Home Blog Page 54

India receives its first 3D glass chip project in Odisha: Read about the decisive step for ‘Aatmanirbhar Bharat’ in the country’s semiconductor journey

Rukma Rathore
-
0
India receives its first 3D glass chip project in Odisha: Read about the decisive step for ‘Aatmanirbhar Bharat’ in the country’s semiconductor journey

On 19th April (Sunday), the foundation for the nation’s first cutting-edge 3D chip packaging facility was laid at Bhubaneswar’s Infovalley in the presence of Minister of Electronics and Information Technology Ashwini Vaishnaw, along with Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi, as well as other dignitaries.

The occasion marked a turning point for India’s aspirations in the semiconductor industry and Odisha’s rise as a future-oriented technology attraction. It is an important leap towards expanding the “Aatmanirbhar Bharat” policy in high-end electronics production and strengthening the indigenous semiconductor ecosystem. Odisha will house one of the most innovative chip packing systems in the global market, owing to the start of this venture in the Khordha district.

3D Glass Solutions Inc (3DGS) of the United States is responsible for the operation through its fully incorporated Indian company, Heterogeneous Integration Packaging Solutions Private Limited (HIPSPL). It is a greenfield, vertically integrated ATMP (Assembly, Testing, Marking and Packaging) unit with embedded glass substrate and sophisticated packaging. It is scheduled to cost Rs 1,943.53 crore in total, including Rs 799 crore in approved central fiscal assistance and an additional Rs 399.5 crore in support from the state.

High-growth sectors, including data hubs, artificial intelligence, machine learning, 5G/6G (Generation) communications, automotive radar, defence electronics, aerospace applications and photonics, will be served by the installation. The aim is to reach full-scale volume manufacturing by August 2030, with commercial production predicted to commence by August 2028.

A grand achievement in future innovation

“A high-tech industry coming to Odisha is a matter of pride. This is an advanced technology. Normally, a silicone substrate is used in the manufacturing of chips, and now the technology of advanced 3D Glass substrate will be employed. We will also work to double the capacity after the completion of the first phase of the plant,” Vaishnaw expressed. According to him, Odisha, which has historically been recognised for its capabilities in minerals, metals and energy, is now slowly carving out a name for itself in sophisticated sectors like electronics, IT and semiconductors.

The union minister highlighted that this effort will greatly improve the country’s semiconductor value chain and referred to it as one of the most novel manufacturing undertakings of its kind. He added that three other bids pertaining to electronics and semiconductors are underway, and two semiconductor assignments have already been sanctioned for Odisha under the India Semiconductor Mission.

Majhi also described the event as a “historic milestone” for Odisha and India. He pointed out that Global tech giants such as Intel, Lockheed Martin and Applied Materials are linked to inventive packaging technologies, and their interest in the state is a reflection of its growing industrial power.

“The products manufactured in the state will support next-generation sectors such as Artificial Intelligence, high-performance computing, defence electronics, telecommunications and advanced digital systems. Odisha is ready to play a pivotal role in realising Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of making India self-reliant in semiconductor and electronics manufacturing,” he announced.

The chief minister mentioned that the plant is planned to supply 70,000 glass panels, 50 million assembled units and about 13,000 upgraded 3DHI (Heterogeneous Integration) modules annually.

He conveyed that large-scale job prospects for engineering graduates, diploma holders and Industrial Training Institutes (ITI) students will be made possible by Odisha’s rising semiconductor ecosystem, which will contribute to its transformation from an economy dependent on resources towards one driven by technology.

According to IT Secretary S Krishnan, the government will be ensuring a “close eye” on the endeavour, which might put the nation “on the map” in terms of modern chip packing.

Majhi also described the event as a “historic milestone” for Odisha and India. He pointed out that Global tech giants such as Intel, Lockheed Martin and Applied Materials are linked to inventive packaging technologies and their interest in the state is a reflection of its growing industrial power.

“The products manufactured in the state will support next-generation sectors such as Artificial Intelligence, high-performance computing, defence electronics, telecommunications and advanced digital systems. Odisha is ready to play a pivotal role in realising Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of making India self-reliant in semiconductor and electronics manufacturing,” he announced.

The chief minister mentioned that the plant is planned to supply 70,000 glass panels, 50 million assembled units and about 13,000 upgraded 3DHI (Heterogeneous Integration) modules annually.

He conveyed that large-scale job prospects for engineering graduates, diploma holders and Industrial Training Institutes (ITI) students will be made possible by Odisha’s rising semiconductor ecosystem, which will contribute to its transformation from an economy dependent on resources towards one driven by technology.

According to IT Secretary S Krishnan, the government will be ensuring a “close eye” on the endeavour, which might put the nation “on the map” in terms of modern chip packing.

What are 3D glass semiconductors

The brand-new site in Odisha will utilise glass-based substrates and 3D stacking technologies, in contrast to conventional semiconductor manufacturing, which mostly involves silicon wafers and planar (2D) packaging. These enable the vertical integration of several chip components, significantly boosting processing power within a single footprint. For sophisticated nodes, glass substrates offer superior thermal stability, reduced signal loss and better accuracy.

The future of computing itself is influenced by the potential of 3D glass chip technology. It is crucial to stack chips vertically and integrate various components (logic, memory, sensors) as devices such as smartphones and autonomous systems need more power in smaller spaces. Faster AI models, more effective data centres, and advanced defensive electronics could all be made accessible by this “heterogeneous integration.”

Gordon Moore, a co-founder of Intel, created Moore’s Law in 1965, which predicted that the number of transistors on a chip would nearly double every two years, resulting in exponential spikes in processing power while lowering prices. It was the semiconductor industry’s guiding idea for many years. This pace has slowed, though, as chips move closer to their physical and thermal constraints at advanced nodes. It has brought the industry into new solutions such as improved packaging, chiplets and 3D integration to maintain performance gains.

A remarkable evolution in the supply chain

The value of the project is determined by the technology layer it seeks to achieve rather than by the size or scope of the investment. Its emphasis on capacity, intellectual property, and ecosystem positioning suggests an arrangement away from assembly-led manufacturing and in favour of deeper involvement in the global semiconductor value chain.

The facility particularly focuses on the IP-intensive portion of semiconductor production, whereas conventional ATMP units work with imported substrates and standardised methods. Furthermore, the glass-ceramic packaging platform of 3DGS has above 100 patents from 31 active patent families worldwide. Materials engineering, manufacturing techniques, device architectures and system-level integration are covered by these patents. Notably, India’s presence in these regions has been restricted thus far.

Both locally produced glass substrates and organic substrates from outside sources will be primarily supported by the unit, as early commercial activities will take place while the local ecosystem flourishes. The intention is to eventually switch entirely to glass-based innovative packaging. Glass substrates serve stronger connectivity density, elevated dependability and better thermal control. These features are vital for defence-grade hardware, advanced computing systems and AI accelerators.

This could also result in an upstream alteration in sourcing as Indian system integrators, OEMs (Original Equipment Manufacturers) and government vendors might get advanced packaged components in the country and do not have to approach packaging clusters in Taiwan and South Korea. This builds up supply resiliency and gives industries like data centres, telecom infrastructure, aircraft and defence electronics a higher degree of authority over a key hardware stack layer.

