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Father of sailor killed in MT Settebello says his son wanted to quit the ‘exploitative’ company. Read how Indians are paying the price in the US-Iran conflict

Rukma Rathore
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Father of sailor killed in MT Settebello says his son wanted to quit the ‘exploitative’ company. Read how Indians are paying the price in the US-Iran conflict

On 10th June (Wednesday), the three Indian sailors were killed in a US-raid on the Palau-flagged oil tanker MT (Motor Tanker) Settebello operated by IOS (Indian Ocean Ship) Marine based in the United Arab Emirates. They had been identified as deck cadet Aditya Sharma, engine fitter Shivanand Chaurasiya and chief engineer Patnala Suresh.

Rajesh Sharma who is the father of Aditya Sharma took to social media after the latter was initially reported missing and requested for help. He even shared a communication from the company informing him about the grim situation. However, it was later discovered that the trio had perished in the attack. Notably, he revealed that Aditya told them about how he was exploited by a senior crew member and wanted to quit the ship in April.

Furthermore, a complaint was also lodged, but the seniors pressured him to withdraw it, subsequently subjecting him to a harrowing environment and pushed him to work for 20 hours each day. “We have all conversations in records,” Rajesh Sharma mentioned. The family also raised concerns over the captain’s decision to navigate through a high-risk area despite receiving a warning and demanded accountability.

IOS Marine refuted US accusations that prior messages, warnings or directives were ignored and asserted that no effective communication was set up with the vessel. Settebello was characterised as a civilian merchant ship involved in lawful economic activities, rejecting any suggestion that the ship had ties to Iran or was transporting Iranian oil.

The commercial ship was hit while passing through the Gulf of Oman. Minister of Ports, Shipping and Waterways Sarbananda Sonowal confirmed that the bodies were located and identified. He wrote, “This is a profound loss to our maritime family. The Modi government stands firmly with the bereaved during this difficult hour and is fully committed to supporting the next of kin.”

“I have directed officials to ensure immediate repatriation of the rescued crew members and swift return of the mortal remains of the deceased for their final rites,” he assured.

The ship reportedly had a crew of 28 individuals, comprising 24 Indians, 2 Pakistanis, a Russian and a Ukrainian. It was en route from Lianyungang port in China to Fujairah in the UAE and was purportedly struck for attempting to circumvent a US naval blockade of Iranian ports. The Omani armed forces managed to save the remaining Indian men.

India condemned the assault and released an official statement which read, “We reiterate our call for immediate de-escalation of tensions, and the conclusion of ongoing negotiations for a diplomatic solution so that peace and stability can return to the region. The targeting of commercial shipping and civilian infrastructure in the region must end, and free and unimpeded navigation and commerce through the international waterways in the region in keeping with international law must be restored at the earliest.”

Jason Meeks, American charge d’affaires in New Delhi, was summoned to Ministry of Foreign Affairs by additional secretary (Americas) Nagaraj Naidu to register “strong protest.” It was conveyed that attacks that endanger the lives of Indian seafarers are unacceptable.

A US State Department spokesperson asserted, “The department is in direct contact with the Government of India regarding this matter,” reported Hindustan Times.

3 attacks in 4 days

Tensions have increased as a result of three consecutive attacks by the United States on cargo vessels with Indian citizens close to the Strait of Hormuz over the last three days. However, they bear flags of other countries and are not under Indian ownership. Guinea-Bissau-flagged bitumen tanker MT Jalveer was hit in the latest occurrence on 11th June (Thursday).

“Sir, please hear the coordinates. Shinas port control, this is a message from Jalveer that all crew are safe. We have a huge fire in the engine room,” a voice could be heard notifying the port authorities in an SOS call.

“The ship was reportedly involved in a maritime security incident in the vicinity of Shinas port, Oman. It has 20 Indian seafarers on board, and all of them are reported to be safe. No casualties or injuries have been reported. As per the latest information, the evacuation of crew members to Shinas port has commenced. 6 more are to be evacuated,” highlighted Mukesh Mangal, Additional Secretary in Ministry of Ports, Shipping & Waterways.”

He added, “The Ministry is closely monitoring the situation and is in continuous coordination with the Ministry of External Affairs, Indian Missions abroad and the Indian Navy and other relevant stakeholders.”

Earlier, on 8th June (Monday), MT Marivex, a sanctioned oil tanker was attacked by US forces. A “precision munition” was shot after the crew disregarded the orders, according to US Central Command (Centcom), which claimed that the ship had breached its blockade of Iranian ports. It was the 7th ship disabled by them over the same reason.

The crew started making distress calls after the ship’s engine failed and a fire erupted. The Omani military saved all 24 Indians onboard. Importantly, the US slapped sanctions on the vessel, formerly known as Arihant, for its ties to Iran. Arihant Shipping Inc., its proprietor has also been placed under sanctions by Washington which contended that the ship has been carrying “hundreds of thousands of barrels of Iranian fuel oil and bitumen within the Gulf since July 2025.”

According to ship-tracking data, MT Marivex last made a stop at the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas in early April, where it loaded cargo before sailing to Mangaluru and Karwar on the west coast of India. It was one of the few ships to depart the strait on 9th April amid ceasefire declaration. It remained in the “conflict zone” since then.

The MEA has responded to the assaults by outlining that India has forcefully condemned the attacks with the United States and underscored that the welfare and safety of its seafaring community is of “utmost importance.” The government reaffirmed that such instances have to stop.

“We further conveyed that dialogue and diplomacy are the way forward for the peaceful resolution of the conflict, and that there should be unimpeded access through the Strait of Hormuz in accordance with international law. Therefore, we made our position very clear on each of these points, while reiterating how important the lives, welfare, and safety of our people are,” stressed MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal.

“These attacks came from the US Navy stationed in the region, as reflected in various reports and as clarified through statements made from this podium. The three ships involved in these incidents were foreign-flagged vessels. Two of them were Palau-flagged, while the third ship, which came under attack today, was Guinea-flagged. They were not Indian-owned ships. All of them were foreign-flagged vessels,” the diplomat further pointed out.

US blockade and the reason behind the move

President Donald Trump aims to exert pressure on Iran by focusing on two economic factors: its oil earnings and the enormous charges it was asking ships to shell out to cross the strait which transports roughly 20% of the world’s oil and gas.

“Effective immediately, the United States Navy, the finest in the world, will begin the process of blockading any and all ships trying to enter, or leave, the Strait of Hormuz,” he announced in April, adding that other nations will also be involved and the Islamic Republic “will not be allowed to profit off this Illegal Act of extortion.”

“The blockade will be enforced impartially against vessels of all nations entering or departing Iranian ports and coastal areas, including all Iranian ports on the Arabian Gulf and Gulf of Oman. Centcom forces will not impede freedom of navigation for vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz to and from non-Iranian ports,” pronounced US Central Command shortly afterwards.

Hence, Iran’s ports were blockaded which is defined as a “belligerent operation to prevent vessels and/or aircraft of all states, enemy and neutral, from entering or exiting specified ports, airfields, or coastal areas belonging to, occupied by, or under the control of an enemy state,” in US Navy Commander’s handbook on naval operations law from 2022, reported BBC.

Trump further warned that “we’re not going to let Iran make money on selling oil to people that they like and not people that they don’t like” and the intention was letting “all or nothing” move via the passage in a conversation with Fox News.

The proper locations of the deployed US Navy ships are unknown, and it is difficult to pinpoint the exact spots of these interceptions. Washington is unlikely to station its vessels close to Iran’s coast due to the threat of missile and drone offensives. Therefore, the blockade is likely to concentrate on the Gulf of Oman, which serves as a crucial transit route for a large portion of the world’s oil, including supplies from Iran.

Satellite and commercial data are likely being used by US forces to keep tabs on ships heading out of Iranian ports and wait for them to enter the open Indian Ocean before taking action. According to Centcom, there are over 100 fighter and observation planes involved, along with over 12 vessels.

The USS (United States Ship) Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier is located about 200 kilometres (124 miles) south of the Iranian coast near the eastern edge of the Gulf of Oman, per satellite imagery from 11th April.

The decision went into effect in mid-April and 134 ships that complied with US instructions had been diverted thus far. 42 ships with humanitarian aid were permitted to pass through. However, the International Maritime Organisation, the maritime body of United Nations, has argued that no government has a legal right to halt vessels in international transit straits. Iran has termed the blockade as “piracy” and threatened to target ports of Gulf states in retaliation.

Indian lives in jeopardy

After China and the Philippines, India is the world’s third-largest source of skilled seafarers. Approximately 10% of all maritime workers worldwide are Indian seafarers. The number of onboard positions available for Indian sailors on both domestic and foreign ships has increased by 42.3% in the last five to seven years.

India fully complies with the STCW-95 Convention and Code, as evidenced by its inclusion on the International Maritime Organisation’s White List. Its inclusion on the list renders it more appealing to maritime companies. Experts predict that the proportion of Indian sailors in the global maritime industry will rise by 20% over the next ten years as a result of the existence of respectable maritime training facilities that produce competent employees, growing literacy rates, the ageing European seafarer population and the fluency in English.

The plentiful opportunities have, unfortunately, exposed them to attacks amid the ongoing hostile environment. The circumstances are equally challenging for Indians employed in the Middle East. After the Iranian attack on Kuwait International Airport, the total number of Indians killed in the region since the beginning of the dispute climbed to ten. A dhow near the Strait of Hormuz caught fire last month, killing one Indian sailor and injuring dozens of others.

The standoff claimed the lives of eight more Indian people and wounded multiple others in the region. Debris from a missile intercept in Abu Dhabi in March killed one Indian and hurt another. An Iranian attack on a power and water desalination plant in Kuwait took another Indian life in the same month. An Indian died in missile and drone assaults on Riyadh in March.

