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Hindu ex-employee of Wipro Technologies reveals shocking details, says she faced workplace harassment, religious discrimination and was forced to resign: Read exclusive report by OpIndia

After the TCS sexual exploitation and religious conversion scandal sent shockwaves across the country, a similar incident has come to light from the IT firm, Wipro Technologies, in Pune. A former employee of Wipro Technologies has revealed that she faced workplace harassment and religious discrimination at the Pune office of the company, and was forced to resign. A complaint has been filed by the former employee at the Hinjawadi Police Station, and a legal notice has been sent to the company.

The revelation was made during a press conference organised by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti at Shramik Patrakar Bhavan in Pune. During the press conference, the former employee of the IT company said that while working at the company, she was constantly pressured by a Muslim colleague, to convert to Islam and have a relationship with a Muslim man.

A colleague advised having physical relations with a Muslim man and settling in Dubai

In her complaint accessed by OpIndia, the former employee stated that a Muslim woman interfered in her personal life and encouraged her to abandon her Hindu faith. She said that apart from work-related calls, the Muslim colleague started calling her on her personal mobile phone number. Gradually, she developed closeness with the former employee and obtained information about her personal life. The former employee has separated from her husband and lives alone.

According to the complaint, the accused knew that the victim was living alone and would ask uncomfortable questions to her relating to her personal life. She asked her questions like “How do you manage sex while living alone?” and offered to introduce the victim to her male friends so that she could have physical relations with them. She also asked the victim to send her pictures on WhatsApp as she wanted to know how beautiful she looked.

The Muslim colleague tried to convince her that abandoning the Hindu religion would provide her with a better lifestyle and work opportunities abroad. She suggested to her that she should establish physical relations with a Muslim man and move to Dubai, where she would be introduced to wealthy ‘Sheikhs’ and get all the comforts of life. The former employee said that due to constant pestering, she restricted all communication with her colleague to professional matters only.

“While working at the company, immense and systematic mental pressure was exerted on me to embrace Islam and establish physical relations with a Muslim man. When I firmly rejected this anti-religious and unethical proposition and lodged an official complaint with the company administration, instead of taking action against the accused, the management unjustly terminated my employment,” the former employee said.

She further said that she reported the matter to a senior in the company, but no action was taken on her complaint. She submitted evidence through official channels, but no attention was paid to her. The victim further said that certain company officials, including a senior official named Wasim, failed to take action against the Muslim woman and that members of the HR and management team, including Zeeshan Ahmed, imposed disciplinary measures against her while disregarding her complaints and supporting evidence. Instead, a complaint was filed against her before the company’s internal Ombuds Committee.

The victim was forced to resign without a hearing

The former employee said that she was called into a Microsoft Teams meeting by company representatives in August 2025. In the meeting, she was forced to submit her resignation without being given a fair opportunity to be heard. Her advocate, Vivek Bhosale, said that the resignation was obtained under coercion and in violation of the principles of natural justice. She has served a legal notice to Wipro Technologies seeking her reinstatement with continuity of service, cancellation of the resignation and compensation of ₹50 lakh for alleged mental trauma and reputational damage. Besides, she has sought an official apology and action against those allegedly responsible for the incidents. Further, she has given 15 days to the company to take action on the legal notice, after which she will initiate civil, criminal and labour court proceedings.

Representatives of Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, who were present at the press conference with the former employee, demanded a thorough investigation into the case and urged the Maharashtra government to intervene. OpIndia spoke to Sunil Ghanwat, State Coordinator, Maharashtra & Chhattisgarh Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, who called for a high-level inquiry into the case and stringent legal action against the culprits.

The present incident comes after the infamous TCS ‘corporate Jihad’ case, which came to light earlier this year. Reports of sexual harassment, attempted religious conversion, and workplace misconduct in a Tata Consultancy Services BPO in Nashik emerged during an undercover operation of the local police.

Note: The name of the accused Muslim woman has been redacted owing to an ex-parte court order. The court was approached by the Muslim accused.

From Brazil’s World Cup ‘Baptism’ to IPL’s Shiva Tribute: Why Hindu symbols alone trigger secular outrage

As Brazil’s national football team departed for the FIFA World Cup 2026 in the United States of America, a video is circulating online. The aircraft carrying the players received a ceremonial water salute. In simple words, the aircraft was baptised, invoking a Christian tradition to symbolically bless the quest for a sixth world title. Far from criticism, the ceremony was celebrated as an expression of Brazil’s culture, history and national identity. The images stood in stark contrast to the discussion that erupted in India just days prior.

During the IPL closing ceremony, Singer Kailash Kher performed a tribute to Lord Shiva, accompanied by pretty visuals and drone formations. While millions of Indians saw it as a celebration of India’s civilisational heritage, some leftist voices objected to what they viewed as the mixing of sports and religion.

The contrasting reactions raise a simple question. When Christian, Islamic, or other religious traditions appear alongside sporting events, they are often viewed as expressions of culture and identity, but why do similar debates emerge when the tradition being showcased is Hindu? Are all the religious symbols being judged by the same standard, or are Hindu expressions subjected to a different scrutiny?

From football stadiums to World Cups, faith is hardly absent from sport

The idea that sports exist completely separate from religion does not match reality. Athletes, teams and sports organisations often express their faith and cultural traditions during major events worldwide.

Footballers regularly make the sign of the cross before a match. Athletes are often seen praying after victories. During Ramadan, some matches have been briefly paused to allow Muslim players to break their fast. National teams also hold prayer services before important tournaments, and many athletes openly thank God after winning competitions. Let’s take the example of the Brazilian football team. The country’s football culture has long been linked to Christian traditions.

Players praying before matches and religious ceremonies connected to the major events. The recent “Baptism” of the Brazilian aircraft, before and after its arrival in the USA, is seen as a cultural tradition, not a mixing of sports with religion. According to the news website, it was mentioned as “ For millions of Brazilians, however, it meant something far deeper: a blessing for the dream of becoming world champions once again. This also shows that a tradition is taken in Brazil.

This does not mean sporting events should be used to promote religion. However, it shows that across the world, sports and cultural or religious identity often coexist. The real question is not whether religion appears in sport. The question is why some religious or cultural expressions are accepted as tradition, while others become controversial.

Why did a tribute to Lord Shiva at the IPL closing ceremony trigger controversy?

It became even sadder that we have to discuss these as a Hindu in a Hindu-majority country. The debate in India began after popular singer Kailash Kher performed a tribute to Lord Shiva during the IPL 2026 closing ceremony. It was accompanied by elaborate drone formations and visuals inspired by Hindu symbolism; the performance was widely appreciated by the spectators and viewers who saw it as a celebration of India’s cultural heritage.

However, not everyone viewed the performance in the same manner. The leftist gang argued that religion should be kept separate from sporting events and questioned the inclusion of overtly religious themes during a cricket tournament. Among them was journalist Lavanya Narayanan, who remarked, “Keep religion out of sport,” reigniting a familiar debate about the place of faith and culture in public events.

The controversy soon moved beyond the performance itself. The hypocrisy of Narayanan pointed out how the religious symbolism associated with Islamic faiths in sporting contexts often does not attract the same level of scrutiny. The discussion therefore shifted from Kailash Kher’s performance to a broader question: Is the principle of keeping religion out of sport applied uniformly, or only to Hinduism?

The reaction to the IPL ceremony once again exposed a divide among Indians over the relationship between culture, religion and public life. While one side regarded the Shiva tribute as a natural expression of India’s civilisational identity, the other saw it as an example of religion entering a space that should remain secular.

The Hindu exception: Why do Hindu symbols attract a different reaction?

The controversy is not limited to the IPL ceremony, but it tells a lot about the treatment of Hindu symbols and culture. Over the years, similar incidents have occurred whenever Hindu symbols, festivals, or religious expressions have gained visibility in public spaces. Whether it’s chanting “Jai Shree Ram”, the celebration of Hindu festivals in educational institutions, temple imagery at public events, or cultural performances rooted in Hindu traditions, objections are often raised in the name of secularism.

