circumstances.
“The judiciary’s intrusion has blurred the contours of areas of supremacy of different constitutional institutions. Articles 122 and 212 of the Constitution symbolise the supremacy of the legislatures within their own sphere, and these provisions are equally binding on the Speaker as well as the Supreme Court. In short, the delicate constitutional balance between the executive, the judiciary and Parliament, which is extremely crucial for the maintenance and sustenance of parliamentary democracy, has been upset by the court order of March 9,” Chatterjee continued.
Was Chatterjee’s rhetoric any less critical and unapologetic than that of VP Jagdeep Dhankhar? No! In fact, in both cases, it comes across that neither Chatterjee nor Dhankhar essentially commented on the political merit of the respective cases they spoke about, however, they didn’t mince words in criticising what they deemed judicial overreach. Yet, for inherent leftist hypocrites, Chatterjee somehow remains an unparalleled defender of legislative autonomy and champion of constitutional supremacy, but Dhankhar is the BJP’s ‘partisan attack dog’ and his post is insignificant.
Former VP Hamid Ansari accused of betraying Indian intelligence officers is holier than thou, VP Dhankhar is a ‘partisan stooge’ for raising legitimate concern of SC’s conduct
The way the leftist media is slandering VP Jagdeep Dhankhar is in sharp contrast with their treatment of former Vice President Hamid Ansari, who faced grave allegations in the past. Hamid Ansari, who has been accused of lobbying for dreaded gangster Mukhtar Ansari by dialling the police station despite being VP, has been accused of links to questionable people and organisations, including outfits under scrutiny for anti-India activities. He has been accused of prioritising Islamism over Indian interests. Back in 2022, top diplomat Deepak Vohra had alleged that Ansari betrayed India’s intelligence officers in Iran, and when their family members begged him to intervene to get them released, he declined to act. Earlier, a Pakistani journalist, Nusrat Mirza, had claimed that he was invited to a seminar on terrorism by then-Vice President Hamid Ansari and spied on India, although he later claimed that he met former PM Manmohan Singh.
Ansari, even after his tenure as VP ended, continued to partake in events organised by Islamist outfits like IAMC, which is allegedly linked to Pakistan’s ISI and targeted the Modi government. Despite the grave allegations, the left liberal ecosystem never railed against Ansari, forget going absolutely unhinged as they went against VP Dhankhar. In fact, the liberal cabal often argued that Ansari was framed as a victim of right-wing propaganda solely due to his Muslim identity.
Despite serious allegations against him, Hamid Ansari remains holier-than-thou for the left liberal ecosystem, but VP Dhankhar becomes an ‘partisan stooge’ for making a legitimate constitutional argument rooted in democratic principles, not a political or personal vendetta, but about judicial overreach. The ‘liberal’ hypocrisy is palpable. In fact, the leftist media and the opposition parties are like witches of the same coven casting spells of outrage on EVMs and the judiciary, respectively, when it suits their agenda.
Conclusion
The Wire, The Leaflet, and other leftist propaganda outlets relentlessly attacking Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar for criticising the judiciary set a dangerous precedent in many respects. Firstly, the kind of criticism Dhankhar is subjected to comes across as an attempt to silence constitutional functionaries from engaging in fair discourse about institutional balance. The idea behind framing Dhankhar’s comments as an attack on the judiciary’s independence and reputation is to close doors for an open debate, essentially placing the apex court beyond reproach. While the leftists accuse Dhankhar of violating constitutional principles, it is they who are undermining the constitutional principles, which suggest that in a healthy democracy, no institution, including the judiciary, is immune to criticism. Also, proposing an amendment is NOT an insult to the judiciary or the Constitution.
Secondly, the leftist media’s ad hominem attacks on VP Dhankhar calling him a ‘partisan attack dog’, ‘stooge’ and ‘lapdog’ or accusing him of breaching constitutional principles, more than their outrage, is actually an attempt to deflect focus from why Dhankhar said what he said to who and against whom was the statement made. It is a typical liberal tactic of prioritising sensationalism over substance. The personal attacks on VP Dhankhar and his integrity amount to character assassination, not fact-based counterarguments. While the leftist media displayed concern for the impact of Dhankhar’s critical comments on public trust in the judiciary and disrespect of the constitution, they themselves resorted to trivialising the importance of a constitutional post. The liberal critique sets a dangerous precedent that stifles open debates and criticism, especially in matters involving institutional scrutiny, and normalises launching ad hominem attacks on even the Vice President of India over ideological differences.
In a case of Love Jihad from Muzaffarpur, Bihar, a Muslim man Shamshad trapped a young woman from the Brahampura Police Station area. Shamshad posed as a Hindu man Suraj and exploited her sexually. When the victim asked him for marriage, he asked her to first embrace Islam and consume beef.
The victim has now filed a complaint with the Muzaffarpur Rural Superintendent of Police (SP) on 21st April. She named Syed Shamshad Hussain, his brother Almdar Hussain, his mother Mehrunisha, and his older sister as accused in her application to the official.