India’s ambition for semiconductor growth

The India Semiconductor Mission, a state-backed campaign to create a full-stack semiconductor ecosystem from fabrication and packaging to design and display manufacturing, was introduced in 2021 with an investment of Rs 76,000 crore. 10 semiconductor projects excess of Rs 1.6 lakh crore, have been sanctioned in 6 states comprising fabrication facilities, OSAT (Outsourced Semiconductor Assembly and Test) units and design-linked incentives.

According to reports, the government is developing the subsequent edition of the blueprint and might accept a proposal that would amount to approximately $11 billion.

Nepal imposes customs duty on Indian goods priced above NRS 100, protests erupt across border regions: Here’s what happened

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
Nepal imposes customs duty on Indian goods priced above NRS 100, protests erupt across border regions: Here’s what happened

The ousted KP Sharma Oli-led communist government in Nepal used to attack India intermittently through rhetoric. The present Balen Shah-led government, however, has apparently leapt to rolling out policies antagonising India. This time, at the cost of making the Nepali populace suffer. Protests have erupted in many parts of Nepal after the government issued directives enforcing a tax on all items above Nepali Rupee 100 imported from India.

Nepal imposes Rs 100 customs duty on Indian goods

As per the new rules, a mandatory customs duty or Bhansar will be imposed on goods costing more than Rs 100, to curb the loss of national revenue for Nepal. The order to levy customs duty on Indian exports was originally issued by the Oli government around two years ago; however, it could not be implemented at that time.

The move came reportedly after complaints emerged that Nepalese citizens residing in the India-Nepal border areas frequently visited Indian markets for the purchase of household, food, clothing and other items.

There has been an increase in the presence and activities of Nepal’s Armed Police Force (APF) in border areas to enforce the draconian tax levy on Indian goods.

Confirming the imposition of NRS 100 custom duty on Indian exports, an official from Nepal’s Department of Customs told ANI, “It has always been the government’s policy to adopt a zero-tolerance approach to prevent illegal imports in customs areas. The Customs Act already had a provision requiring duties on goods worth more than 100 rupees. ‘We have become more proactive now.”

High-level team has been formed to monitor the imposition of customs duty on Indian exports

To ensure a strict implementation of the customs duty imposition, a joint monitoring team consisting of the Department of Customs, the Department of Revenue Investigation, District Administration Offices, Nepal Police, and the Armed Police Force have been formed. Inspections are being conducted by the APF on Nepali people coming back home from the weekly market in  Kakarbhitta, Bhadrapur, Pherniya, and Rupandehi. Nepali citizens have to stand in long queues to have their packages checked by the authorities for Indian goods.

From Jhapa in the east to Kanchanpur in the west, all main and secondary customs points are witnessing intensified crackdowns under the pretext of curbing tax evasion. Besides inspections, the Nepali authorities are also running ‘awareness’ programs to apprise citizens about the new customs duty on Indian goods priced above NRS 100. The move comes across as the Balen Shah government’s diktat to deter Nepali citizens from visiting India and purchasing Indian goods altogether.

In addition to levying customs duty on Indian exports, Nepal, under Prime Minister Balen Shah, has also banned the entry of private vehicles with Indian license plates without prior authorisation.

Earlier, motorbikes with Indian number plates entered Nepal without any harsh restrictions, with many people even using them within the country.

However, the Balen Shah government’s unilateral, stringent policy, in addition to the prohibition on Indian-registered vehicles, has caused massive distress in Nepal’s border districts of Madhesh. The lives of ordinary people have been significantly affected by the Balen Shah government’s unwarranted targeting of India under the pretext of preventing revenue leakage.

Nepali residents in border areas rise in protest  

Local Nepalis who boast of having roti-beti relations with India have expressed immense discontent and slammed the Balen Shah government for its ignorance of the ground realities in the Madhesh region. Many political parties and activists have also extended support to protesting Nepali citizens.

Umesh Yadav, a member of the Central Coordination Committee of the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP), said the open border between Nepal and India cannot be controlled by those sitting in air-conditioned rooms, be it in Kathmandu or Delhi. “’The open border is a literal and practical truth here. It is completely wrong to impose policies arbitrarily without understanding the concerns of residents from Biratnagar to Nepalgunj,” Yadav said.

Similarly, Rastriya Swatantra Party and chairman of the Open Border Dialogue Group, Dr Rajiv Jha, said that India and Nepal not only share a geographical border but also maintain social, cultural, religious, and familial ties.

“Setting a limit of 100 rupees in today’s era of inflation is extremely low and impractical; the government must review this immediately,’ Dr Jha said. ‘There should be a clear distinction between simple gifts brought by a daughter visiting from her maternal home and goods for commercial purposes. Food items should be exempt from customs,” Jha said.

Binay Yadav, Chairman of the Rastriya Ekta Dal, went a step ahead and dubbed the Balen Shah government’s move to levy customs duty on Indian goods, “undeclared blockade”.

“This step is against the provisions of the 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty. The government should immediately remove the customs limit for household items and instruct security personnel to behave in a citizen-friendly manner,” he said, adding that if the directive is not rolled back, a massive protest will erupt in the Indo-Nepal border region.

The Nepali government’s divorced-from-reality move is not only causing immense inconvenience to Nepali citizens but also stoking troubles for Indian traders in the border areas.

In the Banbasa area of Uttarakhand’s Champawat district, Nepali citizens rely on the local Indian market for their daily essentials. Imposing a duty on Indian goods priced above NRS 100 would not only affect trade here but also result in price hikes in Nepal. This will force Nepali traders to procure affordable goods from non-Indian sources.

During a protest, a Nepali citizen told ANI, “Whatever the rituals are performed here (Nepal) from birth to death, we bring all the essentials from there (India), even the fertilisers which the Government of Nepal at times is not able to provide on time, we bring them from there. Now the situation has turned different; it is an unannounced blockade. The Jana Adhikar Party demand it to be withdrawn. Failure to control the plunder by the Government of Nepal is its incapacity.”

Another one said, “They’re not allowed to bring in items that cost above NRS 100 without paying tax; we want this provision to end. It has brought us to the protest. They should also respect the relation that exists- the relation of Roti-Beti between India and Nepal. We are demanding that the government give an exemption to the items that cost above NRS 100, which is for domestic use.”

Gujarat: Parvez Pathan trapped minor Hindu girl in Kheda, gang-raped her with Muslim friends for 3 years, blackmailed with obscene images and videos; 8 arrested, 1 absconding

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
-
0
Gujarat: Parvez Pathan trapped minor Hindu girl in Kheda, gang-raped her with Muslim friends for 3 years, blackmailed with obscene images and videos; 8 arrested, 1 absconding

On 17th April (Friday), a case involving the gang rape of a 17-year-old Hindu girl has come to light in the Kheda district, Gujarat. A complaint has been filed against 9 Muslim individuals at the Kheda Town Police Station, and 8 have been arrested. The police are actively working to capture the remaining suspect who is still at large.