Early in the war, attacks on merchant vessels killed three sailors and two more Indians met the deadly fate due to a strike on an industrial facility in Oman on 13th March. Furthermore, one Indian national had been reported missing.

The government has repeatedly denounced the violence, emphasised the importance of ensuring safety of civilian lives, especially for Indians living in the impacted area and urged for a peaceful resolution of the confrontation. However, the situation is unstable and volatile with the threat persisting until a conclusive agreement is finalised by the warring nations.

Congress attack on Adani helps China: Kenyan govt awards Nairobi Airport project to Chinese company at 50% higher cost after cancelling Adani contract due to political opposition

OpIndia Staff
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Congress attack on Adani helps China: Kenyan govt awards Nairobi Airport project to Chinese company at 50% higher cost after cancelling Adani contract due to political opposition

The Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) in Nairobi, Kenya’s busiest gateway, is set for a major overhaul. As per reports, the Kenya government has awarded a $2.9 billion engineering, procurement, and construction (EPC) contract to China Communications Construction Co. (CCCC), a Chinese state-owned enterprise, for terminal expansion, a new 4.5 km runway, and capacity upgrades to handle up to 12 million passengers annually by 2045.

This comes nearly two years after Kenya cancelled a proposed $2 billion public-private partnership (PPP) concession with India’s Adani Group for modernisation and long-term operation of the same airport. The Chinese contract is approximately 50% more expensive, an extra $900 million. Shifting the burden more directly onto Kenyan taxpayers compared to the private investment-led Adani model.

Between 2022 and 2024, Kenya engaged Adani Group for JKIA upgrades under a PPP model. Adani offered competitive private financing with no immediate burden on the Kenyan exchequer, aiming for terminal modernisation, runway improvements, and operational efficiency. The deal positioned an Indian private player in a key East African infrastructure hub.

The project unravelled in November 2024 amid intense domestic pressure in Kenya. A sustained social media campaign, led prominently by France-based Kenyan whistleblower and influencer Nelson Amenya, highlighted alleged irregularities like a lack of public tender, bypassed stakeholder consultations required by Kenyan law, tax exemptions favouring the concessionaire, and concerns over gradual airport fee hikes. Amenya leaked documents and alleged that the project lacked transparency and threatened national interests.⁠

Kenya Aviation Workers Union organised protests and strike threats over job security and privatisation of a strategic national asset. President William Ruto cited public pressure and global allegations, including US Department of Justice (DOJ) actions against Adani Group in a separate matter, when cancelling the procurement process. Adani denied all wrongdoing and the applicability of US allegations to the Kenya deal.

Congress had amplified the campaign

The most important angle in the episode is that the Congress party had openly opposed the airport contract given to the Adani group. The opposition party had amplified the narrative internationally. On 3 September 2024, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh posted on X highlighting the Kenyan protests and warning that they could “easily convert into anger against India and the Indian Government.”

He linked it to Prime Minister Modi’s “special friendship” with Gautam Adani, using the term “non-biological PM”, compared it to controversies around Adani projects in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, and argued that such ties undermined India’s soft power and foreign policy.

After cancellation, Congress questioned the Indian government, with Ramesh stating the outcome was “expected” and that foreign policy should not be subordinated to one conglomerate’s interests. It was interesting to note that Adani Group had defeated several Chinese firms for the project, and it was alleged that Congress was targeting the Adani Group for that reason.

A fake press release purporting to be from Adani, threatening to expose alleged bribe recipients in Kenya, circulated in September 2024 and was widely shared to damage the company. Adani officially denounced it as fraudulent, stating no such release was issued.

China steps in at a premium

Now, Kenya has awarded the project to CCCC on an EPC basis. Unlike the cancelled Adani PPP (private investment and operation) project, this is a state-funded contract where Kenya pays a significantly higher price.

The around 50% cost increase has sparked debate in Kenya about value for money, transparency in the new award, and the trade-off between retaining sovereignty and accepting higher public debt. CCCC has a track record on major African projects, like Kenya’s Standard Gauge Railway, but the premium raises questions about who ultimately pays: Kenyan taxpayers funding via loans and infrastructure funds versus private investment under a concession model.

US DOJ Case collapse and Chinese AI propaganda

In May 2026, the US Department of Justice closed its criminal fraud and related charges against Gautam Adani and associates, citing a lack of conclusive evidence or inability to sustain the case. Adani had denied the allegations throughout, which were linked to a separate Indian solar deal, not related to the USA or Kenya. This closure came two years after Kenya cancelled the deal, citing the case against the company in the US.

Therefore, a baseless case against the company in the US led to the company losing the deal in Kenya, and thereby, the US govt also contributed to the Chinese company getting the project.

And recently, France’s Viginum agency exposed a network of 13 counterfeit Chinese news websites linked to state broadcaster CGTN using AI tools to spread pro-China narratives across several languages. These sites were launched primarily in early 2025, overlapping with the period after the cancellation of the project. While not directly tied to the JKIA episode, the timing and nature have fuelled speculation about coordinated information operations in global infrastructure contests.

Anti-Adani campaign benefits China

After the Kenya govt’s decision, the Congress party and others who had opposed the Adani project have come under the spotlight for the role they played in the development. The sustained anti-Adani rhetoric from the Congress party and others helped make the Indian proposal politically toxic for the Kenyan govt. This created space for a Chinese state-backed firm to secure the project at a 50% premium, representing a setback for Indian private-sector infrastructure diplomacy in Africa and a gain for China’s state-driven model.

It is also important to note that American allegations against Adani, which contributed to the cancellation of the deal, were ultimately not substantiated in court. Congress party had amplified these allegations too.

Now the Kenyan govt’s decision has come under question because a cheaper private company-led upgrade has been replaced by a more expensive state-funded contract. Kenyan taxpayers will face higher costs, and the project is now delayed by several years.

This also marks a loss for India, as it is a loss of a foothold for private Indian infrastructure firms in Africa. The development raises questions about whether domestic political attacks on specific companies like Adani Group harm India’s global competitiveness against state-backed rivals like China.

Moreover, fake press releases targeting Adani, a non-resident Kenyan-led social media campaign, and recent revelations about Chinese AI propaganda networks further raise questions about manufactured outrage versus organic local concerns over vital infrastructure projects.

Therefore, the Congress party had directly benefited China by continuing to attack the Adani group for its perceived closeness with PM Narendra Modi, resulting in the cancellation of the vital project in Nairobi for the Indian company, which would have contributed to enhancing India’s soft power in the region.

When an elephant becomes a legal battlefield: The curious case of ‘Jumbo’ Raman

Divyansh Tiwari
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When an elephant becomes a legal battlefield: The curious case of ‘Jumbo’ Raman

The Supreme Court of India took a decision on June 9, 2026, when it handed over the custody of a captive elephant from an individual in ownership to the Government of Kerala and found that person guilty of contempt of court for taking the animal to a temple festival in violation of a solemn commitment made before India’s top court.

In Kerala, where elephants are deeply integrated in temple life, Uttoly Raman, the elephant in question, is said to be the tallest captive elephant in the state. However, a complicated legal battle involving false documents, criminal accusations, violations of wildlife laws, and several years of institutional failure to protect an animal that cannot speak for itself lies behind the spectacle of Raman wearing a gold caparison at festival ceremonies.

A temple’s elephant, a caretaker’s claim

The case starts with a simple argument made by Jayakrishna Menon, the Contempt Petitioner, who filed the case on behalf of the Mata Amritanandamayi Mutt, the internationally renowned spiritual organisation founded by the Kollam, Kerala-based ‘Hugging Saint,’ Mata Amritanandamayi Devi.

Raman is the Mutt’s ownership; their stance is straightforward. The elephant was eventually given to a private person named Krishnankutty for maintenance and care. However, what was intended to be a temporary arrangement turned into a permanent ownership claim. Two gift deeds from February 18 and February 28, 2017, which allegedly gave Krishnankutty ownership of Raman, are the foundation of his counterclaim. The Mutt claims that these deeds are counterfeited and created. More importantly, even if these deeds were legitimate in nature, they would encounter a major legal obstacle. According to the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, an elephant classified under Schedule I, which includes all Asian elephants, cannot be transferred between private owners under a gift deed. The Chief Wildlife Warden of the State must give prior written approval for such a transfer. There was no such approval received.

From trial court to supreme court

In 2023, things became even more serious. Krishnankutty was charged under Sections 406 (criminal breach of trust) and 420 (cheating) of the Indian Penal Code in Crime No. 1000 of 2023, which was filed before a Kerala court. These serious charges were related to the alleged unlawful custody and unjust treatment of Raman.

In order to obtain temporary custody of Raman, the Mutt simultaneously filed an application under Section 451 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, which permits courts to issue interim orders for the custody and disposal of property pending trial. After going through the Trial Court and the Kerala High Court (Criminal Misc. Case No. 7600 of 2023), the case was remanded back to the Trial Court for a fresh hearing in November 2023. The Mutt was granted interim custody by the Trial Court in December 2023, subject to a ₹25 lakh bond.

After that order was contested in the High Court, the Supreme Court heard the pending matter of interim custody in Criminal Appeal Nos. 4836-4837 of 2024. Raman remained with Krishnankutty while the more significant issue was being decided when the Supreme Court ordered in January 2024 that the custodial status quo be preserved.

The promise that was broken

The Mutt filed a plea before the Supreme Court in 2025 as problems over Raman’s welfare grew, claiming concerns about the elephant’s well-being and his regular participation in public processions and temple festivals despite the ongoing legal proceedings.

The Court ordered the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests or Kerala’s senior-most wildlife officer to examine Raman’s health on August 6, 2025. Crucially, Krishnankutty’s counsel specifically promised the court that the elephant would not be used for any religious or business activity while the inspection was in progress. This undertaking was noted in the Court’s order. On August 21, a month later, the inspection report stated that the elephant was in musth, a condition in which male elephants occasionally exhibit increased aggression, making a close inspection impossible. Following the conclusion of the musth period, the Court ordered a new inspection.