The victim’s complaint said, “A man named Shamshad introduced himself as Suraj and lured me into a relationship. He also took money under the pretext of his mother’s illness and to educate his siblings. He revealed his real identity when I brought up the issue of marriage. Now, he’s threatening to kill me.”
The perpetrator is from Kolhua, Paighambarpur, in Bairia area of Muzaffarpur. She stated, “I met him in 2007 at a coaching institute. We became friends and studied together. At that time, I didn’t have the awareness to check whether he was Hindu or Muslim. In 2017, I moved to Delhi for a private job but remained in contact with him. He told me that there was no earning member in his family and he had younger siblings who needed to study.”
“Suraj told me that he was responsible for the entire household. Given his situation, I also provided him with financial help multiple times. However, when I was in need of money and asked him to return the amount, he made excuses and claimed he couldn’t repay it which led to arguments between us. He then switched off his phone. After trying his number for several days, I eventually stopped calling him. My mother passed away in August 2023 and I returned to Muzaffarpur. One day, while I was out shopping, I ran into him in the market. He took my number again and we resumed our communication,” she mentioned.
She further disclosed, “We started meeting. We grew close, entered into a relationship and he promised to marry me. On 12th April 2024, he took me to Patna on his bike. He booked a hotel there and gave me a drink laced with a sedative. After that, I don’t remember what happened.”
According to the victim, Shamshad had physical relations with her without her consent. “When I protested, he vowed to marry me. He told me not to worry and assured that he would take good care of me and never betray me. I was reassured by his words. Afterwards, we started meeting regularly. However, he kept making excuses like his mother’s sickness or his sister’s upcoming wedding, whenever I reminded him of his promise,” she said.
As per the complainant, his behaviour started to change suddenly. She said, “When I started pressuring him for marriage, he declared that his mother would only accept it if I converted to Islam. He asserted that the nikah (Islamic wedding ceremony) would only happen if I converted to Islam. I was shocked to hear this. Only then did I realize that he was not Suraj but Shamshad. When I refused to comply, he abused me and directed me to eat beef.”
“One day, I went to his house to ask for my money and found out that Shamshad Hussain was getting married. I was abused by him, his brother, elder sister and mother. I returned home in tears,” she added.
According to other reports, she got in touch with his friends and learned that he had been using a fake name. He is Syed Shamshad Hussain, son of Syed Mumtaz Hussain, a resident of the Ahiyapur police station area in the district. The revelation infuriated her and the pair had a heated argument over the phone. She subsequently demanded her money back and warned him that she would report him to the police after which he issued death threats.
City SP Vidya Sagar reported that the victim has filed an application and indicated that she was living with her boyfriend who is now threatening to kill her. The same has been forwarded to the officer in charge at Brahampura Police Station and instructions have been given to look into the matter and pursue appropriate legal action.
On April 21, Pope Francis, the 266th Pope of the Roman Catholic Church, breathed his last after battling a prolonged illness. He was 88 at the time of his death. Born as Jorge Mario Bergoglio, Pope Francis was the head of the Roman Catholic Church and the sovereign of the Vatican City State.
Cardinal Farrell announced the news of the Pope’s death, saying, “Dearest brothers and sisters, with deep sorrow I must announce the death of our Holy Father Francis.” He died at his residence in the Vatican’s Casa Santa Marta.
Even as the Catholic world drowns in mourning, it is worth pondering the legacy of the deceased Pope, a mixed bag of positives and negatives.
Pope Francis was the first Pope from the Jesuit order Society of Jesus, the first from the Americas, the first Pope from the Southern Hemisphere, and the first one born or raised outside Europe since the 9th-century Syrian Pope Gregory III. Though he will be remembered chiefly for championing inclusiveness and empathy, his conduct in the Chilean sexual abuse case continues to cast a pall on his legacy.
When Jorge Mario Bergoglio became Pope Francis in 2013, many thought, here is an unassuming Christian priest who comes without the baggage his predecessor had and has brought with him the promise of a different brand of papacy. A Pope who relinquished the splendour of the Apostolic Palace for a modest Vatican guesthouse. He spoke of a Church that stood up for the marginalised, welcomed the immigrant, sympathised with the poor, and supported the vulnerable, particularly the LGBTQ community.
He told the world, “Who am I to judge?” when asked about gay priests. He denounced the criminalisation of homosexuality, saying laws that penalise same-sex relationships are unjust, stopping short of sanctifying it within the Catholic Church. However, in a world where religious authorities often cling to doctrinal purity over inclusivity, especially in monolithic faiths such as Christianity, Islam, and Judaism, Pope Francis presented himself as a breath of fresh air, positioning himself as a beacon of compassion and inclusion.
And yet, even the brightest lights cast shadows.
The Chilean sexual abuse scandal remains one of the darkest chapters of Pope Francis’ papacy—not simply because of the appalling crimes committed by Christian priests, but because of the way the Vatican treated those crimes: outright dismissal, disbelief, and denial. It is a sobering reminder that the Pope, who embodied compassion and empathy for millions around the world with his stance on the marginalised, was, after all, a human being, a fierce loyalist susceptible to overlooking crimes committed by their own ilk.