At the same time, when similar expressions are associated with other religious faiths, such as Islam and Christianity, they are viewed through a different lens. Islamic practices during Ramadan are often described as displays of faith and identity. Christian traditions in many Western countries are treated as part of the cultural heritage. Religious observances by athletes are generally celebrated as personal expressions of belief. This difference raises many questions about India’s secularism. If the objective is to keep all religious symbolism away from sporting events and public platforms, then the principle must apply equally to every faith.

However, if cultural and religious traditions are accepted as legitimate expressions of identity, then Hindu traditions cannot be treated as an exception. India’s civilisation, history and cultural landscape have been shaped predominantly by Hindu traditions. This does not mean that public institutions should favour one religion over another. However, it raises an important question: Should every public expression of Hindu culture be automatically viewed with suspicion, while similar expressions associated with other faiths be seen as harmless traditions?

The debate triggered by the IPL ceremony ultimately goes beyond a single song or performance. It reflects a larger disagreement over how secularism is understood in India. Is secularism meant to ensure equal treatment of all faiths, or has it increasingly come to mean greater scrutiny whenever Hindu symbols enter the public sphere?

Conclusion

The debate is not really about a Brazilian aircraft receiving a ceremonial “baptism” or a singer performing a tribute to Lord Shiva during the IPL closing ceremony. Both incidents point towards a larger question about how modern societies view the relationship between culture, faith and public life.

In Brazil, a tradition rooted in Christian symbolism was celebrated as an expression of national identity and footballing culture. Few questioned whether it amounted to mixing religion with sport. In India, however, a performance inspired by Hindu traditions quickly became the subject of a wider secularism debate.

Nobody is arguing that sporting events should become platforms for religious preaching. However, it is equally difficult to ignore the perception that Hindu cultural expressions often face greater scrutiny than similar expressions associated with other faiths.

As India continues to debate the meaning of secularism, perhaps the more important question is not whether religion and culture appear in public life- they do, across the world. The real question is whether the same standards are applied consistently to everyone.

If Christian symbolism can be viewed as culture in Brazil and Islamic observances can be viewed as identity in sporting events across the world, then it is worth asking why Hindu symbols so often become subjects of controversy in their own civilisational homeland.

USTR proposes 12.5% tariffs on India, others over ‘forced labour’: Is Trump inventing new ways to reimpose tariffs struck down by the Supreme Court?

The US Trade Representative (USTR) has proposed to impose fresh tariffs on around 60 trading partners for reasons as vague as ‘forced labour’. The USTR released a 98-page report on 3rd June, in which it proposed tariffs ranging from 10 to 12.5% on India, China, Japan, Pakistan, South Korea, Brazil and Switzerland, among others.

The USTR has proposed 10% tariffs on Canada, Mexico, Taiwan and the United Kingdom over alleged failure to enforce a forced labour import ban.

In the report titled “Acts, Policies, and Practices of Various Economies Related to the Failure to Impose and Effectively Enforce a Prohibition on the Importation of Goods Produced with Forced Labor”, the USTR detailed the findings of the investigation launched into trading partners under Section 301 (b)(1) of the Trade Act of 1974.

Notably, Section 302(b)(1)(A) of the Trade Act of 1974 authorises the US Trade Representative to initiate an investigation to determine whether an act, policy, or practice of a foreign country is actionable under Section 301 of the Trade Act. Actionable matters under Section 301 include acts, policies, and practices of a foreign country that are ‘unreasonable’ or ‘discriminatory’ and burden or restrict US commerce.

Under the section “India: Findings of Investigation”, the USTR claimed that India failed to effectively enforce the forced labour import ban.

“In sections III.A.7 and III.B.7, USTR found that India has failed to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition. In section IV, we found that the failure to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition is unreasonable. In section V, we found that the failure to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition burdens or restricts U.S. commerce,” the USTR report reads.

“For the foregoing reasons, the results of this investigation indicate that the acts, policies and practices of India related to the failure to impose and effectively enforce a forced labor import prohibition are unreasonable and burden or restrict U.S. commerce,” it adds.

Regarding the scope of the proposed tariffs, the 10 to 12.5% tariffs, if approved, would apply to almost all US imports, with exemptions covering 70 products, including aircraft, beef, coffee, etc. The USTR has also proposed a textile or apparel quota mechanism for relief on limited volumes.

Source: Relevant Registry Notice

While the USTR report has sparked debate and even political mudslinging in India, it must not be forgotten that this is just a proposal that may or may not be approved. Despite this, several opposition leaders and their media allies have already started portraying the USTR proposal for imposing new tariffs on India as Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘failure’.

Public comments on the tariff proposal are due by 6th July.

Trump’s tariff tirade against India, strained ties, and the US court’s ultimate hammering down of his ‘weapon’

In August 2025, the Trump administration imposed ‘reciprocal’ tariffs on Indian goods, and later doubled them to 50%. The additional tariff was a ‘punishment’ for buying Russian oil. OpIndia reported earlier how India’s refusal to give a fake credit to Trump for ending the India-Pakistan conflict in May last year irked the US President, and he unleashed tariffs and rhetorical attacks against India.

India and the US have never been the best of friends. To be perfectly honest, America has no friends. During his farewell address in 1796, President George Washington advised the young America, “Steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world”.

The US has never permanently allied with any country, although geopolitical circumstances have compelled the ‘superpower’ to explore ties with various countries. During the 1971 war, the US supported Pakistan against India. The US imposed sanctions on India when the country conducted successful nuclear tests, becoming a nuclear power. America consistently attempted to undermine India. However, in the last two decades, Washington made efforts to woo India on its side, not out of any love or remorse for past actions, but as a democratic counterweight against an autocratic China.

Then enters Donald Trump, who destroyed the years of American efforts to bring India to its side by launching a tariff tirade that India did not deserve. For nearly three years, India bought discounted Russian oil, refined it and supplied it to various countries across the world and sustained global energy supplies as Russia faced sanctions for its war against Ukraine.

Even America supported India in buying Russian oil. Even Trump was fine with India’s Russian oil purchases until the May India-Pakistan conflict. However, as India killed Trump’s hopes for a Nobel Peace Prize, the megalomaniac American President began coddling Pakistan and antagonising India.

Trump’s approach, however, was quite hypocritical. On one hand, Trump would say that he is a “fan” and “good friend” of Prime Minister Modi, on the other, he would call India a “dead economy” and his officials, Howard Lutnick, Peter Navarro and others, would constantly villainise India and accuse it of fuelling the “Russian war machine”.

All this while, talks between India and the US also continued for a bilateral trade deal. As the Modi government refused to open up India’s dairy sector for American exports, Trump’s officials intensified their anti-India rhetoric.

As America launched a war against Iran in February this year, and an energy crisis followed the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, the Trump administration ‘allowed’ India to buy Russian oil to ensure global supplies and control price spikes. When India was buying Russian oil earlier for the same reasons, the Trump administration cried hoarse; however, when it became imperative to ensure energy supplies to the world amidst the crisis America caused, to save themselves from becoming global villains, they turned to India for help.

Although India made it clear that New Delhi will continue buying Russian oil regardless of whether America allows India to do so or not, the US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, recently said that America wants to end the license allowing countries like India to buy Russian oil “as soon as possible”, as Iran and the US negotiate a peace deal amidst a fragile ceasefire.

Not to forget, Trump, who speaks nicely of PM Modi and India and has increased investments in India for his private businesses, recently amplified the racist “hellhole” remark by an American podcaster against India in a Truth Social post.

Marco Rubio, who was in India last month for a two-day visit, received a relatively cold welcome and was questioned by the Indian media about increasing racism against India, the Russian oil issue, and America’s newfound love for the same Pakistan that Trump used to criticise for squeezing dollars out of America in the name of counter-terrorism measures.

While Trump and his officials vilified India for months since August 2025, for New Delhi’s Russian oil purchases, although America itself continued buying various non-essentials from Russia directly, Marco Rubio downplayed the matter. He said that the Russian oil issue was “never specifically about India”.