And then there was a breach of undertaking. According to the State’s own inspection report, which was handed over on February 3, 2026, Raman was taken out to Chavakkad for participation in the festival ceremony of a temple near Chavakkad. Put another way, Krishnankutty’s breach of his commitment was accidentally proven by the very document the State submitted to the Supreme Court for a status update.

Krishnankutty acknowledged the particular incident in his written arguments, stating that religious beliefs required an animal to be present at the ritual and that another previously scheduled elephant had fallen ill and tendered an apology.

The Court was not convinced and said, ‘We would be failing in our duty towards the voiceless, if we turn a blind eye towards such defiance,’ the bench said in unusually forthright terms.

What the wildlife law actually says

The foundation of India’s statutory framework for safeguarding wild animals kept in captivity is the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972. Asian elephants are classified as Schedule I animals, which is the highest level of protection under the Act and puts them on par with tigers and rhinoceroses. Without the Chief Wildlife Warden’s prior written permission, Section 40(2) of the Act clearly forbids anybody from obtaining, receiving, holding in custody, or transferring any Schedule I animal.   An Ownership Certificate may only be granted to a person who is in legal possession, according to Section 42. Elephants cannot be traded commercially, according to Section 43(1).

This left Krishnankutty’s claim with a significant legal gap. Even if they are accepted at face value, the 2017 gift deeds were private arrangements made without official state approval. Such a transfer is null and void within the WPA’s framework, not just unusual. In its order, the Supreme Court stated that any such transfer ‘would ultimately be rendered void in the absence of requisite approval under the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972.’ Additionally, the WPA gives the State the authority to keep elephants in rescue and rehabilitation facilities and mandates that it assume custody and care of animals when needed. This is exactly what the Court finally ordered.

What the Supreme court decided

Respondent No. 1, Krishnankutty, was found guilty of contempt of court by the bench of Justices Dipankar Datta and Satish Chandra Sharma for knowingly breaking the undertaking. The Court Registry has levied a ₹2,000 fine, which must be paid within four weeks.

The fine is symbolic in every way. It shows that the Court acknowledges that the legal issue of eventual ownership is still up for debate and that it would be premature to penalise Krishnankutty too severely before the underlying appeals are resolved. The custody order, however, has the most serious consequences. The State of Kerala was ordered by the Court to take over possession of Raman and place him in an appropriate rescue or rehabilitation centre.   Subject to the Court’s final judgment in the underlying criminal appeals, the arrangement is specifically temporary.   Raman’s care expenditures may also be covered by the State, but it must do so while adhering to the WPA’s provisions.

The Court acknowledged that the musth time had really postponed the in-person examination, and as a result, the State officials, who had been listed as Respondents 2-9 for allegedly delaying the inspection, were discharged from contempt.

Conclusion

The primary criminal appeals are still pending before the Supreme Court, but the contempt petitions have been resolved. The basic question of who Raman truly belongs to remains unanswered. Until then, he would reside in a rehabilitation or rescue facility in Kerala under state custody, paid for by the government.

It’s questionable if the State of Kerala, which has had difficulty even performing a quick health examination of the elephant, will be able to give Raman the level of care he needs. The Court’s use of the phrase duty towards the voiceless is encouraging. However, Raman is more concerned with where he sleeps tonight than what the Court says.

Kerala: Islamists accuse headmistress Blessy George of ‘discrimination’ after she objected to irregular admissions of Muslim students – Kollam row explained

Rukma Rathore
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Kerala: Islamists accuse headmistress Blessy George of ‘discrimination’ after she objected to irregular admissions of Muslim students – Kollam row explained

A row has erupted following allegations that admission has been denied to Muslim students at a government-aided school in the Kollam district of Kerala. The complaint is directed at headmistress Blessy George of Dr CT Eapen Memorial RHS School in Sasthamkotta. The charges have been firmly rejected by her. The incident transpired on 1st June (Monday) after the school’s reopening ceremony.

According to reports, more than 30 children had applied for admission from an Islamic learning centre (Dars) in Chakkuvalli. Some of them were also from North India. They were clad in Islamic outfits, caps and headgears. The headmistress deemed the display of religious symbols within the educational institution inappropriate and expressed her disapproval.

Moreover, the students initially declined to join classes regularly and were reluctant to attend school specifically on Fridays, preferring to visit the mosque. There have also been accusations that their enrollment was being pushed without the necessary documents. Interestingly, the students were brought at the behest of a teacher who argued that she wanted to prevent the school from turning “uneconomic.”

Government-aided schools in Kerala must have at least 15 pupils in each class. Schools with fewer students were previously referred to as “uneconomic” before the term was modified to “schools without sufficient student strength.” These schools continue to function with the assistance of the government, but teaching appointments are regulated. Promotional appointments are utilised to select a headmaster; however, new staff are only recruited on a daily-wage basis rather than through permanent postings.

The aforementioned teacher admitted, “My own job is at risk, and hence I gathered them for admission. I needed around 10 children. My employment is in jeopardy. I have no other option. For three years, our approval has not happened,” adding that she went to the District Educational Officer (DEO) but did not get “justice.” She complained that Blessy George was only given a warning, and no action was taken against her.

On the other hand, the latter emphasised her opposition to the practice of admitting students through fraudulent Transfer Certificates (TCs) to unfairly establish staff posts and maintain vacancies. She asserted that, as a teacher receiving a government salary, she would refrain from any actions that could result in a financial burden for the government.

“Thus, I am unable to support the practice of admitting children with counterfeit transfer certificates and sustaining positions through improper attendance marking. This is against the law. As a result, there are both male and female teachers who possess personal grudges against me,” the headmistress voiced.

She further clarified, “All children who came with their guardians and submitted the required documents in accordance with government rules for the academic year were given admission. Admissions in this educational institution have been executed by adhering to the same procedures that are required under government regulations.”

Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) leader and Kerala’s general education minister N Samsudheen has reportedly suspended her owing to the mounting pressure from Islamic groups. He declared, “No one has the right to deny a child access to education.”The

Indian National Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) formed a government in the state after winning the assembly election in May this year.

The underlying issue

Nevertheless, the matter appears to be more complex than it seems. The teacher had specially travelled to the dars in a vehicle to take the children to the school. She stressed that “sacrifices were made” for this objective. She even completed their forms and personally escorted each of them to the front of the office.

Concerns have already been shared in relation to the manner in which the admission was pursued despite the lack of mandated documentation. The statements made by the headmistress also indicate an attempt to ensure job security through dubious means.

Meanwhile, there seems to be an effort to justify the grave violation of discipline, norms and decorum of the school. The teacher quoted the Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) vice-president, who stated that students may be marked absent on days they do not attend school and argued, “A student can only be removed after a continuous absence of 15 days. We cannot oust them simply for missing one day.”

The teacher quoted the Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) vice-president, who stated that students may be marked absent on days they do not attend school,l and argued, “A student can only be removed after a continuous absence of 15 days. We cannot oust them simply for missing one day.”

However, the issue is not merely about a Friday, but rather the mindset behind the demand. Schools already provide holidays for special occasions and festivals, regardless of religion. Therefore, what precedent would such a move set, and what impression is it going to leave on students of other belief systems?

Should they also anticipate similar privileges, or is it exclusively reserved for a special community? What would prevent such decisions from being replicated in other state institutions, thereby creating a clear distinction between Muslim pupils and their non-Muslim peers? Can the principles of equality and just treatment be compromised alongside the guidelines of educational institutions to accommodate adherents of a certain faith?

How far can Muslim appeasement be stretched in the name of secularism that even schools become venues for such discriminatory conduct? These actions have driven India to a stage where equality is painted as oppression against Muslims.

Likewise, uniforms enforced by these schools and other institutions have already become a polarising issue due to the resistance of Muslim students to conform to these standards. The nation has been a witness to the hijab controversy in Karnataka, which subsequently spread to other regions. Hence, the children who applied for admission wearing traditional Arabic clothes signify a deeper problem. The flaunting of Islamic symbolism in these places, coupled with protests against the prohibition of breaching institutional protocols, has become a routine occurrence in India.

Hindu students have also been subjected to a similar scrutiny, often disproportionately and unjustly, and asked to remove their religious markers like kalava, mangalsutra, bindi, janeu and tilak. Nevertheless, Muslims have consistently clashed with institutions and even governments, alleging their supposed “right” to dress in accordance with their religion in a complete mockery of rules and regulations.

Additionally, the injustice perpetuated by these demands against students of other beliefs, especially in an institution backed by public money, ey cannot be overlooked.

Conclusion

The latest controversy is also a component of the larger national trend of seeking special levies on religious grounds. It also seems to be a deliberate strategy to safeguard temporary roles in the school. However, it is essential to ensure that all students are held accountable to a steady benchmark and requirements, as no preferential treatment is awarded to anyone because of their faith or other such criteria.

DRDO ready with Agni-VI ICBM program: Read how India’s next-generation missile will redefine long-range deterrence

Divya Bharti
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DRDO ready with Agni-VI ICBM program: Read how India’s next-generation missile will redefine long-range deterrence

The discussion around India’s proposed Agni-VI missile has gained momentum after Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) Chairman Samir V Kamat stated that the organisation is fully prepared to move ahead with the programme once it receives government approval.

While India already possesses the Agni-V missile, which can strike targets around 5,000 km away, the planned Agni-VI is expected to represent a major leap in the country’s strategic missile capability. Reports suggest it could have a range of more than 10,000 km and carry multiple nuclear warheads, making it one of India’s most advanced missile projects.

What Is Agni-VI missile?

Agni-VI is expected to be a long-range Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM), a category of missiles designed to travel more than 5,000 km. If developed and inducted, it would place India among a small group of countries possessing true intercontinental strike capability.