The rapists have been identified as Parvez Anwar Khan, also known as Munawar Khan Pathan (the prime accused), Mahir Yakub Pathan, Faizan Zahir Khan Pathan, Taufiq alias Tausiq Hussain Khan Pathan, Sahil Liyaqat Khan alias Dawood Pathan, Ayan Liyaqat Khan Pathan, Moin Firoz Khan Pathan, Maruf alias Nurani Mubarak Pathan and Salman Arif Khan Pathan.

Hindu organisations have come forward and demanded strict action against the perpetrators. The police have indicated that the situation seems to involve a criminal conspiracy, and the investigation is currently focused on that aspect.

According to the information, the incident occurred in a village located in Kheda. The victim disclosed the entire ordeal to her mother and recounted her distressing experience, after which the latter registered a First Information Report (FIR). The police filed a case, commenced further actions and apprehended 8 offenders, presenting them before the court.

The minor told her mother that she had met Parvez Pathan, an inhabitant of the same village, three years ago. The two families maintained a close relationship and visited each other’s homes. Over time, he increasingly made deliberate attempts to trap her by any means necessary and somehow obtained her phone number. He persistently harassed her. During this time, he once summoned her late at night, threatening to tarnish her image if she did not comply.

The underage girl went alone to the village school that the duo attended, to meet him out of fear. Parvez reportedly raped her and also recorded photographs and videos. He repeated the heinous act nearly 10 to 12 times on different occasions. He shared obscene visuals within his circle of friends, which prompted the others to begin threatening and sexually violating her as well. He forced her to have sexual relations with all of his associates and issued death threats along with threats to damage her reputation if she denied.

“You are obligated to come whenever we call. If you do not, we will make sure these photos and videos go viral,” Parvez dictated. According to the complaint, she was horrified and cried. However, he verbally assaulted her and blackmailed, “You are to be kept exclusively for the enjoyment of our entire group. If you refuse to submit to sexual relations with any of them, your photos and videos will be made public.”

A couple of days following the incident, he threatened the victim again and remarked, “You will never marry or become engaged. You must consistently keep all your friends pleased,” during the gang rape. Afterwards, she was regularly put through similarly horrendous circumstances by them and likewise mocked, “You are not going to get engaged or married anywhere. You must maintain this relationship exactly as it is.”

Parvez and his gang exploited the girl for 3 years, subjecting her to continuous intimidation and torment. She eventually turned utterly despondent, cried profusely at home, and even wanted to end her life, which led her to reveal the entire episode to her mother when inquired.

The mother was initially hesitant to notify the cops due to concern of social backlash, but later decided otherwise and went to the police station after she was persuaded by the community. The accused have been booked under sections 64(2)(m), 65(1), 70(2), 351(2), 352, 61(2) and 3(5) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) along with sections 3(a), 4, 5(G), 5(L) and 6 of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act.

In an interview with OpIndia, VB Desai, the Officer in Charge of Kheda Town Police Station, unveiled that this occurrence was carried out as part of a coordinated criminal conspiracy. The police have nabbed 8 persons, and further measures against them are in progress. There are ongoing efforts to find the absconding accused.

From industrial powerhouse to debt trap: Read how West Bengal’s economy has seen a massive decline under the TMC government since 2011

Shriti Sagar
-
0
From industrial powerhouse to debt trap: Read how West Bengal’s economy has seen a massive decline under the TMC government since 2011

As West Bengal moves toward the 2026 Assembly elections, the atmosphere is thick with political tension. From the tea gardens of Darjeeling to the industrial belts of Hooghly and the coastal villages of the South, every corner of the state is bracing for a decisive moment. 

Beyond the slogans of “Ma, Mati, Manush” by TMC, a study shows how a state that once stood among India’s foremost economic powerhouses has gradually slid into a cycle of debt and decline. First under the decades-long rule of the Left Front and now under fifteen years of the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) government led by Mamata Banerjee.

A structural decline since 2011

According to the financial report [pdf] published by Finskeptics, there was a sense of hope that the “new dawn” would finally break the chains of industrial inertia. However, the data shows that the structural weaknesses of the economy haven’t just remained; they’ve actually deepened. 

While the state government has been very successful at building a massive network of welfare schemes, which provide immediate relief to the poor, the “engine” of the economy is sputtering. We are seeing a model where the government is spending more and more on redistribution while the productive sectors, like heavy industry and IT, are struggling to keep up.

The consequences are visible in broader indicators: West Bengal’s share in national GDP has declined, per capita income remains below the national average, and thousands of companies have moved out of the state.

The investment climate has also suffered. Informal costs such as rent-seeking networks, combined with political interference in labour relations, have reduced investor confidence. Infrastructure gaps and factory closures have further weakened the industrial ecosystem.

The long fall of an Industrial giant

Historically, West Bengal was the nerve centre of Indian industry. Shortly after Independence, it contributed nearly 10% to the national GDP. It was the land of engineering giants, jute mills, and the undisputed commercial capital of the East. But over the last seven decades, a combination of bad luck and even worse policy has eroded that foundation. From the shocks of Partition to the “freight equalisation policy” that stripped Bengal of its competitive edge in minerals, and the later years of militant labour movements under the Left, the decline was steady.

The “Bengal Curse” is a poignant way to describe this: in 1960, West Bengal was the 3rd richest state in India. By 2024, it had tumbled to the 24th spot. 

Graph via Finskeptics

According to a major working paper by the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister (EAC-PM), the state’s share of national GDP dropped from 10.5% in 1960–61 to just 5.6% in 2023–24. This is the sharpest drop recorded for any major state in the country. Even more heartbreaking is that the relative per capita income, which used to be 127.5% of the national average, has crashed to 83.7%. States like Odisha, which were once considered far behind Bengal, are now racing ahead while Bengal struggles to find its footing.

Graph via Finskeptics

This long-term decline, often described as the “Bengal Curse,” reflects cumulative policy failures across regimes. While the Left Front years entrenched deindustrialisation, the post-2011 period has not delivered the expected turnaround.

The current financial mess: Welfare at the cost of growth

Under the TMC government, the financial situation has become increasingly fragile. The state is currently trapped in a cycle of borrowing to pay for day-to-day expenses rather than building assets that could generate future income. The debt has skyrocketed, and because the state isn’t bringing in enough of its own tax revenue, it has become heavily dependent on the Centre. 

The state’s debt has surged to over ₹7.7 lakh crore, while fiscal deficits remain high. Welfare expenditure has expanded significantly, often around election cycles, but capital investment continues to lag.

While the government celebrates its “populist” image, the math behind it is worrying. Most of the money coming in is immediately swallowed up by interest payments on old loans, salaries, and pensions. This leaves very little room for building new roads, bridges, or power plants, the very things that attract businesses and create jobs.

Key indicators highlight the imbalance. Own tax revenue growth remains weak, the credit-deposit ratio is low, and foreign investment inflows are modest. Industrial closures and company relocations further indicate a weakening economic base. The MSME sector, though large in numbers, is dominated by micro enterprises with limited capacity for scale or job creation.

Fiscal and debt trends: The growing mountain of loss

The numbers regarding Bengal’s debt are staggering. When the TMC took office in 2011, the state’s debt was about ₹1.92 lakh crore. By the end of the 2025–26 fiscal year, that figure is projected to hit a massive ₹7.7 lakh crore. That is a fourfold increase in just 15 years. 