Rubio, however, did not explain that if the Russian oil issue was not specifically about India, then why India and not China, which has been the largest buyer of Russian oil, was called out for supposedly fuelling the Russian war machine. Why US impose maximum ‘penalty’ tariffs on India and not China? Is it because Trump knows that Washington cannot really harm China, as Beijing has leverage in the form of rare earth elements or RREs essential for the semiconductor industry?

The world saw that Trump’s recent visit to China was nothing more than a nice outing for the American president, yielding no breakthroughs. China even threatened Trump with a direct conflict for backing Taiwan.

America’s hypocrisy and cowardice have been blatant all throughout.

As the India-US trade deal talks advanced, the US lowered its effective tariff rates on most Indian goods to 18% and removed the 25% Russian-oil penalty. While the US claimed in some statements that India has committed to buy more of American energy, diversifying away from Russia, India has maintained that it will continue buying Russian oil and has, in practice, done so.

In fact, during a joint press briefing with Rubio in New Delhi, Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar clearly stated that India will continue to diversify its energy sources to fulfil its energy needs. He went on to say that if the Trump administration follows an “America First” policy, India has an “India First” foreign policy.

It is apparent that America is not very pleased with India for not acting like a second-tier client state and staying firm on its strategic autonomy. In fact, this USTR tariff proposal with a 70-product exemption comes across as a pressure tactic ahead of the American delegation’s four-day India visit for trade deal talks.

In February this year, the US Supreme Court struck down Trump’s tariffs, stripping him of his brand-new weapon to arm-twist countries into aligning with the US subserviently. The court ruled that Trump’s tariff terrorism was illegal. Since the Trump administration has been searching for ways to reimpose tariffs, and has found a twisted way in the imposing tariffs for the supposed ‘failure’ to impose prohibitions against forced labour. Approved or not, the USTR tariffs proposal against India is only contributing to the deepening trust deficit.

The USTR’s proposal to impose tariffs on India and over two dozen countries over ‘forced labour’ shows that America is yet to come out of the delusion that it is some teacher who needs to discipline children.

India’s reaction: Proposal not final, consultations underway

India has reacted to the development, statting that despite the political attention generated by the report, the proposed tariffs are not yet final.

“As per the report, the proposed tariffs are not yet final and stakeholders can submit requests to participate in public hearings by 22 June 2026. Written comments can be submitted until 6 July 2026. Public hearings will be held on 7 July 2026. The USTR will consider the comments and testimony received before taking a final decision on the proposed measures,” the Ministry of Commerce & Industry said in a press statement.

India has formally engaged with the United States as part of the ongoing Section 301 proceedings and is expected to present its position during the consultation process. Simultaneously, New Delhi and Washington continue negotiations on a broader trade framework agreement announced on 2 February 2026 and reaffirmed in the joint statement issued on 7 February 2026.

Delhi court convicts Ishtiaque Ali for the abduction and killing of Delhi University student Ayush Nautiyal: Read about the 2018 case

A Delhi Court recently convicted a man named Ishtiaque Ali for the abduction and killing of a Delhi University student in 2018 for a ransom of ₹50 lakh. Additional Sessions Judge (FTC), South-West District Dwarka Courts, New Delhi, Swati Gupta found Ishtiaque Ali guilty of offences committed under Sections 364A, 302 and 201 of the Indian Penal Code, relating to abduction for ransom, murder and causing disappearance of evidence. The court is yet to decide on the sentencing of the convict.

The case relates to the abduction and murder of a 21-year-old B.Com student, Ayush Nautiyal, in March 2018, whose semi-decomposed body was found dumped in a drain in Dwarka Sector-13, Delhi. The postmortem of the body revealed that the victim was killed using a blunt object, which, in this case, was a hammer. Notably, the culprit and the victim were known to each other and were seen hanging out together at a McDonald’s outlet near the crime scene, a day before the victim disappeared.

After examining the evidence adduced and the facts and arguments presented by the prosecution, the court said that the prosecution proved all three charges against Ishtiaque Ali beyond a reasonable doubt. The court noted that Ali abducted Ayush and demanded ₹50 lakh from his father. Even after killing Ayush, Ali made his father believe that his son was alive and would be freed on receiving the ransom amount.

“Blood samples taken from the scene of the crime contain the DNA of the deceased. Burnt laptop remnants of the laptop of deceased were recovered, at the instance of the accused. Clothes of the accused recovered at the instance of the accused are also found to contain DNA matching with the DNA of the deceased…The chain of circumstances is sufficient to prove the charge of S. 302 IPC against the accused,” the court stated.

“Blood sample collected from the Alto car of the deceased bearing no. DL-2CAL-2553 contain the DNA of the deceased. The said Alto car, which was used to dump the body, was also recovered at the instance of the accused,” the court said.

“…it is held that from the circumstances established above, prosecution has proved beyond a reasonable doubt that the accused committed the offences for which he is charged, i.e. Sections 364A/302/201 IPC,” the judge noted in the judgment passed on May 30, 2026, accessed by OpIndia.

The defence countered the prosecution’s case, alleging that there were lapses in the police investigation. However, the court rejected the defence’s allegation, observing that the prosecution only needed to prove the case “beyond a reasonable doubt” and not “beyond all doubts”. The court said that the evidence adduced by the prosecution was enough to prove the guilt of the accused.

“In this regard, it is noteworthy that despite the best efforts of investigating officers, there may sometimes be slight lapses in investigation. However, an accused should not be allowed to go scot free merely on account of some lapses in the investigation. It is settled law that every faulty investigation or padding in evidence cannot, by itself, lead to total demolition of the prosecution’s case if it can otherwise stand ignoring these fallacies. Mere lapses in investigation, if any, cannot be the basis of acquitting the accused when sufficient evidence is available to nail him,” the court stated.

Background of the case

According to the facts of the case, the Nautiyal, who studied at Ram Lal Anand College of the University of Delhi, left his house on March 22, 2018 and never returned. He told his family that he was going to attend a college fest and would return late. He left the house carrying a bag containing his laptop.

Around 7:45 pm, Ayush Nautiyal’s father, Dinesh Chandra, received an SMS sent from his son’s phone telling him to check WhatsApp. When he checked WhatsApp, he saw a photograph showing his son blindfolded with his hands and legs tied. The photo was sent with a message demanding a ₹50 lakh ransom and a warning not to disclose anything to his relatives or the police.

After receiving the messages, the victim’s father informed the police and filed a complaint. Based on his complaint, an FIR was filed at Palam Village police station. The police sprang into action and put the victim’s phone on surveillance and obtained the Call Detail Record (CDR) of his phone number.

While the police were trying to track the victim’s location, his father received another message on his phone on March 24, 2018, asking if he had arranged the ransom amount. When the father replied that he could arrange only ₹10 lakh, the concerned person asked him to arrange ₹50 lakh and gave him a deadline of March 26, 2018. On March 24, 2018, the father negotiated the ransom amount down to ₹12 lakh.

The father of the victim reached the location set by the culprit to drop the ransom amount. Initially, he asked the victim’s father to drop the ransom amount at Uttam Nagar, Najafgarh Nala. Later, he asked him to drop the money in a garbage can near Anupam Restaurant in Munirka, Vasant Vihar, Delhi. Police raiding parties were deployed at both locations; however, no one came to collect the money at either of the locations.

On March 28, 2018, a highly decomposed dead body of a male wrapped in a green polythene bag was recovered from a drainage canal (nala) behind the Metro View Apartments in Sector-13, Dwarka. The father identified the dead body as that of his son, Ayush Nautiyal. The father also identified the spectacles lying near the body as those belonging to his son.

An examination of the CCTV footage of the nearby areas revealed that the victim was spotted at a McDonald’s outlet in Dwarka Sector-14 with a bearded man. The police accessed the Gmail and Facebook accounts of the victim and analysed the photographs. After the examination, the police found that the bearded man accompanying the victim at the McDonald’s outlet was Ishtiaque Ali, Mohan Garden, Uttam Nagar, Delhi.

Upon interrogation by the police, Ali confessed to having killed Ayush Nautiyal and burning his laptop. He said that he met the victim through the Tinder App. The police recovered incriminating material, including the hammer used to kill Ayush, at the direction of Ali. The police also found Ali’s Alto car, parked outside his house, which was used by him to dump Ayush’s body. Ali was tried for the abduction and killing of Ayush and was found guilty by the court.