Unlike cruise missiles, which remain inside the atmosphere and use engines throughout their flight, ballistic missiles follow a different path. They are launched at very high speed, leave the Earth’s atmosphere, travel through space for a large part of their journey and then return to the atmosphere before striking their targets.

The missile is expected to use a canister-based launch system similar to Agni-V, allowing it to be stored, transported and launched quickly from mobile platforms. This improves survivability and reduces launch preparation time during emergencies.

How does an ICBM work?

An ICBM generally completes its mission in three stages. During the boost phase, powerful rocket motors push the missile upward at extremely high speed. At this stage, it works like a rocket used in space missions. Once it reaches the designated altitude, the missile enters the midcourse phase, where it travels through space along a ballistic path. Finally, in the terminal phase, the warhead re-enters the atmosphere and heads toward its target at extremely high speeds.

One of the most important characteristics of an ICBM is that it provides strategic reach across continents and ensures a country’s ability to retaliate during a nuclear conflict.

Understanding hypersonic speed and Mach numbers

Missile speeds are often measured using Mach numbers. Mach 1 is equal to the speed of sound, which is roughly 1,235 km/h under normal conditions. Mach 5 means five times the speed of sound, while Mach 10 means ten times the speed of sound.

Ballistic missile warheads often travel at hypersonic speeds during their descent toward targets. Because they move so fast and give defenders very little reaction time, intercepting them becomes extremely difficult.

India has already demonstrated progress in this field. The country recently tested a Long Range Anti-Ship Hypersonic Missile (LR-AShM), which is reported to reach speeds close to Mach 10. This reflects a broader shift toward fast and survivable weapons systems.

The importance of MIRV capability

One of the most talked-about features of Agni-VI is its expected MIRV capability.

MIRV stands for Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicle. In a traditional ballistic missile, a single missile carries one warhead aimed at one target. A MIRV-equipped missile changes that model completely.

A single missile can carry several nuclear or conventional warheads. After the missile enters the midcourse phase, these warheads separate and travel independently toward different targets. In practical terms, one missile launched from India could strike multiple locations hundreds of kilometres apart.

This offers several strategic advantages. A single missile can threaten multiple targets, missile defence systems become harder to manage, fewer launch platforms are needed, and the overall survivability of a country’s nuclear deterrent improves.

The United States, Russia and China have long deployed MIRV-equipped missiles. India also demonstrated MIRV technology through Mission Divyastra, linked to the Agni missile family. Agni-VI is expected to carry a more advanced version of this capability.

How Agni-VI fits into the Agni family

India’s Agni missile programme has evolved step by step over the years.

Agni-I was mainly designed for deterrence against Pakistan. Agni-II and Agni-III expanded India’s reach deeper into China. Agni-IV improved mobility and survivability, while Agni-V introduced longer range and canister-launch technology.

Agni-VI is expected to build upon these achievements by combining greater range, improved survivability, mobile launch capability and advanced MIRV technology in a single platform.

Why India may still need Agni-VI

Many experts point out that Pakistan is already within range of shorter-range Agni missiles and that Agni-V can cover large parts of China from secure locations inside India.

However, the Agni-VI missile is not simply about reaching farther distances. The main objective is to strengthen survivability and ensure assured retaliation even after a potential first strike by an adversary.

China has been expanding its missile infrastructure through silo-based systems, road-mobile launchers and increasingly advanced missile defence networks. In such a situation, a longer-range missile allows India to base launch assets deeper inside its own territory, making them harder to locate and destroy.

The missile’s expected MIRV capability would further strengthen deterrence by complicating enemy interception efforts. Instead of dealing with a single incoming warhead, missile defence systems would have to respond to multiple warheads arriving simultaneously.

Agni-VI is more than just a weapon

Agni-VI is also important from a strategic and geopolitical perspective. Possessing a true long-range ICBM is often viewed as a sign of advanced technological and military capability.

Although India continues to follow its doctrine of “credible minimum deterrence” and maintains a no-first-use nuclear policy, the development of more capable missile systems signals growing confidence in its strategic capabilities.

Military planners also look decades ahead. Future security challenges may include stronger missile defence systems, increased Chinese naval activity, improved space-based surveillance and new technologies that could affect deterrence. Long-range and survivable missiles provide flexibility against such future uncertainties.

Lessons from Iran & US conflicts

Recent tensions involving Iran and the United States have once again highlighted the role of missiles in modern warfare.

Iran does not possess operational long-range ICBMs like those used by the United States, Russia or China. Instead, it relies on a combination of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, drones and large-scale saturation attacks designed to overwhelm enemy air defences.

India’s security environment is different because its nuclear deterrence is primarily focused on China and Pakistan. However, modern conflicts continue to demonstrate that missile capability remains central to deterrence and that even advanced air defence systems can face challenges under sustained attacks.

The bigger picture

The debate around Agni-VI highlights an important reality: missile strength is no longer measured by range alone.

Modern strategic capability depends on several factors, including accuracy, mobility, survivability, launch readiness and the ability to operate effectively under wartime conditions. A missile that can survive an enemy attack and guarantee retaliation may be more valuable than one that simply travels farther.

The political messaging surrounding Agni-VI also suggests that India may be becoming more open about showcasing its strategic capabilities. While the country has traditionally maintained ambiguity around such programmes, recent statements indicate a desire to demonstrate that its missile technology is advancing rapidly.

Ultimately, Agni-VI is not just about crossing the 10,000-km mark. It is about ensuring that India’s nuclear deterrent remains credible and effective in an era shaped by missile defences, hypersonic weapons and growing strategic competition.

Islamist outfit in Kerala directs Muslims to avoid Hindu rituals amid row over Muslim League MLA lighting ceremonial lamp: Shows how secularism in India is responsibility of only Hindus

Shraddha Pandey
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Islamist outfit in Kerala directs Muslims to avoid Hindu rituals amid row over Muslim League MLA lighting ceremonial lamp: Shows how secularism in India is responsibility of only Hindus

A controversy has erupted in Kerala over Muslim League MLA from Perambra, Fathima Thahiliya, lighting a ceremonial oil lamp (Nilavilakku) at a restaurant inauguration event in her constituency. Islamist outfit Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama, the premier council of Sunni-Shafi Islamic ‘scholars’, has directed Muslims to refrain from indulging in rituals of non-Muslims as they are Haram in Islam.

On 3rd June 2026, the Central Mushawara of the Samastha Kerala Jem-Iyyathul Ulama held a meeting in Kozhikode to discuss the IUML MLA lamp lighting issue. Following the meeting, the Islamist outfit issued a directive, in which they said that lamp lighting is a practice followed by Hindus for a long time. Samastha stressed that Muslims performing rituals of other faiths that have no basis in Islam would essentially be departing from Islam.

The decision was taken during discussions regarding the ongoing Nilavilakku controversy. “In specific contexts, the lighting of the nilavilakku has long been practised by non-Muslims as a distinct religious ceremony. If a Muslim engages in such a practice e while accepting and basing it upon the Islam-opposed beliefs associated with it by those who perform the ritual, such an act would amount to leaving the fold of Islam,” the Islamist outfit said in a statement.

“On the other hand, if it is done without accepting or basing it upon such beliefs, but merely as an act of resembling non-Muslims, then the act is prohibited and sinful,” it added.

Secularism ends when Islam begins: Kerala Muslims are pivoting to deeper Islamisation while Hindus are busy secularising their faith

This, however, is not the first time that a Muslim organisation in Kerala has issued such ‘directives’ discouraging Muslims from being secular and performing any act or ritual linked to the faiths of Kafirs. Samastha is reported to have urged Muslims against lighting Nilavilakku earlier as well.

In fact, Samastha has continuously been pushing for adherence to radical Islamist, rather than purely Islamic practices. In February this year, Samastha adopted a resolution raising concern over what they described as ‘increasing attempts to draw Muslim women into public activities’ that could distract them from what they see as their ‘core responsibilities’. It warned that the influence of modern lifestyles and liberal ideas could push women to cross moral limits, especially in public spaces, which the scholars said should be avoided.

In 2021, the Samastha-affiliated students’ group, Samastha Kerala Sunni Students’ Federation (SKSSF), demanded that a new Muslim-majority ‘Malabar state’ be carved out from Kerala. SKSSF’s mouthpiece Satyadhara’s editor Anwar Sadiq Faisi demanded the creation of a new ‘Malabar state’ out of Kerala. According to Faisi, Kozhikode should be the state capital of the newly carved Malabar state. This demand is due to the Muslim majority in the Malabar region.

In 2019, Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama said that women should offer their prayers inside their homes, reiterating its stand of opposing the entry of women into the mosque. Then General Secretary of Samastha, K Alikkutyy Musaliyar said, “We cannot allow the court’s interference in the religious matters. We should heed only religious leaders on such issues.”

An interesting fact to note here is that despite its Islamist beliefs, Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama identifies as a rather moderate Muslim organisation in Kerala. In February 2026, Samastha passed a resolution opposing theocratic ideology propagated by the Jamaat-e-Islami, calling Jamaat’s pan-Islamist political ideology “extremist”.

In 2022, Sunni leader Nasar Faizi Koodathayi, the general secretary of the Samastha Kerala Jam-Iyyathul Qutba committee, said that the Constitutional pledge administered to Kudumbashree volunteers stating that Muslim women shall have equal legal rights to their father’s estate amounted to a violation of the fundamental rights of Muslims. He said that the oath violated the Quran, which states that men are entitled to double as much as women in the share. 

Several Muslim organisations in Kerala have earlier cautioned Muslims from ‘fully’ participating in the Hindu festival of Onam, citing its core Puranic elements and the Mahabali legend linked to Lord Vishnu’s avatar. They say that celebrating festivals of polytheists or Kafirs amounts to Shirk. Notably, Islam mandates opposition to idol worship and other rituals of polytheists, like Hindus and the destruction of idols.

Back in 2016, Salafi Muslim preachers explicitly called Onam and Christmas “haram” for Muslims because “at the core there is a Hindu myth”.