Every single citizen in West Bengal now carries a “debt burden” of roughly ₹70,653. While the government argues that this is manageable, the real danger is the interest. West Bengal spends about 20% to 28% of all the money it earns just on paying back interest. In comparison, most other big states only spend between 5% and 15%. This means Bengal is losing its “fiscal breathing room.”

Even more concerning is the “Revenue Deficit.” In simple terms, the state is borrowing money to pay for things like subsidies and administrative costs rather than building infrastructure. In FY 2024-25, the fiscal deficit reached 4.02% of the GSDP, which is well above the safe limit of 3% recommended by experts. 

Graph via Finskeptics

Between 2020 and 2025, the state accumulated a revenue deficit of ₹1.49 lakh crore. To sustain this, the government has been borrowing heavily, with loans making up 80% of its capital receipts. This is like a household taking out a high-interest credit card loan just to pay the grocery bill; it’s a short-term fix that leads to long-term disaster.

Industrial exodus: Why the factories are leaving

One of the most visible signs of economic stress in West Bengal is the steady exit of industries. Since 2011, over 6,600 companies, including 110 listed firms, have moved their registered offices out of West Bengal. This isn’t just a temporary dip; it’s a structural flight of capital. 

Table via Finskeptics

Businesses are leaving for states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Uttar Pradesh because they no longer feel confident in Bengal’s business environment. While the state holds grand “Bengal Global Business Summits” and announces massive investment figures, the reality on the ground is that only about 4% of those proposals ever actually happen.

A major reason for this is the “Syndicate System.” In Bengal, the term “syndicate” refers to politically backed groups that control everything from construction materials to labour supply. If a company wants to build a factory, they often have to deal with these informal networks that demand “cut money”, essentially a bribe or a parallel tax. 

This adds a huge hidden cost to doing business. On top of this, the old “Gherao” culture, where workers surround managers to demand changes, has made a comeback under new names, leading to 177 factory closures during the TMC’s tenure compared to 83 under the previous government. 

This environment has scared away big investors, leaving the state’s industrial output to shrink from 13.5% in the 70s to a measly 3.9% today.

Labour and sectoral distress: The Human cost of decline

The economic imbalance is not just visible in data; it is reflected in the lives of people. One of the clearest indicators is the rise in labour migration. Because there are no new factories and the old ones are closing, West Bengal has become one of India’s biggest exporters of labour. As of 2025, an estimated 22.4 lakh workers from Bengal are working in other states like Kerala, Karnataka, and Maharashtra. 

These are people who have left their families behind to do menial jobs elsewhere because they can’t find a living wage at home. This massive out-migration is a “silent referendum” on the state’s governance. If things were going well, why would over two million people flee their homes to work in distant lands?

The distress is particularly visible in the tea gardens of North Bengal. Once the pride of the state, the tea industry is now in a “humanitarian emergency.” Production in 2025 dropped by 50-60%, and 80% of the organised gardens are running at a loss. 

But the real tragedy is the workers. While a tea worker in Sikkim earns ₹500 a day, a worker in West Bengal gets only ₹250. This wage gap has led to horrific levels of malnutrition. 

Studies in the Alipurduar district show that over 36% of tea workers are clinically undernourished, and nearly 88% suffer from anaemia. In some abandoned gardens, people are literally dying of hunger-related complications. Instead of reviving the industry, the state has allowed land to be diverted for “tea tourism” and real estate, effectively liquidating the assets while the workers starve.

Macroeconomic underperformance: Falling behind the rest of India

At the macro level, West Bengal’s economic performance continues to lag behind comparable states. Its share of national GDP has fallen from 10.5% in 1960–61 to just 5.6% in 2023–24. Per capita income remains below the national average at around 83.7%. The nominal GSDP growth of the state in FY25 was just 9.91%, the lowest among all comparable major states. 

The Credit-Deposit (CD) ratio, which measures how much banks are lending locally, is stuck between 46% and 52%. This is 30 points below the national average! It means that the money people in Bengal save in banks is being sent by those banks to other states to fund projects there, because there aren’t enough viable projects to fund in Bengal.

The MSME (Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises) sector, which the government often brags about, is also in trouble. While there are millions of registrations, 99.9% of them are “Micro” units, often just one person working from home.

These aren’t the kind of businesses that can scale up and provide thousands of jobs. In fact, over 2,200 MSMEs closed down between 2019 and 2024. The state’s ability to generate its own tax revenue is among the lowest in India, and its spending on infrastructure has dropped from 5.3% to a tiny 3%.

Conclusion

What emerges from all these numbers is a clear and worrying pattern. West Bengal is transforming from a state of production to a state of dependency. It is moving from industrial employment to a reliance on money sent home by migrants. Its share of the national pie is shrinking, its factories are closing, and its debt is piling up. 

West Bengal’s economic challenges today are not the result of a temporary slowdown; they reflect a deeper structural imbalance. The shift toward welfare-heavy spending without corresponding growth in production, investment, and industry has created a fragile economic model.

High debt, low capital investment, industrial flight, and rising migration are all interconnected symptoms of this imbalance.

Sameer Mohammed held Dharmesh hostage, and Rizwan attacked him with a knife: Read what the FIR says about brutal murder of Hindu man in Gujarat’s Dhandhuka

OpIndia Staff
-
0
Sameer Mohammed held Dharmesh hostage, and Rizwan attacked him with a knife: Read what the FIR says about brutal murder of Hindu man in Gujarat’s Dhandhuka

On April 18 (Saturday), two Muslim men brutally murdered a Hindu man, Dharmesh Bharwad, in Dhandhuka town of the Ahmedabad district of Gujarat. A minor dispute over a trivial issue relating to parking led to the victim being stabbed to death by the accused. After the attack, Dharmesh was rushed to the hospital in a critical condition, where he succumbed to his injuries. The incident sparked outrage among the local Hindu community, leading to widespread demonstrations and shops being vandalised. As the situation deteriorated, a police convoy, including Ahmedabad Rural SP and other senior officials, reached Dhandhuka and brought the situation under control.

Rahul Bharwad, the cousin of the deceased, Dharmesh, filed a complaint regarding the entire incident at the Dhandhuka Police Station, based on which the police have registered an FIR. A copy of the FIR is available with OpIndia. The accused have been identified as Rizwan Nizam Maniyar and Sameer Mohammed Amdani. They were arrested by the police and were sent into custody for interrogation.

On the fateful day, Dharmesh Gamara (Bharwad) asked his cousin, Rahul, to accompany him to the place of a relative and also bring his motorbike. Rahul agreed and met Dharmesh at Ranpur crossroad, where he took Rahul’s motorbike and left for the bank for some work. On reaching the bank, as Dharmesh was parking his bike, Sameer and Rizwan got into an argument with him over a parking space. Dharmesh ignored them and went inside the bank to finish the work. In the meantime, he called Rahul to the bank from where they left for the relative’s place on separate bikes.

The accused stood near the vehicle and began their assault.