‘Sanatan safeguarded tribal identity, missionaries are wiping it out’: Ex-Jharkhand CM links conversions to demographic shift, asks, ‘If tribals worship nature, why are there 5,000 churches?’

The discussion around religious conversion, tribal identity, and demographic changes in Jharkhand has once again come into focus after concerns were raised about the rapid changes taking place in several tribal-dominated regions of the state. The issue has gained attention, particularly in border districts, where questions are being raised about the growing influence of Christian missionaries, the increasing number of conversions, and the settlement of illegal infiltrators.

Former Jharkhand Chief Minister Champai Soren has spoken openly on the matter, saying that the issue is not merely political but directly linked to the future of tribal culture, traditions, and identity.

According to him, tribal communities have been given constitutional safeguards, including reservation benefits, to protect their social and cultural identity. He questioned how people who voluntarily convert to Christianity or Islam can continue to enjoy benefits meant for tribal communities when they also receive the protections and facilities available to religious minorities under the Constitution. He argued that this issue needs a serious discussion because it affects the future of Jharkhand’s indigenous communities.

Centuries-old bond between tribals and Sanatan traditions

Champai Soren pointed to the long historical relationship between Jharkhand’s tribal communities and followers of Sanatan Dharma. He said that for thousands of years, nature-worshipping tribal communities and Sanatan followers have lived side by side in the same villages, sharing the same environment and social space. According to him, differences in worship practices never became a reason for conflict between the two communities.

He said tribal customs, traditions, and religious practices survived because they were never forced to abandon their identity. Tribal people continued to worship at places such as Jaherthan, Sarna sites, Deshawli, and Manchi Than, while preserving their own unique rituals and beliefs. He argued that if there had been attempts to erase tribal identity in the past, these traditions would have disappeared long ago.

He further stated that this close relationship can still be seen today. Members of the Sanatani community often visit tribal religious sites with faith and respect, while tribal people participate in festivals celebrated by Sanatan communities. Festivals such as Sarhul and Karma are celebrated together in many villages. Similarly, tribal communities participate in celebrations held by Sanatan families.

Many famous religious sites in Jharkhand are also cited as examples of this shared heritage. Temples such as the Diuri Temple and the Rankini Temple near Ranchi continue to have strong tribal connections. In many cases, the chief priests belong to tribal communities themselves, including Pahans and Mundas, showing how deeply tribal traditions remain connected to these places.

Jharkhand tribal population has fallen to around 26 %

One of the biggest concerns raised by Champai Soren is the gradual decline in the share of the tribal population in Jharkhand. He says the issue is not based on assumptions but on government data.

According to the 2011 Census, Jharkhand has around 86.45 lakh tribal people, accounting for approximately 26.2 % of the state’s total population. Across India, the tribal population stands at about 104.5 million, making up roughly 8.6 % of the country’s population.

Jharkhand is home to 32 recognised tribes. Among the most prominent are the Santhal, Oraon, Munda, Ho, Kol, and Mahli communities. The Santhal community has the largest population, particularly in the Santhal Pargana region.

Champai Soren argues that a comparison of demographic data from the period around Independence and later decades shows a steady decline in the tribal share of Jharkhand’s population. At the same time, he claims that the growth of Christian and Muslim populations in several areas has been much faster. He warns that if the present trend of conversion and infiltration continues, tribal communities may eventually become minorities in regions that have historically been their homeland.

Religious conversion and changes in tribal lifestyle

Tribal communities in Jharkhand have their own distinct way of life. Their customs cover every stage of life, including birth ceremonies, naming rituals, marriage traditions, and funeral practices. Traditional institutions such as the Manjhi Pargana, Naike, Pahan, Manki, Munda, and Padaha Raja play important roles in these social and religious processes.

For generations, tribal families have visited sacred places such as Jahersthan, Sarna Sthal, Deshauli, and Manjhi Than to worship deities like Marang Buru and Singboga. These practices have continued for centuries and form an important part of tribal identity.

Champai Soren says Sanatan traditions never interfered with these practices. However, he believes the arrival of Christian missionaries changed the situation significantly. According to him, conversions led many tribal families away from traditional places of worship. As churches became more common in villages, participation in traditional tribal religious practices declined in several areas.

He expressed concern that if conversions continue at the current pace, many traditional customs and cultural practices could disappear altogether. He said that tribal culture is closely tied to its religious practices, and losing one could eventually weaken the other.

Concern over missionary activities

According to historical records, Christian missionaries began their work in the Chhotanagpur region during the nineteenth century. Champai Soren says missionary activities have had a major impact on tribal society over the last 180 years.

He argues that Christianity and traditional tribal culture follow very different systems of belief. According to him, missionary efforts have gradually weakened traditional tribal faith and reduced participation in age-old customs. He says many Sarna sites and Jahersthans in some villages have become inactive because fewer people visit them for worship.

He further claims that changes have not been limited to religion alone. Language, cultural practices, traditional social structures, and tribal identity have also undergone significant changes in areas where conversions have been widespread.

To support his concerns, he points to examples from several countries in Africa and Latin America. Tribes such as the Samburu in Kenya, the Wai-Wai in Brazil, and the Ayoró community have experienced major cultural transformations after adopting Christianity. He believes similar changes are taking place in parts of India and warns that tribal communities could gradually lose their traditional identity if this trend continues.

Reservation benefits and minority status debate

Another issue raised by Champai Soren concerns reservation benefits.

He notes that Christians enjoy minority status under Article 30 of the Constitution and are entitled to run minority educational institutions and access various protections available to minorities. However, he questions whether tribal individuals who have converted to Christianity should continue receiving reservation benefits that were created to safeguard tribal communities and their traditional way of life.

According to him, people who voluntarily convert should rely on the benefits available to minorities rather than claiming tribal reservation benefits as well. He argues that this debate is important because reservations were designed to protect tribal identity and representation, including reserved seats in elections.

Questions over land used for churches and mosques

The discussion has also expanded to the issue of land ownership.

Jharkhand’s tribal areas are protected under laws such as the CNT Act and SPT Act, which restrict the transfer of tribal land to non-tribals. Champai Soren has questioned how thousands of churches and mosques have been constructed in tribal regions despite these restrictions.

He argues that if tribal land cannot legally be transferred, there should be transparency regarding how land was obtained for these structures. According to him, this issue deserves a detailed investigation to determine whether any illegal land transfers took place and whether administrative officials played any role in allowing such transfers.

He has demanded a high-level and impartial inquiry into the matter, saying that the public deserves clear answers about how protected tribal land came to be used for minority religious institutions.

How missionary activities expanded in Jharkhand

Historical records show that Christian missionary work in Jharkhand began in 1845 when four German missionaries associated with Reverend Father Gossner arrived in Ranchi. Their activities focused on education, healthcare, and social welfare, and they worked primarily among tribal communities such as the Munda and Oraon.

Later, Anglican SPG missionaries entered the Chhotanagpur region in 1869, while Jesuit Catholic missionaries arrived in 1868. Missionary activities expanded further after the arrival of Father Constant Lievens in 1885.

One significant event often mentioned in discussions on conversion took place in 1873, when 28 members of six Munda families were baptised in Khuntapani, now part of the West Singhbhum district. A stone plaque commemorating the event still exists, and an annual gathering is held there every November.

Similar concerns in Chhattisgarh

The debate is not limited to Jharkhand. Similar concerns are being raised in neighbouring Chhattisgarh.

Madku Island in Mungeli district hosts a large Christian fair every year, a tradition that has continued since 1909. Likewise, Kharkona village in Jashpur district has a memorial marking the baptism of 56 individuals in 1906. Annual events continue to be held there as well.

Over the years, the Christian population in some districts of Chhattisgarh has grown substantially. Critics of conversion activities argue that these demographic changes demonstrate the long-term impact of missionary work in tribal regions.

Missionary activities during the COVID-19 period

The debate over religious conversion gained further attention after statements made in 2021 by David Reeves, CEO of the missionary organisation Unfolding Word. According to statements attributed to him, large-scale outreach efforts were conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic through mobile phones and WhatsApp groups.