In August 2025, a female Muslim school teacher, Khadija, asked Muslim students not to take part in Onam celebrations, calling the festival ‘polytheistic’ (Kuffar). “We Muslims should live by adhering to Islam. Onam celebrations are polytheistic and should not be encouraged. Neither our children nor we should encourage Onam celebrations in any way. Joining in with the customs of people of other religions may turn into shirk,” Khadija was reported to have said.

From supposedly ‘moderate’ Sunni Muslim organisations, extremist outfits, Maulanas, to school teachers, a significant section of Muslims in Kerala is pushing for strict adherence to Islamic customs and beliefs. They are not shying away from openly urging their co-religionists, even a sitting MLA, to avoid performing Hindu rituals like lamp lighting, etc.

Recently, an unfinished gym building in Kerala’s Palakkad gained national attention as it was being advertised as  “Islam-friendly” on social media. The gym’s Muslim owner, Nawas Muthu T, recently declared that a fresh model, which is intended to blend “fitness with faith”, is going to be introduced in conformity with Islamic practices and customs.

Like it or not, Keralite Muslims have absolute clarity about adherence to their faith. Muslim organisations also ensure that the community, especially youth, does not go overboard, beyond the permitted pretence of secularism, and deviate from Islam.

The conduct of Kerala Hindus, on the contrary, presents an alarming asymmetry. A significant section of Malayali Hindus travels the extra mile to accommodate the beliefs of other faiths, while the ‘others’ aggressively assert their religiosity. Many ‘secular’ Malayali Hindus reframe their own festivals and traditions as regional or cultural practices. Look at the secularisation, rather de-Hinduisation of Onam.

Although Onam is associated with new crops, the festival is mainly rooted in the Hindu scriptural legend of the greatness of King Mahabali (also known as Raja Bali) and how Lord Vishnu, in his Vamana avatar, gave him a boon that he could come back to meet his subjects once a year. 

The Hindu festival of Onam has for centuries been a commemoration and celebration of the return of King Mahabali. However, in recent years, Onam has been reduced to a mere ‘harvest festival’. This blatant secularisation of Onam is being collectively carried out by Islamists, Christian groups, Islamo-leftists, and of course, delusionally secular Hindus.

The Hindu connection of Hindu festivals is being systematically erased. Our festivals and traditions are either being portrayed as some sort of carnival or are being appropriated by non-Hindus.

In Tamil Nadu, Hindu-hating Dravidianists have been executing a similar playbook to secularise Pongal or Makar Sankranti and dissociate it from its Hindu religious roots. Just as Onam is being labelled a ‘cultural’ festival in Kerala, Pongal is being promoted as a ‘Tamil’ festival of agrarian gratitude in Tamil Nadu.

Similarly, beef (cow meat) eating has become cool, a flex, and the highest expression of secularism among a section of Keralite Hindus, even as Hindu scriptures, like the Vedas, strictly prohibit cow slaughter and consumption of cow meat. Cow meat eating is labelled as a ‘part of our history, syncretic culture and cuisine’, and beef-parotta has become a symbol of Keralite secular resistance against ‘Sanghis’, a term originally meant to address members of the RSS, which now has its scope expanded to any practising and unapologetic Hindu.

It is a disturbing irony that while rape Jihadis who trap Hindu women by feigning love or faking religious identity almost always resort to forcing Hindu women to consume cow meat. The act is rooted in the perverted Islamist mindset of humiliating the Kafirs by doing extreme mockery of their faith. They enjoy these deeds as acts of Islamic conquest on infidels. In Kerala, however, a section of Hindus voluntarily indulges in this adharma to boost their suicidally secular credentials.

The same ‘secular-progressive’ lot slips into hibernation when Muslim individuals and organisations give regressive statements, direct co-religionists to avoid doing ‘sinful’ acts Hindus call rituals. It, however, is also interesting how Muslims brandish the constitution as a shield when convenient.

Ironically, Islamists invoke secularism to demand personal-law protections and state support on issues like the hijab or Halal to protect Islamic exclusivity and communal autonomy. The Hindu majority, meanwhile, is either pressured or voluntarily, as in the case of Kerala, dilutes its own religious-cultural expressions, strips its own festivals of the inherent religiosity, for the sake of maintaining farcical communal harmony and secularism. While Muslims proceed with non-negotiable doctrinal clarity no matter how regressive it may be, Hindus have even become conditioned to boast their unilateral surrender as virtue and accommodative pluralism.

Willingly or unwillingly, secularism in India is largely the Hindu majority’s burden to bear.

Sarfaroshi ki tamanna – Remembering Pandit Ram Prasad Tomar on his 129th birth anniversary

Dhruv Mishra
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Sarfaroshi ki tamanna – Remembering Pandit Ram Prasad Tomar on his 129th birth anniversary

December 19, 1927. Gorakhpur Central Jail. A young man of just 30 walks calmly toward the hangman’s noose. No trembling, no tears. There was no sign of fear. No plea for mercy. As Ram Prasad walked towards the gallows, he remained committed to the cause he had dedicated his entire life to. For years, he had opposed British rule, inspired young revolutionaries, written patriotic poems, and risked everything for India’s freedom. Even in the final moments, he showed no fear.

It is said that before his execution, he spent his time praying , reciting patriotic verses, and chanting slogans in praise of Bharat Mata. The British believed that by hanging him, they would end his influence forever. There is a famous quote of John F. Kennedy: “A man may die, nations may rise and fall, but an idea lives on. Ideas have endurance without death.” Ram Prasad’s ideas turned him into a symbol of courage and sacrifice for generations to come. On that day, the British could take his life, but they could not destroy the spirit of freedom that he represented.

Nearly a century later, Ram Prasad Bismil continues to inspire Indians with his bravery, patriotism, and unwavering commitment to the nation. His life reminds us that India’s freedom came at a great cost, paid for by young men who were willing to sacrifice everything for their motherland. This article is a tribute to his legacy and to inspire all Indians to draw from his journey.

A Son of Shahjahanpur, A Descendant of Chambal

Ram Prasad was born on 11th June, 1897, in Shahjahanpur, in present-day Uttar Pradesh. But the story of the revolutionary who would one day challenge the British Empire began much earlier, in the rugged lands of Chambal. His family belonged to the Tomar Rajput community and traced its roots to Barbai village in the Morena region of present-day Madhya Pradesh. His grandfather, Narayan Lal, later migrated to Shahjahanpur, where the family settled and built a new life.

Life was not simple for the family. Like many ordinary Indians, there were economic struggles and difficulties in making ends meet. Growing up in such circumstances, young Ram Prasad witnessed both the challenges faced by common people and the deep sense of self-respect that his family carried despite those difficulties. Though he was born far from Chambal, the legacy of that remained a part of his identity.

Chambal is a land of paradoxes. Long known for producing fiercely independent people who do not bow before authority. The region’s culture was deeply rooted in tales of bravery, resistance, and honour. Pandit ‘s own life later reflected these values when he chose the path of revolution against British rule.

The boy from Shahjahanpur inherited more than a family name. He inherited a spirit of courage and defiance that would later make him one of the most celebrated revolutionaries of India’s freedom struggle.

Arya Samaj and the Making of a Revolutionary

The turning point in Ram Prasad Tomar’s life was his introduction to the Arya Samaj movement, founded by Swami Dayanand Saraswati. The movement encouraged Indians to value their culture, oppose social evils, and improve society. Seeking purpose, Ram Prasad embraced these principles. He avidly read religious and nationalist literature, especially Swami Dayanand’s Satyarth Prakash, which shaped his worldview.

Arya Samaj’s teachings taught him that India was a nation with a rich heritage, deserving freedom and respect. He believed every Indian had a duty to the nation, and that social reform and national awakening were essential for progress. The movement gave him self-respect and courage, qualities that defined his revolutionary path.

As his nationalist feelings grew stronger, Pandit became increasingly dissatisfied with British rule. He saw how Indians were denied freedom in their own land and how colonial policies kept the country politically and economically dependent. Gradually, he reached the conclusion that foreign rule was not only unjust but also harmful to India’s future. The ideas he absorbed through Arya Samaj laid the ideological foundation of his life and transformed him from an ordinary young man into a revolutionary determined to fight for India’s independence.

The Poet Called ‘Bismil’

Before he became one of India’s most feared revolutionaries in the eyes of the British, Ram Prasad Bismil was a gifted poet and writer. He adopted the pen name “Bismil”, an Urdu word meaning “wounded” or “sacrificed”. The name reflected the pain he felt while witnessing his country under foreign rule and his willingness to sacrifice everything for its freedom.

Bismil believed that words could inspire people just as powerfully as weapons. Through his poems, essays, and pamphlets, he sought to awaken patriotic feelings among Indians, especially the youth. His writings spoke of courage, sacrifice, self-respect, and the duty to liberate the motherland. When the British tightly controlled political activity, revolutionary literature became an important tool for spreading nationalist ideas and motivating people to join the freedom struggle.

Among the poems associated with Bismil, none became more famous than Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna. The stirring lines, “Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil mein hai, dekhna hai zor kitna bazu-e-qatil mein hai”, captured the spirit of an entire generation that was ready to face imprisonment or even death for the nation. Such verses were not merely poetry; they were calls to action. Young revolutionaries recited them at secret meetings, protests, and gatherings, drawing strength from their message.

For Bismil, poetry was more than an art form. It was a weapon against colonial rule. His words ignited patriotic passion in countless Indians and helped transform the struggle for independence into a mass movement driven by courage and sacrifice.

From Dreamer to Organiser

Ram Prasad Bismil was not just a poet who wrote about revolution, but he worked tirelessly to build it. While his patriotic poems inspired people, he understood that India’s freedom would require more than words. It needed organisation, planning, and dedicated individuals willing to sacrifice everything for the nation.