When Dharmesh and Rahul reached Naseeb Society, they saw that two accused were already present there, blocking the road. They started abusing Dharmesh. When Dharmesh and Rahul attempted to reason with the accused, the attackers assaulted them and grabbed Dharmesh. “What were you talking about at the bank? Today, we are going to finish you off,” the accused said, threatening Dharmesh. In his complaint, Rahul stated that Sameer Mohammed held Dharmesh down while Rizwan stabbed him with a knife. Rahul attempted to intervene, but by then, the attack on Dharmesh had been stabbed.

The accused immediately fled the scene after the act. Dharmesh Bharwad was rushed to the hospital in a critical condition; however, his life could not be saved, and he was pronounced dead after briefly receiving treatment. According to the complaint filed by Rahul, while on the way to the hospital, Dharmesh had identified the accused as Rizwan and Sameer.

Based on the complaint, the police registered an FIR against the accused, Rizwan Nizam Maniyar and Sameer Mohammed Amdani, under Sections 103(1), 351(3), 352, and 54 of the BNS, and Section 135 of the Gujarat Police Act. Terming the incident a premeditated criminal conspiracy, the police have initiated an investigation into the case.

Speaking to OpIndia, Rahul said that the two accused attacked Dharmesh with a sharp-edged weapon, shouting, “We will not spare him today. Let’s kill him”. They fled the spot after stabbing Dharmesh. The complainant further recounted that he attempted to intervene and rushed to save his brother, but the accused restrained him, thereby preventing him from saving his brother.

Police to constitute a Special Investigation Team

Speaking about the incident, Ahmedabad Rural SP Om Prakash Jat said that he met the victim’s family, who expressed satisfaction over the police action. He further added, “The deceased’s family had demanded the appointment of a special public prosecutor and a comprehensive investigation. Therefore, we will constitute a Special Investigation Team (SIT) after consulting with our senior officials and the government.”

Furthermore, the SP said that all shops were reopened and peace prevails in the area. The police had initiated a search of the locality during the night and had also started interrogating suspects. Providing a brief account of the incident, the police official explained that following an altercation over a motorcycle, two individuals named Rizwan and Sameer attacked Dharmesh, who later died. The police confirmed that a thorough investigation into the incident is underway, and further legal action has been initiated following the arrest of the accused.

Notably, in 2022, a Hindu man named Kishan Bharwad was murdered by Muslims in the same area merely for posting a picture of Lord Krishna. He was shot dead in broad daylight by Muslims in Sarjaher. Subsequently, several accused, including a cleric, were arrested in connection with this case. Hindus had not been able to forget the brutal murder of Kishan Bharwad, and outrage spread when another similar incident occurred in the area. However, peace currently prevails in the region.

TCS Nashik conversion scandal: Company says Nida Khan was a process associate, not HR manager – Read what is the role and its responsibilities

OpIndia Staff
-
0
TCS Nashik conversion scandal: Company says Nida Khan was a process associate, not HR manager – Read what is the role and its responsibilities

On 17th April, Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) issued an official statement regarding the ongoing conversion scandal controversy. In its statement, the company stated that while media reports have named Nida Khan as HR manager, she holds the post of a process associate. The company further clarified that she did not hold any leadership roles.

The statement read, “Ms. Nida Khan, who is being repeatedly mentioned in the press as an HR manager of TCS, is neither an HR manager nor responsible for recruitment. She served as a process associate and did not hold any leadership responsibilities.” The statement was also submitted to the National Stock Exchange and shared on social media platforms. Notably, Nida Khan has been suspended by the company pending internal investigation.

Several media houses and Left-liberals used this statement to whitewash the role of Nida Khan in the conversion scandal.

Propagandist and fake news peddler posing as a fact-checker, Mohammed Zubair of Alt News, ran a campaign after TCS’s clarification and targeted every news portal and media house that called Nida Khan an HR manager.

Source: X

A detailed report was published on Alt News targeting media houses including OpIndia. However, the article did not describe the role of process associate in HR framework.

Source: Alt News

Several social media users ran similar campaigns targeting media houses for calling her HR manager, without going into details of the role of a process associate.

Source: X

What is a process associate in HR?

While TCS has clarified that Nida Khan was not an HR manager, the company completely skipped explaining the role of a process associate in the HR department. This job profile, which according to the company, Nida Khan held, requires a closer look, especially to understand what responsibilities employees in such positions entail within large corporate structures.

While process associate is not a leadership role, an employee in this post in the HR department is responsible for handling operational and backend HR functions. These roles form a crucial part of the human resources workflow by ensuring that systems, documentation, and employee processes function smoothly.

Handling employee documentation and onboarding processes

One of the main responsibilities of a process associate is to manage employee documentation. The process associate is responsible for verifying identity proofs, conducting background checks, and ensuring that all the needed paperwork is in place before the employee completes onboarding. The process associate also makes sure that documents such as non-disclosure agreements, company policies, and employment contracts are processed and recorded.

These functions are important for compliance and maintaining standards at the organisational level, especially in large companies where onboarding is handled at scale.

Maintaining and updating employee records

Furthermore, process associates are also responsible for updating and maintaining employee data in HR systems. This involves inputting accurate information, ensuring records are up to date, and managing databases that are used across various HR services.

The role requires attention to detail, as errors in employee data can impact payroll, compliance, and internal reporting systems.

Acting as the first point of contact for employees

This is the most crucial aspect of the process associate role, especially when seen in the context of the ongoing TCS conversion scandal controversy. In many organisations, process associates act as the first level of interaction for employees facing issues related to HR. They record complaints, respond to basic queries, and escalate matters to the appropriate departments such as senior HR personnel or committees like POSH when required.

Though they may not play a direct role or hold authority to resolve complex matters independently, their role is to act as a bridge between employees and the broader HR framework.

Supporting HR operations and compliance

Other than basic documentation and communication, process associates support HR operations in generating reports, handle transactional processes, and assist in compliance-related tasks.

Another key aspect of the role includes addressing employee queries related to compensation, policies, and HR procedures. While they may not make policy decisions, they help interpret and communicate existing frameworks to employees and ensure timely resolution of concerns by coordinating with relevant teams.

Role limited to execution, not decision making

As described above, the role of a process associate is mostly execution-driven. It involves processing, verifying, updating, and escalating, rather than making strategic decisions or leading teams. While what TCS claims in its statement is true, denying Nida Khan’s role in the HR framework just because she was a process associate would be completely wrong.

The investigation in the matter is underway and as Nida Khan is still absconding, the police are yet to question her about her role in the company and the controversy surrounding the FIRs that have named her.

Women in Parliaments of the world: Read which countries have reservations, which have candidate quotas, and where India stands globally

Aditi
-
0
Women in Parliaments of the world: Read which countries have reservations, which have candidate quotas, and where India stands globally

India’s attempt to implement women’s reservation in the Parliament suffered a major setback after the Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023, failed to get through the Parliament. India’s current representation of women in the Indian Parliament is roughly around 14% in the Lok Sabha and 17% in the Rajya Sabha, as compared to the global average, which stands at 26%. The low representation of women in politics and their involvement in decision-making at the national and lower levels has been and continues to be low worldwide.

While in principle, India has already taken a step forward in the direction of increasing women’s participation in the national decision-making with the passing of the Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023, the law has been waiting for implementation for over two years.