A church in crisis
The scandal’s roots reach back decades. Father Fernando Karadima, once a towering figure in the Chilean Catholic Church, was for years hailed as a spiritual father and mentor to many young men.
Behind closed doors, he was a predator, preying on victims, mostly seminarians and young Catholics, who looked to him for guidance. Complaints about Karadima date as far back as the 1980s, but they were repeatedly ignored by Church authorities for the reputational fear it brought with it, besides the offence caused to the senior clergymen. It was only in 2011, long after many survivors had given up hope, that the Vatican found him guilty of sexually abusing minors. He was sentenced not to jail, but to a life of “prayer and penance.”
But Karadima was not the end of the story. He was the start of a wider reckoning. His influence extended throughout the Chilean clergy, including to Bishop Juan Barros, who had been one of his close protégés. Victims accused Barros of witnessing Karadima’s abuse and remaining silent. When Pope Francis appointed Barros as Bishop of Osorno in 2015, it precipitated widespread outrage in Chile. Victims spoke out. Protests erupted. Members of the clergy expressed concern. But Francis refused to pay heed.
But that was not the end of it.
On a 2018 trip to Chile, Pope Francis went even further. He accused Karadima’s victims of “slander” and claimed there was “no proof” against Barros. The words acted as a serious assault on the ordeal of the survivors. They felt horrified for being betrayed by the Pope and the Vatican. And for the faithful, that one moment to witness a Pope celebrated for his pastoral sensitivity, discrediting the voices of the victims, was disillusioning.
From denial to acceptance and finally, repentance
The backlash was fierce and global. Facing immense pressure, Pope Francis sent Archbishop Charles Scicluna, an experienced Vatican investigator, to probe into the allegations. The resulting report was devastating: a 2,300-page account of systemic abuse and institutional failure within the Chilean Church.
To his credit, Francis pivoted and changed course. He confessed to having made “grave errors in judgment.” He invited victims to the Vatican, met with them personally, and sought their forgiveness. In a move that had hitherto no parallel, all 34 Chilean bishops were summoned to Rome, and all offered their resignations. Several were later removed or sanctioned.
In many ways, this was a moment of institutional reckoning. The Pope’s initial disbelief, his public dismissal of credible victims, and his failure to investigate sooner revealed a troubling truth: even a reform-minded Pope could succumb to the age-old trap of clericalism, where protecting the Church’s image took precedence over safeguarding its people.
It was, in many ways, a moment of institutional reckoning. However, it also came too late for many survivors, as the damage had already been done. From initial disbelief to public dismissal of victims’ sufferings, and his failure to exhibit a willingness to look inward and commission an investigation revealed a discomfiting fact: even a reform-minded Pope could fall victim to the age-old trap of clericalism, where salvaging pastoral reputation took precedence over protecting its people.
The jarring reconciliation
This is what makes the Chile sexual abuse case incongruous to reconcile with the rest of Francis’s legacy. He has spoken out—often courageously—on issues held dearly by the conservative Catholics, but those which made the Catholic Church a source of condemnation rather than comfort. He grabbed headlines in 2023 for declaring that “being homosexual is not a crime,” and criticised countries where LGBTQ+ people face criminal prosecution. He called on bishops to welcome gay people into their communities and pastoral care.
At a time when religious leaders stoke communal sentiments and insist on clinging to exclusionary ideologies, Francis served as a beacon of hope for millions. His vision of the Church includes, embraces, and walks with the outcast.
Critics of Pope Francis argue that while he may articulate progressive ideas effectively, he often fails to implement them in practice. They contend that inclusion is not merely about delivering occasional catchy phrases; it requires a committed effort to transform those words into concrete actions.
In Chile, it didn’t. At least, not until the truth was undeniable.
The contradiction cannot be starker. The Pope who refused to judge gay people was, at least for a time, willing to judge—and dismiss—those who had suffered at the hands of priests. The same Pope who spoke of mercy failed to extend it to those who were in dire need of it and were demanding it, from none other than the Pope himself.
This is not a call to cynicism. Pope Francis did much good. His commitment to climate action, interfaith dialogue, economic justice, and marginalised communities changed the perspective of many towards the Church. He had displayed the mettle of going against powerful structures, both within and outside the Vatican. And his eventual response to the Chile scandal, including his public repentance, was a rare and courageous act of papal humility.
But leadership is not just about owning mistakes and setting them right. It is also about building frameworks and structures where mistakes aren’t committed in the first place, especially when the cost of error is paid by the victims.
A stained legacy
In the end, Pope Francis’s legacy will be complex. He will likely be remembered as a reformer, a pastor who tried to move the Church away from rigid legalism and toward the margins. But the Chile scandal will remain a shadow over that legacy—a moment when mercy faltered, when judgment failed, and when allegiance to the institution eclipsed the sense of morality.