With this goal in mind, Bismil helped establish Matrivedi, a revolutionary organisation that brought together young nationalists who were dissatisfied with British rule. He travelled extensively, meeting like-minded individuals and recruiting them into the movement. Through personal contacts and secret meetings, he built a network of committed revolutionaries across northern India.

He also used pamphlets and underground literature to spread nationalist ideas. He wrote and distributed revolutionary material that called upon Indians to rise against colonial rule. At a time when the British closely monitored political activity, these pamphlets became a powerful means of reaching people and spreading the message of freedom.

Over the years, Bismil emerged as one of the most effective organisers of the revolutionary movement. He connected activists from different regions, coordinated activities, and helped create a structure that could challenge British authority. His leadership laid the foundation for a larger and more organised revolutionary network, proving that he was far more than a poet; he was a strategist, recruiter, and nation-builder who turned revolutionary ideas into action.

Building the Hindustan Republican Association

By the early 1920s, Ram Prasad Bismil felt that isolated revolutionary activities alone would not be enough to challenge the British Empire. There was a need for a disciplined organisation with a clear vision of India’s future. In order to achieve this he joined hands with revolutionaries like Sachindra Nath Sanyal, Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee and others to form Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) in 1924.

The organisation had an ambitious aim: Not only the removal of British rule, but the  establishment of an independent Indian republic based on political freedom and equal rights for its citizens. The HRA sought to unite revolutionaries from different regions and backgrounds under the common national cause and to build a coordinated movement against colonial rule.

Too many young revolutionaries of that time, armed resistance was the only option as the peaceful protests and constitutional methods  had not been able to win freedom from British rule. The memory of incidents like the Jallianwala Bagh massacre and the repeated suppression of nationalist movements convinced many that the colonial government would not voluntarily relinquish power. Groups like  HRA thought that organised revolutionary action was needed to confront the British state.

Under Bismil’s leadership, HRA quickly grew into one of the most important revolutionary organisations in northern India. It attracted committed young patriots prepared to risk jail, exile or even death for the cause of independence.

Kakori: The Robbery That Shook the Empire

On the 9 th August, 1925, Pandit Ram Prasad and a group of revolutionaries carried out one of the most daring operations in the Indian freedom struggle. It was done near the town of Kakori, close to Lucknow. They stopped a train carrying government funds and seized the treasury that was being transported on behalf of the British administration. The goal was not personal gain, but revolutionaries needed funds to expand their movement and challenge the colonial period.  Months of planning had gone into the operation. Every detail was carefully considered, and the execution was swift and precise. For the revolutionaries, Kakori was a message to the British Empire that India’s freedom movement was organised, determined, and willing to take bold action.

The incident sent shockwaves across the country. While many Indians admired the courage of the revolutionaries, the British government was furious. A massive manhunt was launched. Dozens of suspects were arrested, and one of the largest political trials of the colonial era began. The Kakori Conspiracy Case soon became a symbol of both revolutionary courage and British repression.

Prison, Poetry and Defiance

The British believed that Bismil’s spirit would be crushed by imprisonment. Instead, it showed the strength of his character. After his arrest, Bismil was tried for a long time and sentenced to death. He knew that he was to be executed, but he was perfectly calm. He never regretted fighting for India’s freedom, nor would he ever abandon his beliefs. He continued to write while he was in prison. He wrote poems, meditated on his life and wrote his famous autobiography, giving future generations a rare glimpse into the mind of a revolutionary. He also wrote letters to his compatriots calling on them to remain united and committed to the cause of national independence.

The Final Morning

The morning of 19th December 1927 marked the final chapter of Ram Prasad Bismil’s life. Inside Gorakhpur Jail, he met his family one last time. Though the moment was emotional, he remained composed. Instead of mourning his fate, he encouraged his loved ones to remain strong and take pride in the cause for which he was sacrificing his life. As the time for execution drew near, Pandit Ram Prasad Tomar prayed, recited patriotic verses, and prepared himself with complete calmness. Witnesses recalled that he walked towards the gallows without fear, as if he had already accepted his destiny. A few moments later, the trapdoor opened.

The British had succeeded in executing one man. But they could not extinguish the spirit that he had awakened in countless others. At just thirty years of age, Ram Prasad Bismil became one of the most revered martyrs of India’s freedom struggle.

The Legacy of Ram Prasad Bismil

The death of Ram Prasad Bismil did not end the revolutionary movement he helped build. In many ways, it strengthened it. Across India, Young revolutionaries drew inspiration from his courage and sacrifice. Bhagat Singh admired the Kakori revolutionaries and carried forward the spirit of resistance that Bismil had helped cultivate. Chandrashekhar Azad continued the struggle and played a key role in reorganising the revolutionary movement after the Kakori case. Bismil’s poems, writings, and autobiography survived long after his execution. His words continued to inspire generations of Indians, reminding them that freedom required courage, discipline, and sacrifice. The Kakori Conspiracy remains one of the defining episodes of India’s freedom struggle, and at its centre stands the figure of Ram Prasad Bismil as a poet, organiser, revolutionary, and martyr.

129 Years Later: Why India Still Remembers Him

On 11 June 2026, India marks the 129th birth anniversary of Ram Prasad Bismil. Nearly a century has passed since his execution, yet his story continues to inspire Indians. He left behind no wealth, no political office, and no dynasty. What he left behind was far more valuable: courage in the face of adversity, unwavering patriotism, powerful poetry, and a willingness to sacrifice everything for the nation. His life reminds us that India’s independence was not handed over peacefully. It was won through the struggles and sacrifices of countless young men and women who placed the nation above their own lives. Ram Prasad Bismil was one of them. A son of Shahjahanpur, a revolutionary of Kakori, and a martyr whose legacy continues to live in the heart of a free India.

The greatest show on earth kicks off today: 48 nations, three countries, one merciless continent, and nobody is fully ready for what’s coming

Divyansh Tiwari
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The greatest show on earth kicks off today: 48 nations, three countries, one merciless continent, and nobody is fully ready for what’s coming

The 2026 FIFA World Cup kicks off at midnight on June 12th, and before a single trophy is lifted, 48 countries are engaged in combat that will never be properly captured on television. In the longest and largest World Cup in history, it is a battle against thin air and scorching heat, jet lag and physical clocks gone crazy, a football that plays somewhat differently depending on where the ball is kicked, and the unseen weight of overall tiredness. The teams of the major footballing powers are loaded with talent, yet geography may outweigh talent. Your football pundit may be just as important in this event as your striker.

Two kilometres aloft and breathing through a straw

In just a few hours, Mexico and South Africa will walk out of the tunnel at the Estadio Azteca at an altitude of almost 2,240 meters above sea level, which is higher than most players on the planet ever practice or play and three times higher than almost every major European league stadium. For visiting teams, Mexico City is more than just a venue; it’s a gradual, physiological battle.

The human body does not simply accept that the air at that altitude contains about 20% less oxygen with each breath than it does at sea level. The ability to maintain the short, powerful sprinting pace that characterises modern international football, the pressing, the recovery runs, and quick speeds, declines measurably; the heart rate spikes faster at the same running speed, and muscles burn out more quickly. Players at altitude experience ‘a faster onset of fatigue, higher heart rates at any given running intensity, and a reduced capacity to sustain the high intensity efforts that define modern international football,’ according to Sam Shepherd, head of sports science at Precision Fuel & Hydration, who spoke with the Associated Press this week. Playing here is like attempting to sprint while breathing through a small straw, to put it simply. In a nutshell, you can do it. However, you can’t do it for ninety minutes as you could at sea level.

It goes without saying that Mexico has been breathing this thin air for many centuries. Their players were raised here, their Liga MX clubs train here, and their bodies are physically built to maximise performance from each shortened breath. Mexico’s deepest World Cup runs have always occurred on home soil, as Mexican football commissioner Mikel Arriola pointed out this week. Both 1970 and 1986 yielded quarter-final berths, and both were played under similar circumstances. Many historians consider the 1970 tournament to be the best ever, but it also served as a warning to European teams. Czechoslovakia lost all three of its group-stage matches at altitude because their lungs didn’t seem to adjust to Mexico City’s thin air.

The invisible warm up

Although the science of altitude acclimatisation has advanced significantly since 1970, the basic strain it causes remains the same. If you arrive too early, your body will experience an acclimatisation crisis in the middle of the tournament, which is a period of time when you feel truly terrible, nauseous, and breathless. If you arrive too late, your body will still be in shock when you play. According to pre-tournament coverage by the Associated Press, sports scientists generally advise two opposing strategies. The ‘fly-in, fly-out‘ approach, which involves arriving less than 36 hours before kickoff, playing the game while the body has not yet started its energy depleting adaptation response, and then returning quickly, or a prolonged stay of at least two weeks prior to a high altitude match, which gives the body time to stimulate the natural production of extra red blood cells and begin truly adapting.

The fly-in strategy makes sense for a single game. It becomes alarmingly unsuitable for a month-long competition with possible rematches at altitude. Pachuca, a Mexican city situated even higher than the capital at about 2,500 meters, was chosen by South Africa as their tournament base camp. They arrived more than a week ago with the express purpose of inducing the red blood cell response prior to today’s opening match. It’s a risk, because more altitude puts additional strain on the body before a big game, but it’s also an indication of astute, progressive preparation from a country that most people still underestimate. Teams that come to Mexico City unprepared will not only lose a game, but their players’ physical health could be affected for weeks.

When heat piles on top of altitude

Teams competing in this tournament face a variety of environmental monsters, including altitude. The hardship just takes on a different form when you fly north into the United States. Houston had wet bulb globe temperature readings above 30°C on almost three-quarters of June and July days over the previous ten years, according to a Financial Times analysis quoted by research group rg.org. The parameter that truly predicts risk for those exercising outside is wet bulb globe temperature, which takes into consideration wind, humidity, and sun radiation in addition to air temperature. Readings above 28°C are deemed potentially hazardous.