The debate about bringing gender parity in politics and public life is not limited to any one country or region. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development include gender equality as one of the goals. It goes without saying that gender parity in politics and policymaking is pivotal for achieving gender equality at other levels nationally as well as globally.

Notably, India is not the only country to take legislative action to ensure that women are given adequate representation in the country’s biggest decision-making body. Several other countries have taken affirmative actions to ensure women’s representation in the national as well as local politics. Some of the countries have introduced fixed minimum quotas for women in their national legislative bodies, while others have fixed minimum quotas in the candidates’ lists of political parties.

Here is a list of some of the countries which have taken affirmative actions and fixed gender quotas, including reserved seats in their national or local legislative bodies and candidate quotas.

Nepal

In Nepal, 33% seats in its Parliament are reserved for women. It has a fixed gender quota of 33% for the Lower House and 2% for the Upper House. The gender quota for the sub-national level also stands at 33%.

Pakistan

In Pakistan, the gender quota was introduced in 1965, but after 2002, the minimum representation of women in its National Assembly was fixed at 17%.

Bangladesh

In Bangladesh, at least 14% of the seats in the Lower House of the Jatiye Sansad are to be filled by women candidates, while at the sub-national level, the minimum gender quota has been fixed at 33%.

Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka has fixed a gender quota target for the Sub-national level at 25%.

United Arab Emirates

The Middle Eastern country has a gender Quota target of 50% for the Lower House of its Federal National Council.

Indonesia

The gender quota in the Lower House of the People’s Consultative Assembly has been fixed at 30%. The minimum percentage of women at the sub-national level has also been set at 30%.

Greece

40% of the seats in the Lower House of the Hellenic Parliament have been reserved for women representatives. And the same percentage of seats has been fixed for women at the sub-national level.

Italy

In Italy, 40% of the seats in the Lower House of the Italian Parliament have been reserved for women, and the same percentage of the total seats have been fixed for women representatives in the Upper House. Besides, 40% reservation has been provided to women candidates at the sub-national level. The political parties in Italy have voluntarily adopted gender quotas.

Spain

Spain has reserved 40% of the seats in the Lower House and 50% of the seats in the Upper House of its national legislature for women. At the sub-national level, 40% of the seats have been reserved for women. Like Italy, political parties in Spain have also adopted voluntary quotas of 44% for women.

Norway

The Nordic country has fixed a gender quota of 40% for women at the sub-national level.

Notably, major Western and European countries like the US, Canada, France, Germany and Sweden do not have seats reserved for women representatives in their national legislative bodies. If one takes a look at the representation of women in top political positions and connected public offices globally, in 28 countries, 30 women serve as Heads of State and/or Government as of January 1, 2026. According to the data compiled by UN Women, women represent 22.4 per cent of Cabinet members heading Ministries, leading a policy area as of the same date.

According to an estimate, at the current rates of progress in granting women representation in political spheres, gender parity in national legislative bodies will not be achieved before 2063. While gender parity remains evasive across the world, including the first world and the third world countries alike, reservation of seats for women in national legislatures and local levels has contributed significantly towards the aspirational goal of achieving gender parity in politics globally.

Women’s representation in politics is not a mere cosmetic change in how the national decision-making bodies appear. It had deep and far-reaching implications for policies and governance outcomes. A balanced representation is likely to ensure more equitable and inclusive policy-making. It will encourage and empower women to claim their rightful places in public life and areas traditionally dominated by men because of societal norms and a tilted power structure.

What is the 131st Constitution Amendment Bill, and how the opposition displayed their anti-women mindset by not voting for it

Shriti Sagar
-
0
What is the 131st Constitution Amendment Bill, and how the opposition displayed their anti-women mindset by not voting for it

The Indian parliamentary landscape witnessed a major development on Friday, 17th April, as the central government’s plan to transform the nation’s electoral framework came to a halt. In a setback for the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026, failed to pass in the Lok Sabha, falling short of the mandatory constitutional threshold.

The bill received 278 votes in favour (ayes) and 211 against (noes), with 489 members present and voting and no abstentions. A constitutional amendment under Article 368 of the Constitution requires the support of at least two-thirds of the members present and voting.

The vote comes a day after the Union Government notified the Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, 2023, bringing into force the law providing for 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies with effect from Thursday, 16th April.

Recognising that the structural foundation of their reform package had been rejected, Union Minister Kiren Rijiju moved to withdraw the accompanying Delimitation Bill, 2026, and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. These bills were inextricably linked to the 131st Amendment; without the constitutional authority to alter the seat limits and the census criteria, the subsidiary bills became legally untenable. 

This is a rare and significant blow to the government’s plans, effectively stalling the much-anticipated increase in Lok Sabha seats and, more importantly, putting the implementation of the Women’s Reservation Act into a state of deep uncertainty.

What is the 131st Amendment Bill?

The 131st Amendment Bill was essentially a plan to completely overhaul how India’s elections look. For decades, the number of seats in the Lok Sabha has been frozen based on the 1971 Census. This bill wanted to break that freeze. It proposed to increase the maximum number of seats in the Lok Sabha from 550 to a whopping 850. 

Out of these, 815 seats would come from the states and 35 from the Union Territories. The idea was to move back to the principle that every state should have seats in proportion to its actual population, ensuring that every citizen’s vote carries roughly the same weight across the country.

Beyond just adding seats, the bill gave Parliament the power to decide when the next “delimitation” (the process of redrawing constituency boundaries) would happen and which census would be used. The accompanying Delimitation Bill made it clear that they intended to use the 2011 Census for this next round. 

Most importantly for the average citizen, this bill was designed to remove the technical hurdles that were blocking the 33% reservation for women. It sought to decouple the start of the reservation from the “first census after 2023” requirement, so that the reservation law can be implemented without waiting for the results of 2026-27 census, aiming to get women into those seats much faster by linking it to the immediate delimitation exercise.

The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam 2023

Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, or the Women’s Reservation Bill was passed in September 2023. At that time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke about how this move had been delayed since 1996. The 2023 law was a historic move to reserve one-third of all seats in the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies for women. It even included a sub-quota for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, ensuring that the most marginalised voices would be heard in the halls of power.

However, a crucial clause, Article 334A(1), was inserted into that 2023 Act, stating that the reservation would only come into effect after a fresh census was conducted and a delimitation exercise was completed. Since the 2021 census was delayed due to COVID-19 and is expected to be completed by 2027, the actual reservation was looking like a distant reality for the 2029 elections or beyond. 

The 131st Amendment was the government’s attempt to fast-track this process. It was the contingent bill that would have cleared the path. By failing to pass the 131st Amendment, the opposition has essentially blocked the only immediate legal route to making the 2023 Women’s Reservation Law functional.

Delimitation Bill

Similarly, the proposed Delimitation Bill of 2026 was a direct consequence of the 131st Amendment. Delimitation is the process of redrawing those boundaries so that each MP represents a similar number of people. Currently, the allocation of seats to states is frozen based on 1971 population figures to prevent penalising states that successfully implemented population control. However, the 131st Amendment sought to break this freeze to reflect the modern demographic reality of India.