The Catholic Church has long grappled with contradictions: justice and mercy, tradition and reform, dogmatism and pragmatism, power and humility. Pope Francis exemplifies many of these ironies deeply entrenched in the system. In his embrace of LGBTQ+ people, his critique of economic injustice, and his call for inclusion, he has moved the Church forward. But in his handling of the Chile abuse scandal, he reminded the world that the road to reform is often filled with potholes, and that even those who are most alert and vigilant can meet with an accident.
Ultimately, a true leader is not judged by the perfection of his actions but by his ability to take responsibility. Pope Francis’s willingness to admit his mistakes and change course was meaningful. But so too is the pain of those who, in their darkest hours, were told their truth was nothing but a calumny designed to defame the Catholic clergy.
In the end, the Pope, who famously said “Who am I to judge?” must also be remembered as the one who, in Chile, was too soon to judge—and paid heed too late to the atrocities faced by the victims of sexual abuse at the hands of the Christian clergy.
Bangladesh’s freedom movement has been marked by harrowing accounts of violence and bloodshed inflicted upon those resisting the repressive regime of West Pakistan which sought to retain its hegemony over East Pakistan at all costs. Notably, around 10 million refugees fled from then East Pakistan to India to escape the atrocities, resulting in a massive refugee crisis. India was eventually compelled to intervene to defend the oppressed population and lead them toward the dawn of independence.
Nevertheless, the violent actions of the Pakistani forces and their collaborators resulted in the tragic loss of thousands of freedom-loving individuals, including the minority Hindu community, who bore the brunt of the brutal suppression. The Hindu community faced a twofold danger from the Pakistani army and their jihadist allies, not only for their desire for independence but also due to their non-Muslim identity.
Bangladeshi refugees coming into India in 1971. (Source: Harvard International Review)
Consequently, the tyrants unleashed their full force to punish the Hindus for their defiance of the Pakistani state. The aggressive frontal attack led to a wave of massacres, resulting in the deaths of thousands as the Pakistani army and their radical lackeys assaulted innocent Hindus, a grim event that would resonate through history.
On 23rd April 1971, 54 years ago, one such horrifying incident occurred in the Jathibhanga (or Jathivanga) village, now known as Vidhapalli, in Kismat Sukanpukuri Mauza of Balia Union, located within the Thakurgaon sub-division of the greater Dinajpur district, involving the Pakistani army and the Razakars. Members of the Pakistan Democratic Party, Muslim League, and Jamaat-e-Islami were also among the aggressors. All of the Rajbanshi and Bengali people who died during the genocidal event were Hindus. The massacre took the lives of nearly 3,500 Hindus in a matter of hours.
On the fateful day, the jihadi associates of the Pakistani army apprehended innocent Hindu civilians and assembled them along the banks of the Jathibhanga River. Following a tip-off from the Razakars, the occupiers surrounded the men and women from all directions, eliminated them in cold blood and dumped their bodies in a mass grave at the location.
What happened in Jathibhanga
On 26th March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman proclaimed the independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan, signifying the onset of the country’s liberation war. The invading forces, aided by Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Shams, unleashed a wave of inhumane torture and killings against those yearning for freedom, following the development.
Thousands of minority families from various villages in Thakurgaon, including Balia, Shukhanpukuri, Jagannathpur, Chakhaldi, Singia, Chandipur, Basudebpur, Milanpur, Gouripur, Khamar Bhopla, Palashbari of Birganj and Deviganj of Panchagarh, escaped to India with their women and children in a desperate bid to escape the brutality.
In the early hours of 23rd April, Hindus from the twelve villages commenced their journey towards India. During their journey, thousands assembled at Jathibhanga to proceed further. Unfortunately, shortly after their arrival, a local collaborator blocked their escape routes and informed the Pakistani army. The Hindu men were escorted in a procession toward the Jathibhanga grounds.
The Pakistani troops arrived in two military trucks, ordered the Hindus to line up and then opened a barrage of gunfire from machine guns. This wave of violence started in the morning and lasted until the afternoon. The army then left after the mass killings and their aides moved the bodies near the Pathraj river and buried them there. According to other reports, their bodies were dropped into the river.
The blood of defenseless victims changed the area into a sea of red, with 3500 individuals brutally slain by firearms and sharp instruments. Hundreds of women became widows that day. This tragedy was the largest genocide recorded in Thakurgaon district during the Bangladesh freedom struggle.
Commemoration of the massacre and demands for justice
The government of Bangladesh installed a memorial at the site of the mass killing in 2009. A condolence meeting was held in 2011 after the victims and survivors held a mourning rally to honor the deceased. The speakers called for the war criminals to stand trial. The government granted a one-time payment of BDT (Bangladeshi Taka) 2,000 to 89 widows in August 2011. Touhidul Islam, the Upazila Nirbahi Officer for Thakurgaon Sadar Upazila, announced that five hundred widows from Jathibhanga village will be included in this initiative in a phased manner.