He reportedly said that churches were assigned responsibility for prayer meetings in multiple villages and that many new churches were established during this period. These claims became part of a wider debate over the methods used by missionary organisations to expand their reach in tribal regions.

Another organisation frequently discussed in this context is the Joshua Project, founded in 1995. The organisation maintains data on thousands of caste and tribal groups in India. Critics claim that its activities have contributed to conversion efforts in states such as Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Madhya Pradesh.

According to reports cited by those raising concerns, the number of churches in these states has increased significantly over the last decade. They argue that such expansion has taken place even in regions where land ownership and transfers are tightly regulated.

From Christian conversion to Muslim infiltration concerns

Santhal Pargana, one of Jharkhand’s most important tribal regions, is often mentioned in discussions about demographic change. The area has long been associated with missionary activity, but in recent years, concerns have also been raised about the settlement of Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslims.

Critics claim that the region has witnessed changes in demographics, increasing numbers of mosques and madrasas, and the gradual decline of traditional tribal religious sites. They argue that infiltrators settle in villages, establish social connections, and gradually expand their presence.

Supporters of stronger action say these developments are affecting tribal land ownership, employment opportunities, and social structures. They believe the issue requires close monitoring by government agencies.

Protecting tribal identity remains the core issue

The central government has already taken certain steps aimed at preserving tribal traditions. Tribal communities were kept outside the scope of the Uniform Civil Code in several policy discussions, and similar exemptions were also provided in Assam. These measures were intended to protect tribal customs, traditions, and personal laws.

However, Champai Soren argues that legal protections alone will not be enough if tribal communities continue to lose their cultural and religious identity. According to him, the larger challenge is ensuring that tribal traditions survive on the ground and are not preserved only in official documents.

He says the issue goes beyond party politics and vote-bank calculations. In his view, it is fundamentally about preserving the legacy of iconic tribal leaders such as Bhagwan Birsa Munda, Sidhu-Kanhu, Potho Ho, Veer Tana Bhagat, and Veer Telanga Kharia.

According to him, the future of Jharkhand’s tribal identity depends on whether the younger generation continues to follow the cultural and spiritual traditions passed down by their ancestors. He believes that if those traditions disappear, the unique identity that has defined Jharkhand’s tribal communities for centuries could gradually fade away as well.

By raising these concerns, Champai Soren has once again brought national attention to the questions of religious conversion, demographic change, land rights, and the preservation of tribal culture in Jharkhand, issues that are likely to remain at the centre of public debate in the years ahead.

Gujarat launches Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 following Deputy CM Harsh Sanghavi’s midnight cybercrime review: Read how the crackdown will work

As cyber fraud and online scams continue to rise across Gujarat, the state government has launched a major crackdown aimed at dismantling the financial networks that help cyber criminals operate. The Gujarat government has now rolled out “Operation Mule Hunt 2.0”, a statewide campaign designed to identify suspicious bank accounts used in cyber fraud and track down the criminal networks behind them.

The decision was taken after a high-level review meeting chaired by Gujarat’s Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghavi. Following the meeting, police across the state were directed to launch an aggressive operation against cyber criminals and individuals involved in facilitating digital fraud.

All the top police officers, including the state’s Director General of Police (DGP) Dr K.L.N. Rao, were present in this meeting. Apart from this, all the state’s Police Commissioners (CPs), Range IGs (IGs), DIGs and District Police Chiefs (SPs) joined the video conference live late at night and presented the current security situation in their respective areas as well as cyber crime cases.

What is Operation Mule Hunt?

The main agenda of this entire operation is to strengthen digital security and eliminate the entire network of the cyber mafia. The main objective of this campaign is to trace suspicious banking accounts used for cyber fraud and dismantle the international criminal chain operating behind it.

In cybercrime investigations, a ‘Mule Account’ is a bank account used by cybercriminals to transfer their illicit funds. Cybercriminals usually rent bank accounts of poor, unknown or greedy people by offering them commissions. Crores of rupees earned through fraud, phishing, hacking, gambling or drugs are transferred to these accounts.

The person who holds this account is known as a ‘money mule’. With the help of these accounts, cyber criminals use multiple transactions of money to transfer from one account to numerous others in a very short period of time. The main purpose behind this scam is to hide the identity of the real mastermind, so that when the investigating agencies reach the account holder, no direct charges can be filed against the real criminals.

According to officials, breaking this network is one of the most effective ways to reduce large-scale cybercrime.

Success of Operation Mule Hunt 1.0

The state government has decided to intensify the campaign after the success of the first phase, known as Operation Mule Hunt 1.0.

The Gujarat Police had achieved unprecedented success in the first phase of the earlier operation to break this dangerous network, namely ‘Operation Mule Hunt 1.0’. In this first phase of the operation, conducted by the Cyber ​​Centre of Excellence (CCOE) of Gujarat Police, strict action was taken against mule accounts, and a total of ₹2289 crore worth of cyber fraud was unearthed in different cases.

If we look at the major achievements of Operation Mule Hunt 1.0, the police registered a total of 565 FIRs and arrested 638 cyber criminals in a short period of time. Apart from this, direct action was taken against 913 active mule accounts, and a total of 4052 crimes were identified across the country, out of which 491 crimes were solved in the state of Gujarat alone.

The first phase of the operation also saw changes in banking transactions. There was a direct reduction of 75% in cheque withdrawals from mule accounts by cybercriminals. Statistically, monthly cheque withdrawals fell from ₹126 crore to just ₹25 crore, which represents a huge reduction of 80% in this black business.

In addition, the number of first-layer mule accounts, i.e. where cyber fraud money is deposited first, decreased by 30% from August to December. Also, due to strict police watch, there was a huge decrease of 66% in suspicious cash withdrawals from ATMs between September and December.

Statewide offensive begins from 2nd June

Following the results of the first phase, the Gujarat government has now launched Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 on a much larger scale from Tuesday, 2nd June. 

Under this campaign, clear orders have been given to the police department to carry out ‘Mule Account Surgical Strike’ in all the districts of the state.

Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghvi has recently started a series of marathon meetings with District Superintendents of Police (SPs) at his office at Swarnim Complex-1. In the last 13 hours, a face-to-face meeting was held with a total of 19 district police chiefs to review the district-wise police performance in areas such as law and order, crime control and cybercrime.

Focus on tracking masterminds

The government says its current strategy is not limited to identifying suspicious accounts. Authorities are now trying to trace the entire chain of people involved in cyber fraud, including those who knowingly or unknowingly provide their bank accounts for illegal transactions.

Officials aim to track every account receiving cybercrime proceeds and identify the masterminds controlling the networks. Investigators are also examining possible interstate and international links connected to these operations.

The administration believes that targeting the financial infrastructure of cyber criminals will significantly weaken their ability to carry out large-scale scams.

AI technology to strengthen monitoring

To make the operation more effective, authorities are increasingly relying on artificial intelligence and digital monitoring systems.

Under guidance from the Reserve Bank of India, the Indian Digital Payment Intelligence Corporation (IDPIC) is introducing an AI-based risk-scoring mechanism. Under this system, financial transactions will be classified into low-risk, medium-risk and high-risk categories.

A central registry called mulehunter.ai has also been created to help banks share information about suspicious accounts and improve coordination in detecting fraud.

Officials believe that technology-driven monitoring will help identify suspicious transactions much faster than traditional methods.

Cybersecurity now linked to national security

The growing threat of cybercrime has become a matter of concern at the highest levels of government. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has repeatedly urged citizens to remain alert against digital fraud, including scams involving so-called “digital arrests” and other online deception techniques.

India’s rapid digital expansion has made cybersecurity an increasingly important issue. Over the last decade, internet users in the country have reportedly increased from around 25 crore to more than 100 crore. More than two lakh gram panchayats have also been connected through the BharatNet programme.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has previously stated that cybersecurity is no longer only an economic issue but has become directly linked to national security.

Against this backdrop, Gujarat’s Operation Mule Hunt 2.0 is being seen as a major effort to strengthen both financial and digital security. Officials believe that the combination of aggressive policing, advanced technology and coordination with banks could make it increasingly difficult for cyber criminals to launder money through mule accounts.