The Delimitation Bill would have established a Commission led by a Supreme Court judge to redraw boundaries using the latest published data. This process is essential for women’s representation because the law requires the identification of specific “reserved” constituencies, which can only be done during a delimitation exercise. 

By voting down the constitutional amendment, the opposition has not only stopped the increase in seats but has also stalled the redrawing of boundaries that would have identified the 33% of seats specifically for women. 

The opposition argued that using the 2011 Census would hurt the southern and north-eastern states because their population growth has been slower. But the government’s counter-argument was simple: you can’t have a democracy where some people’s votes are worth more than others, and you certainly can’t implement women’s reservation without redrawing the map.

Opposition’s anti-women behaviour

The defeat of the bill has sparked a fierce debate over the intentions of the opposition. The move reveals a deeply “anti-women” bias within the INDIA bloc. While the opposition claimed to support women’s reservation in 2023, their actions on Friday tell a different story. By voting down the 131st Amendment, the opposition has effectively told 700 million women that they have to wait even longer for their rights. They claim to support the 2023 law, but they rejected the very bill needed to implement it.

The opposition’s celebration after the bill fell has been described as a “betrayal.” While leaders like Rahul Gandhi called the bill an “unconstitutional trick,” the opposition’s real fear was the shift in political power that comes with seat expansion. They chose their regional seat counts over the historic empowerment of women. 

Even Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav, who talked about supporting women’s rights, ended up opposing the bill over unconstitutional demands regarding religion-based quotas within the reservation. This kind of politics shows that for the opposition, women’s empowerment is a good slogan, but a secondary priority when it comes to their own political survival.

The Prime Minister’s warning

In a cabinet meeting on Saturday, 18th April, following the defeat, he didn’t hold back. According to media reports, PM Modi said that the opposition has committed a massive mistake and will have to face the consequences. “They have let down the women of the country. This message must be taken to every single person, to every single village,” the PM told his cabinet. He had even given a personal guarantee in the House that no state, including those in the South, would face injustice even as the seats increased to 816.

The Prime Minister’s frustration is shared by many in the government. Union Minister Kiren Rijiju called the opposition’s move a “black stain on the Congress and its allies, one that they will never be able to erase.” Home Minister Amit Shah also hit out at the opposition’s “celebration,” saying, “How can anyone celebrate victory after deceiving half the nation’s population… and losing their trust?”

As it stands today, the dream of seeing 33% women in our Parliament is back in the freezer. The failure of the 131st Amendment isn’t just a political loss for the NDA; it’s a setback for the women of India who were told that their time had finally come. 

Allahabad HC refuses to quash FIR against 2 Muslim girls who forced their Hindu friend to convert to Islam, observes that a prima facie case is made out against them: Here is what the court said

Aditi
-
0
Allahabad HC refuses to quash FIR against 2 Muslim girls who forced their Hindu friend to convert to Islam, observes that a prima facie case is made out against them: Here is what the court said

The Allahabad High Court recently expressed concern over the rising religious fanaticism among the youth in the country, calling it a disturbing trend. The High Court’s remarks came during the hearing of writ petitions filed by two Muslim school girls, Aleena alias Aleena Parveen and Shabiya, seeking the quashing of the FIR against them. The FIR was lodged against the Muslim girls, studying in class 12th, under the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021, for forcing their religious beliefs on their Hindu friend.

A Division Bench of Justice JJ Munir and Justice Tarun Saxena dismissed the writ petition filed by the Muslim girls. It refused to intervene in the investigation by stating that a prima facie case was made out against them. “If this kind of trend comes to be seen amongst young people, it is all the more disturbing. This is the time in their lives when they should be thinking more towards developing their skills in different fields of education and dedicate themselves to the service of society and the nation,” the Court said, declining the petitions.

The High Court, in its order dated April 16, 2026, went on to explain the significance of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021, amid the growing trends of people imposing their religious beliefs on others. “We must be alive to the situation that the Act of 2021 was enacted to curtail an emergent situation in society, where certain persons go about not professing or propagating their religion, but thrusting it upon others in the belief which somehow makes it to their mind the religion they believe in must be followed by others,” the High Court stated.

The High Court highlighted how the legislation was the need of the hour to address the problem of religious coercion and forced religious conversion. “The Act of 2021 was brought to curtail this emergent mischief, which is heard from different quarters in the country these days, and of which we must take judicial notice. A statute that is enacted to curtail an emergent mischief, if stopped in its tracks at the very early stages of its enforcement, would bog down the statute and frustrate its purpose,” the court added.

Background of the case

The FIR was filed by the victim’s brother on January 22, 2026, at the Police Station Bilari, Moradabad, under Sections 3 and 5(1) of the 2021 Act. In the FIR, the victim’s brother stated that the Muslim girls study along with her sister, Kumari Mahima, at a coaching centre located in Shahukunj Colony, located in Town Bilai, Moradabad. He accused the Muslim girls of forcefully making his sister, Kumari Mahima, wear a burqa and pressuring her to accept Islam. He expressed the suspicion that there could be a larger conspiracy behind the act of the accused and urged the police to investigate it.

Denying the allegations against her, Aleena said that the FIR against her was filed out of vengeance as she allegedly turned down a romantic proposal from the victim’s brother. She alleged that the victim’s brother used to stalk her and, on one occasion, proposed to her.

The victim, in her statement given to the Judicial Magistrate under Section 183 BNSS, narrated the entire incident that happened on January 20, 2026. According to the victim, after the coaching classes, her friend Aleena and four of Aleena’s Muslim friends, namely, Malishka, Shabiya, Rimsha and Zehra, invited her to a restaurant for some snacks. Before leaving for the restaurant, Aleena forced her to wear a veil (burqa), which she had carried with her. When the victim refused to wear it, all the Muslim girls forcefully made her wear the burqa, and they proceeded towards the restaurant. The victim did not disclose anything to her mother, as Aleena had forbidden her.

The victim said that Aleena tried to brainwash her into accepting Islam. Aleena and the four other girls kept saying that their religion was good. They told the victim that there was freedom in their religion and that they could go anywhere after wearing the burqa. They also told her things about the Quran and said that the entire Quran could be read in 40 days. The victim also told the Judicial Magistrate that Aleena and the four girls often brought non-vegetarian food and forced her to eat it. When she refused to consume it, they told her to at least eat the gravy. The accused girls also repeatedly asked the victim to accept Islam.

The High Court examined the footage of a CCTV camera which was located close to the place where the victim was made to wear the burqa by the Muslim girls. The court noted that no FIR was filed by Aleena against the victim’s brother, even though she alleged that he stalked and proposed to her.

“Quite apart, the stand of the victim before the learned Judicial Magistrate cannot be trashed. It carries all the necessary facts, which would prima facie attract the provisions of Sections 3 and 5(1) of the Act of 2021,” the High Court stated in its order, adding that, “In the totality of circumstances, we do not find it to be a fit case where we ought interdict investigation and quash the impugned FIR”.