The community in Jagannathpur village situated in Thakurgaon Sadar upazila, marked the Jhathibhanga massacre day with various commemorative events, in 2014. The Jhathibhanga Ganahatya Dibash Palan Committee led a condolence procession. The event saw participation from over a hundred women who had lost their husbands, along with many others who had lost their fathers during the incident. They demanded the prompt arrest, trial and punishment of those responsible for the killings.
Women, left widowed by the brutal killing of their husbands at the hands of Pakistan occupation army and their local collaborators on 23rd April 1971, join a mourning procession at Jagannathpur in Thakurgaon Sadar upazila in remembrance of Jhathibhanga massacre day. (Source: The Daily Star)
Freedom fighter Dr Nipendranath chaired the gathering, which was addressed by a number of people, including journalist Abdul Latif, former Jagannathpur Union Parishad member Dhani Charan, Giren Chandra’s widow Shushila Bewa, Pobanshori and Roshni Rani. Speakers at the program noted that, despite the passage of 43 years since the Liberation War, the Razakars involved in the murders continue to roam freely, with many having risen to positions of influence within society.
Eyewitness Dhani Charan stated, “We decided to cross the border for refuge in India as it was not safe to live in the area. When we reached Jhathibhanga village, the sun was setting and we decided to stay for the night there and start next morning. But the Razakars of the area came to know about it and immediately informed the Pakistani army.”
“A contingent of the Pakistani army rushed to the area and encircled the hapless innocent people. Later the collaborators asked the male members of the minority community to stand in queues. The Pakistani soldiers and their collaborators killed around 3,000 people that day,” she further added. Other women who witnessed the violence, including Pabanshori, Gothan Bala and Roshni Rani also recalled the horrifying details of the terrible event.
This was not the only incident of mass murder in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) by the Pakistan Army. On 25th March 1971, the Pakistani military executed a massacre of defenseless Bengalis, under “Operation Searchlight.” This event stands as one of the most horrific mass murder incidents in history. The Pakistan army, along with the Peace Committee, Razakar, Al-Badr and Al-Shams forces, perpetrated these killings. Bangladeshi authorities have uncovered five thousand boddhovumi (slaughterhouses) since gaining independence.
More than a thousand individuals have been identified from these sites. A significant number of skulls, skeletal remains and hair have been retrieved from the slaughterhouses. These shocking sites are distributed throughout the nation and the Jathibhanga slaughter ground stands as a stark reminder of the most brutal massacre that transpired in the Thakurgaon district. According to the definition of genocide provided by the United Nations, the horrific events of 1971 displayed the first four of the five characteristics. However, the genocide in Bangladesh has not yet gained international recognition.
These gut wrenching events and their residual effects serve as a testament to the abuse, persecution and cruelty by Pakistanis and their Islamist allies on Bangladesh and its people, especially Hindus.
The Hindu community in Murshidiabad has been subjected to unspeakable atrocities by violent Muslim mobs. Hindu families have lost their homes and livelihoods.
Their water tanks have been poisoned and they have been subjected to both rape and death threats. Haragobindo Das and his son Chandan were hacked to death by their Muslim neighbours.
The Hindus, fearing for the safety and security of their families, had to flee to the neighbouring Malda district.
Here are 10 more videos (besides the 12 video testimonials covered by OpIndia) that capture the horror of Murshidabad.
While speaking to Panchjanya, a woman identified as Mamata Ghosh recounted, “They told me that they will forcibly make me a Muslim. They threatened to rape me and erase my sindoor (vermilion powder used by Hindu women)”
“They (Muslims) told me that we will remove the existence of India and turn this place into Bangladesh…They made it clear that they do not want Hindus here,” she emphasised.
बंगाल के हिन्दुओं की दशा देखिए!
एक भी हिन्दू को हम बंगाल में यहां नहीं रहने देंगे..
Another Hindu woman has narrated how she was given a choice between being raped and protecting the lives of her children and husband.
“Get raped by us (Muslims), we will spare your husbands and children,” the victim recounted the threats issued to Hindu women in Murshidabad.
She added, “This is our situation. What else do I tell you? How can we return home under such circumstances? And where else will we go?”
The same allegations were made by another Hindu woman, who narrated, “They (Muslims) told us to give our izzat (dignity) and protect the lives of our husband and children”
A Hindu teacher in Samserganj in Murshidabad narrated how some of his Muslim students were part of the violent mob that laid siege to his house.
“My house was gheraoed by 100-150 people. I was shocked to see some of my own students were part of the mob that came to attack me. They were armed with weapons,” the teacher narrated to Zee24 Ghanta.
“If we remained here, then, we would have been dead. They looted everything, gold, money and other valuables. They even burnt my SSC books. How will I prepare now?” he added.
"I taught them to be human beings. We ate food from the same plate."
"But I saw some of my students in the crowd who came to destroy my house.
They came with weapons. They burned my books. I can't believe this "….
“Muslims burnt down our homes. There is nothing left. I am forced to wear the same clothes,” a Hindu youth who lost everything in the Murshidabad carnage told ‘The Rajdharma’ news channel.