According to a pre-tournament study by Climate Central, 14 of the 16 World Cup venues are experiencing notably higher temperatures in June and July than they did during the previous North American World Cup in 1970. This statistic quietly impacts the physical environment of the whole tournament.

During the 2025 FIFA Club World Cup, which took place in many of the same American locations, we witnessed firsthand what this type of heat causes to professional football players. Igor Tudor, the manager of Juventus, disclosed that during a single game in Miami, where temperatures reached 30°C and 70% humidity, ten of his players asked to be substituted. Enzo Fernández of Chelsea called the atmosphere quite risky and observed that the whole thing becomes very tedious. With specialised cooling vests, cooling palm equipment on the bench, and specific hydrating plans based on each player’s unique perspiration rate, the team that effectively manages its heat stress will be in a healthier state physically than a team that depends solely on skill in the final moments of tight games. According to reports, England has pre-acclimatised their team using heated training tents, a strategy taken from cycling and athletics that streamlines weeks of heat adaptation into regulated, guided training sessions.

The ball, the physics, and the unseen variable

The behaviour of the football itself varies depending on the location of this competition. Aerodynamics researchers John Goff, Takeshi Asai, and colleagues examined the Trionda, this year’s official match ball and the first four-panel ball in men’s World Cup football, at the University of Tsukuba in wind tunnel tests that were reported in The Conversation. Set piece (free kicks, corners, and penalties) professionals might gain insight from their insights, which show a ball with a more stable, predictable drag coefficient at the speeds typically associated with free kicks and corner kicks.

But that already fast-moving ball gets considerably faster at altitude, where thinner air further reduces aerodynamic drag. It crosses the penalty area faster than goalkeepers who are conditioned for sea level and bends in slightly different arcs. Adidas assessed the Trionda in seven host cities, including the altitude of Mexico City and the humidity of coastal America, demonstrating that these are quantifiable, practical variations rather than speculative worries. Today at the Azteca, the goalkeeper who hasn’t trained especially for high altitude conditions is effectively up against a little different projectile than the one they were practising against at home.

Why is fatigue the tournament’s dark horse?

The way these challenges pile on top of one another over the course of six weeks and 104 matches in three different countries that are thousands of kilometres apart may be the most overlooked difficulty of 2026. A team can play a match at sea level in Miami, one of the World Cup’s most hot and humid locations, or travel across four different time zones to Vancouver, Canada, adapting their sleeping habits and recovery processes to a body clock that feels, as one sports scientist famously put it, like ‘feeling stuck in yesterday,’ before facing a high altitude game in Guadalajara, which is located at 1,566 meters and will also require sufficient acclimatisation, according to the AP’s pre-tournament coverage.

In his analysis for Bloomberg, senior lecturer Donal Mullan of Queen’s University Belfast, who co-authored a 2025 study on the World Cup’s heat schedule, was straightforward, ‘That heat loop builds up over time, that fatigue.’ With every week that goes by, the accumulated physiological strain from heat, altitude, sleep disturbances, and constant travel builds up in a way that no single session of training or recovery period can completely erase.

The hidden edge

Smaller, better-organised countries may find success in this area. A national team with a well-rounded medical and performance team, integrated doctors, physiologists, nutritionists, and sleep specialists working as an integrated unit around an easily manageable squad, can handle these pressures far more accurately than a highly talented European squad arriving from various club environments with a disorganised preparation and six weeks of Champions League fatigue already in their legs. This theory is supported by history, teams with metabolic advantages, nations whose players grew up at an average elevation, whose preparation was tailored to the environment, or whose backroom staff members anticipated the specific demands of their bodies months in advance tend to dominate their groups and cause major upsets at every World Cup staged at scorching heat or thin air atmosphere.

What to watch for in the first week

Today’s first game provides you with the perfect evaluation environment. Pay particular attention to South Africa’s attacking tempo and sprint recovery during the second half. They will stay in condition until the middle of the second half, if their preparation at Pachuca had been sufficient. If not, you’ll watch a team that played superbly in the first half before clearly losing the ability to do so. On every long-range free kick at the Azteca, keep an eye out for Trionda’s flight. Any delivery that gets past a goalkeeper who underestimated the speed should be related as much to aerodynamics as to skill. Additionally, during the first week of the tournament, observe which teams from temperate zones show up in American towns appearing lethargic in the second half of their opening game. This is because they are the teams whose physio staff lost the first match before any official match went into play.

There will be more than simply 48 teams fighting on the field in the 2026 World Cup. There are 48 teams competing against the entire continent, and the backroom staff is working quietly and unglamorously to keep players healthy and productive in circumstances that no Champions League season has ever prepared them for. The best preparation will result in the best football, beginning today.

Made-in-India C-295 military aircraft completes maiden flight: Here’s how it will strengthen India’s defence capabilities

OpIndia Staff
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Made-in-India C-295 military aircraft completes maiden flight: Here’s how it will strengthen India’s defence capabilities

In a major boost to India’s defence manufacturing capabilities, India’s C-295 military aircraft completed its maiden flight, as confirmed by the Indian Air Force (IAF) on Wednesday (10th June). The IAF congratulated the entire team behind the successful maiden flight of the aircraft. “The achievement reinforces India’s growing aerospace capabilities and underscores the Indian Air Force commitment to fostering indigenous defence capability under the vision of Atmanirbhar Bharat,” the IAF said in a message posted on X.

As per reports, IAF is in the process of procuring 56 units of C-295 aircraft at a cost of around ₹21,935 crore. 40 of these aircraft will be assembled Tata Advanced Systems Limited (TASL) in cooperation with Airbus at a Final Assembly Line (FAL) facility in Vadodara, Gujarat, which is the country’s first private-sector military aircraft assembly facility.

Hailing the development, Airbus Defence described the development as a “milestone for Indian aviation and defence” and a “game changer in the Government of India’s ‘Make in India’ vision”.

“This maiden test flight is a crucial step in the aircraft’s post-production testing process. As the first of 40 aircraft to be built in India, the test flight advances the programme’s objective of delivering the first ‘Made in India’ C295 aircraft this year to the Indian Air Force. A game changer in the Government of India’s ‘Make in India’ vision, the C295 India programme is the first instance of a military aircraft being manufactured in India by the private sector. The programme’s progress reflects the steady and dedicated work of Airbus, Tata Advanced Systems Limited and several Indian MSMEs, which are manufacturing parts for the aircraft across India,” Airbus Defence wrote on X.

C-295 to replace IAF’s AVRO 748 fleet

India signed a historic deal worth ₹21,935 crore in September 2021 with Airbus Defence and Space (Spain) to acquire 56 C-295MW medium tactical transport aircraft for the Indian Air Force (IAF). Under the deal, 40 of these aircraft were to be manufactured in India.

The deal followed years of evaluation and negotiations by the Indian government to be finally concluded on September 20, 2021. It was structured under India’s “Strategic Partnership” model, which encourages private sector participation in defence manufacturing. 16 of the C-295 aircraft were delivered in ‘fly-away’ condition by Airbus from its final assembly line in Seville, Spain, last year. The remaining 40 aircraft will be manufactured and assembled by TASL at the Vadodara FAL facility, under an industrial partnership. Notably, the Vadodara FAL was jointly inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez in October 2024.

How C-295 will enhance India’s defence capabilities

The C-295 aircraft were required to replace the IAF’s ageing AVRO 748 fleet, which has been in service since the early 1960s. The aircraft will also take the place of AN-32 planes, which have seen several accidents in the past. The AN-32 is not fit to fly in difficult terrain in the North East, and the C-295 will play a crucial role near the Chinese border.

The IAF currently operates 57 Hawker Siddeley HS 748 aircraft, originally designed by the British company Avro and manufactured under licence by HAL in India. However, the aircraft is being phased out of service by the IAF. Notably, the HAL had proposed to upgrade the HS 748 Avro fleet to modernise it, but the offer was rejected by the IAF. The reason for the rejection was that the aircraft lacked crucial features needed in modern military transport planes. For example, the lack of a rear ramp door in the Avro aircraft means that it can’t be used to transport military equipment for logistical support, and has largely been used for troop and VVIP movement.

C-295 aircraft fits the requirement. It is a twin-turboprop transport aircraft with a 5-10 Tonne capacity and contemporary technology. The aircraft has a rear ramp door for quick reaction and parachute dropping of troops and cargo. After the induction of all 56 units of C-295, the IAF will become the largest operator of the aircraft.

India currently operates several different military transport aircraft. Apart from the British plane HS 748 Avro and Ukraine-made AN-32, the IAF operates Soviet-made Ilyushin Il-76, and American large transport planes Boeing C-17 Globemaster and C-130J Super Hercules.

Who is Prasad Vedpathak? A beef enthusiast and a Dhruv Rathee fan who ignored the Islamist motive behind Pahalgam attack but tried to pit Hindus against Jains over a harmless tradition

Jinit Jain
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Who is Prasad Vedpathak? A beef enthusiast and a Dhruv Rathee fan who ignored the Islamist motive behind Pahalgam attack but tried to pit Hindus against Jains over a harmless tradition

In an age where social media rewards outrage more than understanding, it takes only one individual looking for attention to manufacture a controversy out of thin air. Earlier this month, social media influencer Prasad Vedpathak did precisely that when he attempted to whip up outrage over a white pathway painted in a Mumbai housing society for the convenience of Jain monks.

What could have remained a simple conversation about a religious accommodation rooted in centuries-old traditions was transformed into a communal flashpoint after Vedpathak chose to describe the practice as “Jain Jihad”, a loaded and provocative phrase that immediately invited backlash from Jains and non-Jains alike.

Source: X

The controversy once again raised an important question: Who exactly is Prasad Vedpathak, and why is he attacking Jains over a practice that is rooted in compassion and humanity?