Nashik TCS scandal: Another whitewashing attempt by Leftist media, multiple FIRs of sexual exploitation and harassment labelled as ‘single workplace dispute’ and ‘rumour’

Rukma Rathore
-
0
Nashik TCS scandal: Another whitewashing attempt by Leftist media, multiple FIRs of sexual exploitation and harassment labelled as ‘single workplace dispute’ and ‘rumour’

The multiple allegations of sexual misconduct, religious conversion attempts and workplace harassment involving a Nashik-based BPO office of Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) have served as a sobering reminder that even the upscale offices of the corporate sector are not immune to the malicious intentions of Islamists.

9 First Information Reports (FIRs) had been filed in the case and the accused, including Danish Shaikh, Tausif Attar, Raza Memon, Shahrukh Qureshi, Asif Ansari and Shafi Sheikh were nabbed while authorities probe how repeated complaints of harassment were ignored by the corporate office.

The Indian mainstream media, captured by Islamo-leftists and their liberal cheerleaders, have rushed to support the perpetrators, dismissing the severity of the crime and conveniently downplaying the fact that the issue came to light only after female police personnel went undercover at the facility.

‘A single workplace dispute’: The process of whitewashing by dismissing the victim’s complaint

On 16th April (Thursday), “Offbeat Concerns” published an article, explicitly rejecting the pain and agony endured by the victims to claim that the accusations arise from a “single workplace dispute.” This ecosystem, which usually supports the notion of trusting women, especially in matters concerning sexual violations, is reluctant to apply the same principle in this situation due to the fact that the offenders are Muslims.

The hypocrisy is only set to intensify in the increasingly inconceivable arguments presented by the author in a bizarre defence of the Islamists.

“Manufacturing Corporate Jihad: How a Rumour Consumed Nashik,” by Sukumar Muralidharan alleged, “A single workplace dispute spirals into a full-blown jihad narrative, fueled by media frenzy, political interests, and digital misinformation. Inside the anatomy of a story that was built, amplified, and believed.”

Former member of the Rajya Sabha, Priyanka Chaturvedi, also lambasted the propaganda piece, highlighting the extensive probe and the participation of undercover policewomen in the matter. “3 more of those affected have recorded their statements and we already have people dismissing the women’s lived experiences by calling it bogus. Sexual harassment at the workplace cannot be so casually dismissed as this gentleman is doing in his column,” she conveyed.

According to Sukumar, the scandal is intricately constructed to advance an anti-Muslim narrative by the “evil nexus” of media, politics and similar forces, whereas the individuals who have abused and coerced women are “innocents” facing prosecution. He then proceeds to depict that jihad is used to “impart deeply sinister connotations” referencing “Love Jihad” and complaining that the latest incident is being labelled as “Corporate Jihad.”

The author is aiming to trivialise the concerns as serious as consistent workplace sexual harassment faced by women and their complaints being ignored by the management, by portraying terms like ‘corporate Jihad’ and ‘love Jihad’ as mere fantasies with no substance in reality, while the truth is drastically opposite. However, the alarming frequency of Hindu females, including minors, exploited from Amravati to Ajmer and Beawar to Bhopal through coordinated schemes that also offer substantial financial rewards to the perpetrators, is a validation of the appalling reality that the Leftist media fervently seeks to deny or gloss over.

OpIndia, and others who highlighted the issues and reported the victims’ complaints, have been labelled as ‘BJP-associated’

After the whitewashing of jihad, Sukumar attacked “BJP-associated OpIndia” and other media organisations for their factual reporting on the case, outlining the jarring conduct of the perpetrators, which included “manipulation, sexual harassment, molestation, forced beef consumption and insults directed at the Hindu religion.” He expressed, “It had been uncovered following the strange conduct of a woman employee who had taken to wearing a burqa and observing the Ramzan fast in March,” stressing that the blame was assigned to “seven professionals, all with names readily identified with the Muslim faith,” and they were arrested.

Sukumar intentionally omitted that Ashwini Chainani, the HR head and operations manager of the company, was also apprehended for supporting the accused, as this would have contradicted his disinformation project. However, he seemed to imply that the authorities targeted these men because of their identity, illustrating how this faction evaluates everything only through a religious perspective rather than with objectivity.

He mentioned, “The whole matter began to be investigated after a female employee in March complained of physical intimacy with one of the accused men, followed by broken promises of matrimony and blackmail threats. She also spoke of a pattern of harassment based on faith and belief, stretching back to July 2022,” while pointing out Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) owned Organiser’s reporting on the occurrence.

The allusion to the BJP and RSS with OpIndia and Organiser is written in a manner that insinuates an association with Right-wing ideology is a bigger crime than workplace sexual harassment and vulgar sexual innuendos on women co-workers. Sukumar Muralidharan’s article lacks any factual counter or evidence to support his contentions; instead, it is saturated with word salads and juvenile attempts to ridicule the media coverage of the case.

Facts are ignored and coverage is painted as a rat race for TRP

“All TV channels by this time had joined the effort at finding more salacious and sordid depths, including the possibility of funding from abroad and a sinister link with a recent bomb blast in Delhi’s Red Fort area. The ratings game left them no alternative,” Sukumar declared.

On one hand, he condemned the TV channels for using the incident to improve their ratings, while he himself negated not only the existence of a broader network but also the accusations. The authorities are scrutinising the matter from every angle, including foreign funding and the likelihood of linked terror plots, to ascertain the complete truth. However, the court of Sukumar has made a decision before the inquiry has reached its conclusion.

To reinforce his propaganda he stressed, “Local police had evidently been alerted to the strange behaviour of a female employee who had begun observing the Ramzan fast and living in an Islamic manner (whatever that may mean). Once the local police contacted the family of the woman in question, her family had stopped her from going to work. This had, in turn, led to the creation of an undercover team to infiltrate the TCS establishment in Nashik.”

IE report misused to announce the success of propaganda narrative

Sukumar pointed to an IE article, which has also been brought up by the Leftist ecosystem as a conclusive rebuttal of every accusation in the case. It presented an interview with the wife of an accused, who reduced the matter to an office affair between Danish Shaikh and a 23-year-old Dalit woman that went awry.

This story was exploited by the cabal, including Rajdeep Sardesai, to either undermine the inquiry or to escalate the narrative of Muslim victimhood and invent conspiracy theories about a focused agenda against “the educated and employed men of the Muslim community,” while sidelining all the information. He also followed suit by terming the police operation as just a “sting guided by political motives.”

“By implication, the rest of the story was manufactured by the local police with the obvious intent of pleasing the political masters in Mumbai. The TCS Nashik episode holds several warnings for the Indian media as it descends collectively into a state of abject servitude to power,” Sukumar likewise remarks, absolving the accused while criticising the media, the BJP government and all other factors responsible for revealing the truth.

This illustrates that the sensitive matters of sexual assault and forced conversions are of little concern to left liberals when the culprits are Muslims, who are always displayed as either victims or innocent parties, with a total disregard of the victims.

It is not unexpected for a family member or relative of an accused to portray them as clean. However, for media persons to dismiss the victims’ story completely, trivialise workplace sexual harassment as ‘love affair gone wrong’ and give a clean chit to the accused just to suit the political narrative is shocking. Interestingly, the whitewashing is rather quick and ‘automatic’ when the perpetrators are Muslims.

1...535455...7,624Page 54 of 7,624