The victim is now separated from his family of 7 members. He narrated that the carnage began in the afternoon of 11th April and continued till 12th April.
“They were raising Islamic chants and specifically burning the house of the Hindus. The attackers were not outsiders but Muslims from our neighbourhood,” he informed.
“We will always be fearful to return because these Muslims live in our vicinity. Everyone is living in fear,” the Hindu youth added. He has a pregnant wife who also had to leave behind her home.
पश्चिम बंगाल में जैसे-जैसे पत्रकार ग्राउंड जीरो पर जा रहे हैं दंगों की एक से एक भयावाह खबरें सामने आ रही हैं
इस हिन्दू भाई के मुस्लिम पड़ोसी ने ही उसके घर में आग लगा दी, जिससे उसे अपनी जान बचाने के लिए अपनी गर्भवती पत्नी के साथ भागना पड़ा. pic.twitter.com/gyYBdARLRw
“I had no option but to hand over my hard-earned money to them to save our lives,” a Hindu woman from riot-torn Murshidabad narrated.
“I had got ₹7 lakhs by selling land. I had about ₹4 lakhs. We had to hand over everything. I had about 4 bhori gold (~46 gram) and to give that up too,” she lamented.
The victim narrated that her husband was held hostage by the mob. She informed that the Muslims threatened to kill her husband, if she did not hand over her money, gold and other valuable items.
“My husband is more important to me. So I gave them everything to save his life…They have destroyed everything, including my house, ” the Hindu woman emphasised.
₹7 lakhs had been saved for their daughter’s wedding, and ₹4 lakhs for medical treatment. The husband was held hostage while all the money and gold jewellery in the house were looted. They were asked, “Do you want your husband or your money?”
An elderly Hindu woman named Chanchala Ghosh told Jist News that her kirana store, where she sold groceries and other essential items, was looted by Muslims.
“I had shut the shop during the afternoon. They broke into the shop and looted everything. There is nothing much left here,” she informed.
Ghosh added, “They wanted to slaughter us, chase us with sticks and pelt stones at us. They lobbed gas bombs at us. We had to cover our faces to prevent our eyes from burning.”
“We want Presidential rule here or a camp of central forces. Else, we will not survive here. We do not have Faith in our local administration. There is a thana in the vicinity, but they did not do anything to stop the carnage that lasted for 4 hours,” the victim concluded.
Jist News shared disturbing visuals of the kirana store, which was vandalised by Muslim mobs.
More Horrors of Murshidabad violence are revealed as YouTubers go on ground to bring us the actual shocking revelations by hindu victims! pic.twitter.com/JFNSGCHZEl
“We do not want to go home. We will not be able to survive there,” narrated a Hindu woman who fled Dhuliyan in Murshidabad to reach Par Lalpur in Malda.
“Muslims will not allow us to live there. They have put knives to our throats. They had bombs and petrol in their bags. They were armed with weapons,” she added.
“They (Muslims) pulled the hair of Hindu women, held their hands forcibly…What did the Hindu women do to deserve this? Hindu men do not do this to Muslim women. Why are Muslim men doing it to Hindu men?” the woman asked.
? A victim of Murshidabad violence says, — "We won’t return home."
"Muslims threaten us with knives, bombs, and weapons. They drag our girls by hair, touch us inappropriately."
A helpless Hindu woman from Murshidabad narrated her ordeal to the Chairperson of the National Commission for Women (NCW), Vijaya Kishore Rahatkar.
With folded hands, the victim recounted, “We pleaded with them (Muslims) to leave us and our house. We told that we are extremely poor people.”
While breaking down in tears, she said, “When we told them about our situation, they (Muslims) told us to hand over our girls to them. They told us they were there for the girls.”
— Achintya Mondal অচিন্ত্য মন্ডল (@Achintya_Hindu) April 20, 2025
A young Hindu girl from Dhuliyan in Murshidabad stated, “The situation in the area is extremely bad. There is an atmosphere of fear. We want peace and security. We need a solution for the situation that has arisen here. We do not want a repeat of this situation.”
She further added, “We want permanent deployment of central forces here. The ADG of BSF has come here and taken note of the damage caused here. He informed that BSF will be here for 1 month, but could not confirm about future deployment.”
ये बिटिया मुर्शिदाबाद के धूलियाँ से हैं जहाँ हिंसा हुई और सैकड़ों परिवारों को पलायन के लिए विवश होना पड़ा। वो बता रही है कि केंद्रीय बलों के आने के बाद ही हिंसा और हमले रुके। यानी बंगाल पुलिस और प्रशासन मूक दर्शक बना रहा उस दौरान। आप कैसे ऐसी व्यवस्था से अपेक्षा कर सकते हैं कि वो… pic.twitter.com/fA1YszLJg1
Another Hindu man from Murshidabad narrated, “We talk about State-sponsored terrorism. What has happened here is State-sponsored mayhem. The police station is just 200 metres away. For 3 hours that day, they (Muslims) unleashed mayhem here. We are not safe here. The State (Mamata government) wanted these buildings to be looted and people (Hindus) to be oppressed.”