However, the awareness of common citizens is equally essential in this digital revolution. People should be aware and stay away from temptations; do not rent out their bank accounts and immediately take refuge in 1930 or cybercrime.gov.in in case of any fraud; only then will the anti-cybercrime campaign gain momentum, and the government and administration will get a lot of help in curbing such crimes.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Gujarati.)

Burqa, hijab are very freeing identity markers, Sita is tired of patriarchy: The Hindu journalist Lavanya Narayanan attacks IPL ceremony, peddles anti-Hindu rhetoric

Lavanya Lakshmi Narayanan, the Deputy Team Lead of Sportstar under “The Hindu” Group, has sparked outrage after she expressed her disapproval of popular singer Kailash Kher’s “Babam Bam” performance during the IPL (Indian Premier League) finale on 31st May (Sunday). The beautiful tribute to Lord Shiva was enhanced by religious symbolism created using drones.

The magical performance captivated the hearts of the ecstatic audience, but it did not sit well with Narayanan, who asserted that it was an attempt to blend religion with sports. Hence, she took to social media to remark, “Keep religion out of sport.”

“Private event. Private money. Indeed,” she taunted after Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Goa also praised the celebration.

However, the journalist’s anti-Hindu mindset was soon exposed when her earlier tweets praising Islamic practices during similar international sports events gained widespread attention on social media. “Mashallah” was her reply to a post stating that players from the Turkish football team broke their fast (Roza) in the middle of their match in Ankara.

Lavanya quoted a Pakistani “Eid special” broadcast featuring cricketer Imam-ul-Haq, to convey her greetings on the Muslim festival.

Not only does she express her anger regarding any actions linked to Hinduism while simultaneously praising Muslim practices, but as a part of the Islamo-leftist ecosystem, she also denigrates the former under the pretext of “patriarchy” to mask her disdain for the faith. In a notably derogatory statement, she claimed that the face of Goddess Sita reflected that she was “so done with this patriarchy-pavitrta shit,” while reacting to a religious post on Diwali.

How is it possible for a left loony to refrain from showing their animosity toward Hinduism on an important occasion to hurt Hindus? They cannot, and thus, Lavanya also demonstrated her demented ideology.

Hindus are patriarchal, but burqa and niqab are “very freeing”

As a true liberal, Lavanya was unsettled by “Jai Shri Ram.” Hence, she denounced the young men who raised the Hindu slogan in protest and indirectly supported Muskan Zainab, associated with the banned Popular Front of India (PFI), which fuelled the hijab controversy in Karnataka. Muskan gained notoriety after a strategically captured video of her shouting “Allahu Akbar” went viral during the incident, which happened at PES College of Arts, Science and Commerce in Mandya.

“If religious markers go, shouldn’t they all? Don’t see any such sanctions for the others,” she asked after a netizen emphasised that educational institutions have a uniform to maintain discipline alongside an equal environment for students and should remain devoid of any religious symbols. She shrewdly neglected the fact that the Muslim pupils desired special privileges to tout their Islamic outfits, unlike their Hindu peers.

Lavanya likewise disregarded the rising number of instances where Hindu students have been asked to take off their sacred symbols, including janeu, kalava, tilak and mangalsutra, among other things, prior to being allowed access to schools or examination centres.

Lavanya then described hijab and burqa as “very freeing” and an “identity marker” for many Muslim women after insisting that her views do not hold weight since she is not part of the religion. When confronted about her unreasonable comment, she aggressively defended, “We speak of patriarchy in Islam like it doesn’t exist in other religious systems of belief, especially Hinduism. If we’re setting out to reform and empower, why not start with the majority?”

he shamelessly praised the Islamic veil, which has been responsible for the murder and oppression of numerous girls and women in different Muslim countries. She invoked patriarchy to attack Ramayana and Lord Ram, but failed to recognise it in the desperate cries of the real victims.

A simple recommendation from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to learn the effective utilisation of time through the skilful management exhibited by mothers was also characterised as “a lesson about the very essence of patriarchy” from him.

Lavanya used a similar argument to support Congress MLA Vinesh Phogat after she reached the 50-kilogram freestyle final at the 2024 Paris Olympics. “What a big middle finger to life and patriarchy’s shithousery,” she wrote while sharing her column. Phogat was later disqualified as she was over the permissible weight limit.

Lavanya accused, “At her lowest point, the powerful, like vultures, picked on her. Her nature, naturally confident and outspoken, was used against her. They prodded and nudged at her, confident that her career was all but done. They insulted her. They insulted her coach, Hungary’s Woller Akos, who had left his wife and young child to come and work with the Indian and accused him of being money-minded,” in her article.

She declared that the achievement came even after the entire system opposed the wrestler and her coach, which starkly contradicts the truth. However, Phogat has had a troubling history with the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) owing to her conduct.

Last month, she was prohibited from competing in the National Open Ranking Tournament in Gonda because she, “committed acts and omissions which are seriously prejudicial to the discipline, image, reputation and interests of WFI, the Indian wrestling fraternity and the nation, and which constitute violations of the WFI constitution, the UWW (United World Wrestling) International wrestling rules and the National Anti-Doping Rules 2021.”

She had even demanded direct entry into major global events like the Asian Games and the Olympics without taking part in the national selection trials in 2023. The Indian Olympic Association (IOA) even went as far as to offer an exemption to her and five others, which ignited criticism. As expected, Lavanaya conveniently ignored the crucial decision taken to facilitate the wrestlers and promoted her agenda.

Furthermore, the excessive glorification of Woller, who is simply carrying out a job for which he is receiving remuneration and not extending a favour to any “Indian” is equally troubling and indicates the inferiority complex commonly found in members of this cabal, where foreigners are placed on a pedestal to undermine India.

Lavanya pointed to the protests organised by wrestlers against the then WFI president Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh to illustrate a dramatic image, claiming that Phogat fought at Jantar Mantar instead of on a synthetic mat and slept under a Neem tree. She, of course, did not mention how the central government regularly held discussions with the agitators to address their concerns.

Interestingly, Phogat had stated, “We thought we were such big players that people would believe us, but they started to ask for proof,” in an interview at the time, inciting public backlash. Singh has been acquitted of sexual harassment accusations in one case by a Delhi court, while similar proceedings against him are underway in other cases. The guilty must be dealt with in the strictest manner, but the author has clearly exploited the sensitive matter to advance her narrative.

Conclusion

Just as other leftist liberals, Lavanya also tried to play victim after her earlier posts drew attention, highlighting her double standards. The whole point of the criticism is that India in its current geopolitical form is, or was, envisioned on secularism. How are people evading that very simple point like the plague? It’s one thing for players or teams to indulge and a whole other thing for it to come from a league’s organiser,” she insisted while trying to deflect attention from her original submission that religion should not be associated with sports after her duplicity was revealed.

She even retweeted Pakistani accounts and other leftists promoting the distorted claim. Meanwhile, her statements revealed the predatory nature of Indian secularism, which necessitates a total severance and subjugation of the Hindu faith, ensuring it remains invisible in any public domain. Otherwise, the “secular” reputation of the nation would be compromised.

It would indeed not be astonishing if this journalist were also found defending polygamy permitted under Muslim personal law, outlining that it enables women to share their household responsibilities along with their husbands. After all, there seems to be no limit to the malicious propaganda of this vile group, which exists solely to tarnish Hinduism while venerating even the most reprehensible customs of other religions. Their singular focus is on the agenda, not on objectivity. It is evident that their perverted objection to patriarchy serves merely as a means to the same end.

Mahabharata as ‘Book of War’, Yama as a king: How Indo-Iranian exhibition ‘Shared Epic Worlds’ mistakes cultural parallels for philosophical equivalence

In the Delhi summer heat and a toned-down evening, a team of Young Thinkers Forum Delhi visited an exhibition, “Shared Epic Worlds: The Shahnameh, the Mahabharata, and the Indo-Persian Imagination”. Curated by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture, the Noor International Microfilm Centre, and the Iran Culture House, New Delhi, the outdoor exhibit displays reproductions of exquisite manuscripts mounted on industrial scaffolding.