How a white pathway became “Jain Jihad”

The controversy began when Vedpathak posted videos from a housing society in Mumbai’s Ghatkopar area, objecting to white-coated pathways created to facilitate the movement of Jain monks.

For those unfamiliar with Jain traditions, Jain monks often travel barefoot and follow extremely strict principles of non-violence and asceticism. White coatings are sometimes applied temporarily on pathways during peak summer months to keep surfaces cooler and make walking easier for monks.

In the monsoon season, cement pathways often become covered with algae. According to Jain philosophy, algae are not inert growths but living entities that contain countless microscopic organisms. Since Jain monks dedicate their lives to the principle of ahimsa (non-violence) towards all living beings, they avoid walking on algae as doing so would inevitably harm or destroy the organisms residing within it.

This is also one of the reasons why sections of pathways are often coated with white paint or whitewash. Apart from helping keep the surface cooler for barefoot monks during summer, the coating also inhibits algae growth during the monsoon. The objective is not exclusivity, segregation, or territorial marking, as Vedpathak and others attempted to insinuate, but ensuring that Jain monks can travel safely and continue their religious practice of visiting households for gochari (seeking food) without unintentionally causing harm to living organisms.

In other words, what Vedpathak portrayed as some sinister assertion of religious dominance was, in reality, an expression of one of Jainism’s most fundamental principles: compassion towards even the smallest forms of life.

Rather than first attempting to understand the custom, Vedpathak labelled the practice “Jain Jihad”, an inflammatory term designed to provoke outrage and rally support against Jains from non-Muslims.

Responding to his claims, several social media users, including Jain community members, explained the purpose behind the practice. A social media user tried to explain the Jain tradition of having a white pathway in society. The video could be viewed below:

Yet, despite receiving explanations, Vedpathak persisted in portraying the issue as one involving “territorial assertion”, “religious politics”, and alleged encroachment by the Jain community.

He eventually got the pathway painted that appeared even more jarring. But by then, the objective appeared to have been achieved: claim a symbolic victory, portray himself as the aggrieved party, and keep the controversy alive for continued attention and engagement.

Playing victim after fanning the flames

As criticism mounted against his remarks, Vedpathak suddenly adopted a different tone.

In a lengthy social media post, he claimed that he had always admired Jainism for its compassion, humility and non-violence. He appealed to Jain followers to show empathy towards residents allegedly hurt by the white pathway.

However, the statement conspicuously avoided addressing the central issue: why did he choose to target Jains as ‘hegemons’ and label a harmless religious custom as “Jain Jihad” in the first place?

Even while claiming respect for Jainism, Vedpathak continued to insinuate that the pathway represented a form of religious assertion and repeatedly suggested that Jains were imposing themselves upon others.

The contradiction was hard to miss.

If the issue was merely about society’s consent, why invoke language specifically designed to provoke communal reactions?

Attempting to rally Hindus against Jains

Perhaps the most troubling aspect of the controversy was Vedpathak’s apparent effort to frame the issue as one involving “ordinary Maharashtrians” versus Jains.

Through videos, captions and repeated social media commentary, he attempted to portray Jains as a powerful community allegedly exercising disproportionate influence.

The messaging resonated with some habitual social media bigots who quickly amplified the narrative.

One such individual was controversial ‘activist’ Teesta Setalvad, who was arrested by the Gujarat ATS in 2022 in a case of forgery, influencing witnesses, and the investigation of the Gujarat riots in 2002 that occurred after 59 Hindus were burned to death in a train in Godhra.

Weighing on the white pathway row, Setalvad astonishingly suggested that Jains were becoming “new hegemons” and acting against Mumbaikars.

The irony was impossible to ignore.

Jains constitute barely 0.4 per cent of India’s population. Yet, according to the same ecosystem that routinely dismisses concerns about Islamism and Muslim supremacism as products of a majoritarian imagination, this tiny community has suddenly been cast as a threat to social harmony. When objections are raised to land encroachments, coercive conversion attempts, or cases involving religiously motivated targeting of Hindu women, activists such as Teesta Setalvad are often quick to portray Muslims as victims of majoritarian prejudice. But when it comes to Jains, the narrative is reversed: a small minority community is vilified for adhering to a centuries-old tradition rooted in ahimsa, compassion, and respect for all forms of life.

The entire episode, from Vedpathak’s unwarranted targeting of the white pathway to the subsequent attempts to portray Jains as oppressors, carried the unmistakable signs of a manufactured campaign aimed at driving a wedge between Jains and the broader Hindu society.

Vedpathak’s refusal to call out Islamic Jihad underpinning the Pahalgam terror attack

Vedpathak’s selective outrage becomes even more apparent when contrasted with his reaction to the April 2025 Pahalgam terror attack, in which Pakistani terrorists identified tourists by their religion before murdering them.

Rather than calling out the Islamist Jihadist ideology that underpins such acts of targeted violence, Vedpathak chose to sermonise about unity, cautioning people against discussing the Hindu identity of the victims and arguing that those doing so were merely advancing the terrorists’ agenda.

He urged citizens to “hold those responsible for our security accountable” and portrayed the attack primarily as a governance failure rather than an expression of religiously motivated hatred.

The contrast is striking. When terrorists singled out Indians for being Hindu, Vedpathak echoed familiar liberal platitudes about avoiding communal discourse and focusing on administrative accountability. But when confronted with a harmless Jain religious accommodation rooted in ahimsa, he had no hesitation in branding it “Jain Jihad” and portraying a tiny minority community as a social menace.

The inconsistency suggests that Vedpathak’s positions are guided less by principle than by whichever narrative is most likely to generate outrage and engagement at a given moment.

Not the first time Vedpathak has targeted Jain traditions

Interestingly, the white pathway controversy was not Vedpathak’s first confrontation with Jain customs.

In April 2025, he publicly complained after visiting the famous Ranakpur Jain Temple. Vedpathak expressed outrage that visitors were required to remove leather items such as belts and wallets before entering the temple.

He was also unhappy with the temple’s rule regarding the entry of menstruating women. Yet neither of these practices is unusual within Jain religious traditions.

The prohibition on leather products stems directly from Jainism’s foundational principle of ahimsa, or non-violence towards living beings. Similar restrictions exist in numerous religious institutions across faiths.

Similarly, the Jain Agamas, the most authoritative scriptures in Jainism, prescribe that menstruating women should refrain from entering temple premises. This is not a practice unique to the Ranakpur temple; it is a long-standing religious norm observed across Jain temples worldwide. While the degree of enforcement may vary from place to place, the underlying principle is rooted in traditional Jain religious doctrine rather than any temple-specific rule.

Instead of understanding the theological basis behind these customs, Vedpathak once again chose public outrage.

One can reasonably infer that Vedpathak was attempting to manufacture a controversy by provoking self-described feminists into taking offence at the restriction. However, the effort failed to gain any meaningful traction at the time. In hindsight, though, the episode appears to fit into a broader pattern, suggesting that Vedpathak has been targeting Jain religious practices and traditions for quite some time.

The Hindu activist who dislikes idol worship

What makes Vedpathak’s self-branding particularly interesting is his frequent attempt to position himself as a defender of Hindu interests.

Yet his own social media history tells a rather different story.

In one widely circulated post, Vedpathak expressed anger after being gifted a Ganesh mural, declaring that he did not believe in idol worship.

“Remember you gifted me a Ganpati mural even after knowing that I don’t believe in idol worship,” he wrote while attacking another user.

Idol worship is central to the religious practice of hundreds of millions of Hindus.

Yet the same individual who now claims that a white pathway hurt his family’s religious sentiments appears to have no hesitation in expressing disdain for practices cherished by large sections of Hindus.

Beef enthusiast a Hindu sentiment crusader?

Vedpathak’s social media history also contains posts in which he openly speaks about consuming beef, which is considered a taboo by an overwhelming section of the Hindu society.

In one post, he asked followers for suggestions regarding having a “Beef and Bacon Burger.”

While Vedpathak has attempted to present himself as a champion of Hindu sentiments, he has repeatedly displayed contempt for beliefs and practices regarded as sacred by many Hindus.

A Dhruv Rathee admirer

Vedpathak’s ideological influences are hardly a mystery. In April 2024, he shared an old interview with Germany-based pro-AAP propagandist Dhruv Rathee and described him as the future of Indian media.

This is noteworthy because Rathee and the ecosystem surrounding him are notorious for promoting diabolical narratives that divide sections of Hindu society while presenting themselves as neutral commentators.

Vedpathak’s conduct during the Jain pathway controversy follows a remarkably similar pattern: identify a sensitive issue, frame it in the most provocative way possible, generate outrage, and then portray oneself as a victim once criticism mounts.

Outrage as a business model

Viewed in isolation, the white pathway controversy might appear trivial. Viewed alongside Vedpathak’s past conduct, a pattern emerges.

A harmless Jain tradition becomes “Jain Jihad”. Temple customs become evidence of discrimination. A gift featuring Lord Ganesha becomes a source of anger.

Religious sentiments become selectively invoked depending on what generates engagement.

The common thread is not principle. It is attention.

As outrage increasingly becomes a monetisable commodity on social media, influencers often find themselves incentivised to manufacture controversy where none exists. The more divisive the claim, the greater the engagement.

The Jain pathway episode appears to fit squarely within that template.

Rather than seeking understanding, Vedpathak chose provocation. Rather than learning about a centuries-old tradition rooted in compassion and non-violence, he attempted to portray it as a communal threat. And when the backlash arrived, he attempted to recast himself as the aggrieved party.

From attacking idol worship to flaunting beef consumption while simultaneously projecting himself as a defender of Hindu sentiment, Prasad Vedpathak’s public record suggests not a principled activist but a habitual rage-baiter willing to manufacture controversy for clicks, followers and relevance.

The white pathway may have disappeared from the society. The attempt to create suspicion and resentment against an entire community, however, revealed far more about Vedpathak than it ever did about the Jains.

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