मुर्शिदाबाद के हिंदुओं का आरोप है कि यहां जो कुछ हुआ वह स्टेट स्पॉन्सर्ड तांडव था। पुलिस का दूर दूर तक पता नहीं था। दंगाइयों को लूटने, आग लगाने और मारने की पूरी छूट दी गई थी। pic.twitter.com/3J8eXHTICF
— Riniti Chatterjee Pandey (@IRinitiPandey) April 19, 2025
It is worth noting that under the Trinamool Congress Party’s rule, West Bengal has witnessed a deteriorating law and order situation.
Mamata Banerjee’s government has been unsuccessful in containing the escalating violence against the Hindu community.
Her appeasement politics have emboldened radical Muslims to the extent that they do not fear orchestrating violence, vandalism and arson against Hindus living in West Bengal.
Vietnam is undergoing one of the most ambitious overhauls of the administrative structure of the country. This is the first time since the Doi Moi reforms of 1986 that the country’s leadership has greenlit a sweeping plan to reduce bureaucracy, cut public sector jobs and improve administrative efficiency. The aim of such a significant overhaul is to meet the demands of the fast-evolving global economy.
Halving provinces and dissolving districts
The Communist Party General Secretary and President of Vietnam, To Lam, has signed a new resolution which aims to reduce the number of provinces and cities from 63 to 34. The government of Vietnam wants to eliminate overlaps in governance and align the administrative boundaries in more effective ways with economic potential. Interestingly, Vietnam has decided to let go of districts altogether, which are currently serving as an intermediate layer.
Source: Nikkei Asia
There is a four-tier administrative system in Vietnam that includes central, provincial, district and commune levels. After the proposed changes come into effect, a three-tier structure will be in place with central, provincial or municipal, and commune or ward-level administration. It is similar to the model followed by over 80% of countries worldwide. The government has also planned to clarify roles across levels. For example, if the central government is handling a function, provinces will not duplicate it. Similarly, if a province has undertaken a task, communes will not replicate or mirror it. Such a system will ensure timely completion of projects or tasks with reduced bureaucracy.
Reports suggest that around 5,000 commune and ward-level units will be formed through mergers, which will reinforce the grassroots level of governance. At the moment, 44% of the provinces and cities have access to the sea. The government has aimed at increasing the access to 60%, which will improve opportunities for coastal development, port access, and sea-based industries such as tourism and seafood farming.
Reducing civil servants and merging ministries
Vietnam is aiming to cut its civil servant workforce by at least 20% by 2030. Ministries and agencies will be merged to reduce internal divisions by up to 40%. The government is hoping that downsizing the number of civil servants and merging ministries and agencies will help increase efficiency, enable a better pay scale and reduce corruption.
The decree signed to implement the changes came into effect in January 2025. It outlines provisions for early retirement, resignation, reskilling and training to facilitate the reorganisation of cadres, public employees and civil servants.
The number of ministries will soon be reduced to 17, from the current 22. Furthermore, government-affiliated agencies are expected to go down to 5 from 8. The Ministry of Finance will absorb the Ministry of Planning and Investment. The Ministry of Construction will be merged with the Ministry of Transport. A new Ministry of Agriculture and Environment will be formed, which will oversee both departments. The Ministry of Ethnic and Religious Affairs will be created. The Ministry of Science and Technology will absorb select functions of the Ministry of Information and Communications. The government has decided not to touch several ministries such as National Defence, Public Security, Justice, Foreign Affairs, and Health.
Streamlining administrative procedures and cutting red tape
One of the major issues that developing countries, including Vietnam, face is the long list of administrative procedures and red tape. Vietnam has aimed to bring a thrust of reforms to reduce existing administrative procedures by 30%. It will help businesses and investors gain easier access to government agencies and get their approvals done in reduced time with much less paperwork.
Vietnam is known for its red tape. In fact, a European businessman once reportedly described the paperwork needed to import a single container as difficult, reaching the height of a speaker’s podium. By removing barriers that are in place in the form of red tape, Vietnam is aiming to increase the country’s exports and meet foreign direct investment targets.
The government is seeing 2030 as a key milestone to redefine the country’s place in a shifting global order. Vietnam is hopeful of becoming a high-income nation in the coming years. Party chief To Lam, in a statement on national television, said, “If we do not innovate, we will lose.”
Economic context and targets
Notably, Vietnam’s economy has expanded rapidly. If its 2023 GDP is compared with that of 1986, there has been an increase of 96 times. In dollar terms, the economy has grown 3.3 times compared to 2010. Regional peers including the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand are not even close to such rapid development. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has projected that the country’s GDP may surpass that of Thailand and Malaysia by 2028.
The government of Vietnam has aimed for an 8% growth rate in 2025. Furthermore, it is aiming at a 10% growth rate in the coming years. Thirty percent of the exports from Vietnam are to the US and despite US President Donald Trump’s trade war on several countries, Vietnam is hopeful of seeing an increase in exports.