While the initiative is a visually striking and praiseworthy attempt to map the literary, artistic, and cultural connections between Iran and India, a critical examination of the presented panels reveals significant scholarly gaps. What could have been a profound exploration of philosophical dialogue often devolves into comparative simplifications, revealing a curatorial bias that occasionally misrepresents Bharatiya epistemology.

The trap of superficial equivalencies

A recurring curatorial choice throughout the exhibition is to draw direct parallels between concepts and figures that do not necessarily share the same philosophical bedrock. The panels frequently juxtapose elements like the celestial birds Garuda and the Simurgh, the heroic journeys of Arjuna and Rustam, and the life-giving remedies of Sanjivani and Nush-Daru.

While these comparisons create an accessible narrative framework, they risk creating false equivalencies. The most concerning example of this is the exhibition’s interpretation of Yama alongside the Iranian king Yima/Jamshid. The panel describes Jamshid as an “ideal king whose reign is remembered as an age of abundance, peace, and freedom from disease”. It then conceptually links him to the Vedic Yama, attributing their distinct meanings to an “ancient shared heritage”.

However, in Bharatiya philosophical and spiritual traditions, Yama is not a historical, benevolent human king providing for his people. He is primarily revered as the God of Death and the cosmic regulator of dharma related to mortality. Presenting Yama in a comparative framework with a political, human ruler, without sufficient contextual explanation of his profound metaphysical role in the Indian knowledge system, misrepresents and dilutes a complex philosophical concept.

The Maktab Khana and the devaluation of dharma

The exhibition notes that the formal fusion of these cultures peaked during the Mughal Empire, particularly when Emperor Akbar established the Maktab Khana (House of Translation) at Fatehpur Sikri around 1574. A centrepiece of this era is the Razmnama (The Book of War), the Persian translation of the Mahabharata. The exhibition praises this as an exercise in “imperial inclusion” and a “broader vision of intellectual dialogue”, prominently featuring a folio where Hindu and Muslim scholars are seated together, translating the Sanskrit epic.

While the collaborative effort between Hindu Brahmins and Muslim scholars is historically significant, the exhibition fails to critique the fundamental premise of this translation project. The Persian title Razmnama, literally ‘Book of War’, is deeply misleading. As the traditional Bharatiya saying goes: “What is found here may be found elsewhere; what is not found here is nowhere.”

The Mahabharata is not merely a manual of warfare; its central theme is the exploration of Dharma, encompassing duty, righteousness, cosmic order, and ethics. It houses the Bhagavad Gita, delivering profound spiritual teachings and philosophies on justice and spiritual liberation. Naming the epic solely from the perspective of ‘war’ strips it of its civilizational essence, suggesting the Mughal court may have been primarily interested in extracting martial strategy and statecraft rather than genuinely engaging with its spiritual depth. While the Shahnameh performed a vital cultural function in codifying statecraft for the Persianate world, the Mahabharata and Ramayana rely fundamentally on spirituality, a distinction the exhibition overlooks.

A Persian-centric narrative imbalance

Across the exhibition panels, a substantial portion of the narrative focuses predominantly on the Iranian and Persian legacy. Panels detailing Safavid courtly art, Persian romances like Bijan and Manijeh, the trial of Siyavash, the birth of Rostam, and the Persian origins of Polo (Chogan) dominate the visual space.

Even when exploring Indian epics, the lens is filtered almost exclusively through Persian and Mughal patronage. The exhibit highlights the Jahangiri Shahnama, noting the collaborative visual interpretation by Hindu and Muslim painters like Banwari, Bola, Bhagwati, and Qasim. The magnificent “Court of Ravana” panel, commissioned by the Mughal courtier Bir Singh Deo around 1605, is celebrated precisely because it reimagines the Ramayana through a “sophisticated fusion” where the demons of Lanka are styled strikingly like Safavid divs. Furthermore, an entire panel is dedicated to the royal seals of Babur, Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan on a single Shahnama manuscript.

While these artworks are masterpieces of Indo-Islamic fusion, the exhibition heavily tilts toward showcasing Persian soft power. It functions less as a balanced civilizational dialogue and more as a chronicle of how Persian aesthetics and literature influenced Indian courts, offering minimal insight into the profound originality and continuity of Bharatiya civilisation itself.

Conclusion

The “Shared Epic Worlds” exhibition is an inspiring visual endeavour, and institutions like the Noor International Microfilm Centre must be commended for their monumental work in preserving and digitising nearly 33 million Indo-Persian archival documents.

However, if the objective is to genuinely strengthen Indo-Iranian cultural understanding, future exhibitions must transcend superficial comparative mythology and the elite confines of royal courts. Cultural integration must emerge from a genuine respect for differing philosophical traditions rather than the shaping of selective, heavily Persian-centric narratives. A true exploration of these shared worlds must balance the material statecraft of the Shahnameh with the spiritual Dharma of the Mahabharata, honouring the deep, parallel roots that connect both civilisations beyond the borders of empires.

(Anshika Agrawal is a core member, and Aditya Trivedi is the Coordinator of Young Thinkers Forum Delhi)

(Note: The insights regarding architecture, music, and linguistics draw on independent historical research discussed previously, extending beyond the exhibition’s provided texts.)

First electricity was cut in Raidhanpar, then a pre-planned attack on Hindus took place: Fresh FIR by power company confirms facts highlighted in Opindia ground report

The attack on Hindus in Raidhanpar village of Kutch on the night of 29th May is now taking a new turn after a fresh FIR filed by the power department confirmed that electricity supply to the area was deliberately disrupted around the same time the violence took place.

While many media reports initially portrayed the incident as a clash between two groups, OpIndia had earlier reported that the attack appeared to be planned and that the power supply had been cut before the violence started. The latest FIR has now brought official confirmation that the power line was tampered with, causing a blackout in several villages.

The complaint has been filed by PGVCL (Paschim Gujarat Vij Company Limited) at Madhapar Police Station. According to the complaint, some unknown persons intentionally interfered with an electricity line, leading to a power outage in five villages, including Raidhanpar. The timing of the power disruption matches the period during which the attack was taking place, making it an important part of the ongoing investigation.

FIR says power line was tampered with

According to the complaint filed by PGVCL officials, the 11 KV power line located between Raidhanpar and Nana Varnora villages was tampered with on the night of 29th May, 2026. The disruption reportedly took place between 10:30 pm and 11:15 pm.

As a result, electricity supply was interrupted in five villages connected to the KVNT-1 feeder of the Raidhanpar sub-station. These villages included Raidhanpar, Nana Varnora, Gadpadar, Traya and Paya. Residents of all five villages experienced a power outage for nearly 15 minutes.

The complaint states that PGVCL staff received information about the outage and immediately began efforts to restore electricity. However, when routine checks did not reveal any fault in the system, the staff started inspecting the line physically. During the inspection, officials found signs that the power line between Raidhanpar and Varnora had been deliberately disturbed using some external object.

Officials stated in the complaint that the disruption was not caused by a technical fault but was the result of human intervention. After identifying the problem, the electricity supply was restored through an alternative arrangement and a formal complaint was later filed with the police.

Third FIR registered in the Raidhanpar Case

The latest complaint by the electricity department has become the third FIR linked to the Raidhanpar violence.

Earlier FIRs were registered regarding the attack on Hindu villagers, stone pelting, and attempts to ram people with a vehicle. Another FIR was also registered against four Muslim youths for allegedly pelting stones at police personnel who had reached the spot to control the situation.

Now, with the electricity department filing a separate complaint regarding the disruption of power supply, investigators have another important angle to examine in the case.

What happened in Raidhanpar on 29th May?

The violence took place in Raidhanpar village of Bhuj taluka in Kutch district on the night of 29th May, 2026.

According to a complaint filed by local resident Darshan Baradia, the trouble started after a dispute involving the village priest and some Muslim men from the nearby village of Varnora. Following the initial argument, the group left the area but later returned with more people.