Civil service reform and pay restructuring
Government jobs in Vietnam are considered to be secure despite the fact that they are low-income jobs compared to the private sector. With such a low-income scale, chances of corruption increase. The Ministry of Home Affairs has proposed aligning the salaries of civil servants with average private sector rates. However, whether the government will be able to implement the proposal is uncertain.
To Lam has called for “proactive resignation” in case government employees feel they cannot meet the new standards. Terming it as an “act of bravery”, he noted that it will give way to better-suited individuals.
Legislative push and public sentiment
The National Assembly will sit through May and June to pass key laws to enable the restructuring. The reform process has caused short-term delays in some administrative procedures. However, the country’s top leadership is determined to bring the changes, which reportedly has raised hopes among the citizens and businesses.
Conclusion
Vietnam is not only aiming to enhance operational efficiency but also to reposition the country on the global economic map. If the proposal is implemented successfully, it will help Vietnam achieve its goal of becoming a high-income, export-driven country by 2045.
Arvind Panagariya, the chairperson of the 16th Finance Commission, has asked media outlet Business Standard to show him where he wrote the Editorial opinion they have attributed to him. Taking to X, the Economist and the chancellor of Nalanda University wrote, “Dear BS, care to share with me where I wrote this?”.
Panagariya was responding to a post by Business Standard that had attributed a quote in an Editorial to him, claiming he had ‘written’ it.
The post by Business Standard was shared at 9.16 AM today on April 22. However, the article shows it was published on April 21, at 9.17 PM.
It read, “The 16th Finance Commission has about 6 months to submit its report. There is a need to reduce and rationalise CCS while the increasing level of debt in several states also needs to be addressed. Higher debt in states will create growth and stability risks,” writes Arvind Panagariya. It had even tagged Panagariya’s handle on X.
The linked article has Panagaria’s image. It is titled ‘Resource allocation: Finance Commission needs to address multiple issues’. The article is categorised as an Opinion piece under ‘Business Standard Editorial Comments’ section.
Business Standard is yet to correct the attribution or provide any explanation for their mistake.
X users have also expressed shock at the blatant mistake that is yet to be even acknowledged. “Business Standard wrote an entire Editorial without the author’s permission or knowledge? Reason why I call them B*ll S**t India”, wrote one user.
@bsindia wrote an entire editorial without the author's permission or knowledge? Reason why I call them Bull Shit India https://t.co/buGkjcTO3a
Another user joked under Panagariya’s post, “They are using predictive AI. You will be writing this a few weeks later”.
Padma Bhushan Arvind Panagariya is a noted Indian Economist who was appointed as the Chairman of the 16th Finance Commission by the government of India. He also holds the position of Professor of Indian Political Economy at Columbia University, New York City. He served as the Vice-Chairman of the NITI Aayog from 2015 to 2017 and was earlier the chief economist of the Asian Development Bank.
The Guwahati Tea Auction Centre (GTAC) has set a new record, selling tea worth Rs 3850 crore in the financial year 2024-25.
Dinesh Bihani, Secretary of Guwahati Tea Auction Buyers Association, on Tuesday told ANI that, in the FY 2024-25, the Guwahati Tea Auction Centre sold 169.13 million kg of tea with an average price of Rs 227.70 and the total turnover is Rs 3850 crore which is Rs 800 crore more compared to the previous year.
“In the financial year 2023-24, GTAC sold 166.34 million kg of tea worth Rs 3048 crore, and the average price was Rs 183.21. But in FY 2024-25, GTAC sold tea worth Rs 3850 crore, which is Rs 800 crore more compared to the previous year. In the last 52 years, this year the GTAC sold the highest tea. Last year Assam tea crop was short by 60-70 million kg, and despite it, we sold 3 million more tea in FY 2024-25,” Bihani said.
He further stated that, following the increase in the average price of tea, small tea growers in Assam are also benefiting.
“Tea price increase at GTAC means the green leaves price will also increase, and the small tea growers of the state are also getting benefits from it,” he said.
According to the reports of the Tea Board of India, there are over 1.22 lakh Small Tea Growers in 28 districts of Assam, and their tea area is 114847.89 hectares of land, contributing nearly 52 per cent of the total tea production in the state.
Four years ago, a special tea named Golden Tips from the Manohari tea estate was sold at GTAC for Rs 1 lakh per kg.
“We hope that the current financial year 2025-26 will be good for Assam tea. Our exports have also increased. Many large buyers are also coming to GTAC. Recently, a tea from Dhekiajuli tea garden was sold at a price of Rs 606 per kg. Following the initiatives of the government, quality tea production has also increased,” Bihani said.
On the other hand, the GTAC Tea Lounge has also recorded a turnover of over Rs 1 crore from its tea promotion and retail activities in the FY 2024-25.
Assam is the largest tea-producing state in India, and it produces over 50 per cent of the country’s total tea. Assam tea has completed 200 years of its glorious journey.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