The complaint says that one of the accused, identified as Razak Siddique Mer, tried to drive a Bolero vehicle at high speed toward villagers. After that, more people arrived in several vehicles. The Muslim mob was reportedly carrying sticks, pipes and stones.

Soon afterwards, darkness spread across the village as the electricity supply stopped. The attackers then began pelting stones and assaulting villagers.

Several people were injured during the incident, including Darshan Baradia and Rajesh Chavda. The FIR states that Rajesh Chavda suffered serious injuries near his eye.

Police personnel also rushed to the village after receiving information about the violence. However, police vehicles also came under attack during the unrest. Following the incident, Madhapar Police registered a case against 23 named accused and several unidentified persons under different serious sections of the law.

PGVCL officer explains how the outage was detected

The complaint filed by V. K. Suvera, Deputy Engineer of PGVCL’s Bhuj Rural Sub-Division, has provided important details about the power outage.

Speaking to OpIndia, Suvera said that around 10:30 pm, officials at the sub-station received complaints that electricity had gone out in five villages, including Raidhanpar. Initially, attempts were made to restore supply directly from the sub-station by switching the system off and on again. However, power did not return.

Following this, linemen and technical staff were sent to inspect the network. During their investigation, they found that an external object had been thrown onto the power line between Varnora and Raidhanpar, affecting the electricity supply.

Suvera said there was nothing suspicious visible at the location when staff reached there, but it was clear that someone had deliberately interfered with the line. He also confirmed that the blackout occurred during the same period when the attack in Raidhanpar was taking place.

The police are now investigating the matter further.

OpIndia had earlier reported about the blackout

Soon after the incident, OpIndia had reported from the ground that electricity in the area had been cut before the attack began. According to the report, local residents and Hindu organisations had claimed that the attackers first ensured that the village was plunged into darkness before carrying out stone pelting and assaults.

At that time, these claims were based on eyewitness accounts and statements from local residents. Now, the FIR filed by the PGVCL deputy engineer has provided documentary support to those claims.

The complaint officially records that the 11 KV power line was tampered with and that power supply to five villages was disrupted during the same period in which violence was taking place in Raidhanpar.

Investigation Continues

The timing mentioned in the power department’s FIR closely matches the period during which Hindu villagers and police personnel were attacked in Raidhanpar. This has made the power outage an important part of the investigation.

With three separate FIRs now registered in connection with the incident, one related to the attack on villagers, another concerning attacks on police personnel, and the latest regarding the disruption of electricity supply, the investigation has expanded significantly.

Police are continuing to examine all aspects of the case, including the circumstances surrounding the power outage and its connection to the violence that unfolded in Raidhanpar on the night of 29th May.

Meet Talisman: The electronic warfare system that can protect India’s most important fighter jet

India is moving towards integrating the advanced Talisman Airborne Defence Suite (ADS) onto its Su-30 MKI fighter fleet, a development that could significantly enhance the survivability of the Indian Air Force’s frontline combat aircraft against modern missiles and threats.
The move comes amid the broader Super Sukhoi modernisation programme and follows the reported operational deployment of the system on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fleet. With over 260 Su-30MKIs in service, the integration could be one of the IAF’s largest electronic warfare upgrades. If it is successfully integrated, the Talisman Airborne system can provide an extra layer of protection for air defence networks and missile systems, underscoring the growing importance of electronic warfare in modern aerial combat. Let’s examine the Talisman Airborne system and how it will help India.  

What is the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite?

At its core, the Talisman Airborne Defence suite (ADS) is an electronic warfare (EW) system designed to protect fighter aircraft from enemy radars and threat missiles. It is developed by the Belarusian defence company Defence Initiative (DI). The system is intended to enhance aircraft survivability in contested airspace by detecting, analysing, and countering hostile electronic emissions before they can be used to track or engage the aircraft. In simple terms, Talisman acts like an electronic shield for a fighter jet. Instead of physically destroying an incoming threat, it uses electronic signals to confuse enemy radars and missile guidance systems, making it harder for them to track, detect or hit the aircraft. One key feature of the system is that it operates automatically. Unlike traditional defensive systems, which often require pilot intervention. Talisman is designed to function automatically; it allows the pilot to remain focused on flying and combat operations while the system manages electronic countermeasures in the background.

According to reports, Talisman can detect hostile radar signals, generate electronic countermeasures against multiple threats, and even help protect nearby friendly aircraft flying in formation. The system is designed to counter both radar-guided and infrared-guided missile threats.
The reported integration of Talisman onto the Indian Air Force’s Su-30MKI fleet highlights the growing importance of electronic warfare in modern combat, where defeating enemy sensors and missiles is as important as carrying advanced weapons.

Why is india integrating talisman on the Su-30MKI?

The importance of the reported Talisman integration lies in the aircraft chosen to receive it. The Su-30MKI is the backbone of the Indian Air Force, with more than 260 aircraft currently in service. It was developed jointly by Russia’s Sukhoi and India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL); the fighter performs a wide range of missions, including air superiority operations, long-range strike missions, and maritime roles.

It also serves as the primary platform for carrying the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile. It is one of the IAF’s most important combat assets. As a result, improving the survivability of the Su-30MKI has direct implications for India’s overall air combat capability. The integration of the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite could provide the aircraft with an additional layer of protection against increasingly sophisticated radar networks and missile systems. By helping pilots operate more effectively in contested environments, the system could improve the aircraft’s ability to survive and complete missions during high-intensity conflicts.

The move is also significant because it forms part of the Indian Air Force’s broader effort to modernise the Su-30MKI fleet under the Super Sukhoi programme. As modern warfare becomes increasingly dependent on electronic warfare capabilities, systems such as Talisman are expected to play a crucial role in enhancing the effectiveness and survivability of frontline combat aircraft.

Talisman is already operational on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fleet

The reported Su-30MKI integration is not the first time India has used the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite. According to defence reports, the system is already operational on the Indian Navy’s MiG-29K fighter fleet. The MiG-29K serves as the Navy’s carrier-based fighter aircraft and operates from INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant. These aircraft are expected to operate in complex threat environments where enemy radars and missile systems pose a significant challenge. The deployment of Talisman on the MiG-29K fleet suggests that Indian military planners already have some experience with the system. This could help ease the integration of the suite into the much larger Su-30MKI fleet.

Tejas and jaguar could be next

According to reports, the Indian Air Force is also examining the possibility of extending similar electronic warfare capabilities to other aircraft platforms. For that, the feasibility studies are reportedly underway for the Tejas Mk1A and the Jaguar fleet. While no formal decision has been announced, such a move would allow the IAF to strengthen electronic warfare capabilities across multiple aircraft types rather than limiting them to the Su-30MKI. If implemented, it would represent a broader effort to improve the survivability and combat effectiveness of India’s fighter fleet in increasingly contested airspaces.

The bigger picture

The integration of Talisman reflects a larger trend in modern warfare. Today’s fighter faces threats not only from enemy aircraft but also from advanced radar systems, long-range surface-to-air missiles and sophisticated air defence networks.
As countries continue to invest in more capable air defence systems, electronic warfare has become an increasingly important part of air combat. Modern militaries are focusing not only on acquiring better aircraft and weapons but also on improving their ability to evade detection and defeat enemy sensors. Against this backdrop, the reported induction of Talisman on the Su-30MKI fleet is another step in India’s efforts to increase the survivability of its frontline aircraft and prepare for future combat scenarios.

India looking to increase indigenous participation

While Talisman was originally developed by the Belarusian company Defence Initiative (DI), India has also been working to increase domestic participation in electronic warfare technologies. In 2022, Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) signed an agreement with Defence Initiative to cooperate on the Airborne Defence Suite. According to reports, India is also developing indigenous airborne electronic warfare systems for future fighter aircraft. Such efforts aim to reduce dependence on imports while strengthening domestic defence manufacturing capabilities. BEL will be the prime contractor and will be supported by DI with ToT (Manufacturing and Maintenance) for the supply of an advanced EW suite for helicopters under the ‘Make in India’ category.

Conclusion

The reported integration of the Talisman Airborne Defence Suite on the Su-30MKI fleet marks another step in India’s efforts to strengthen the survivability of its frontline combat aircraft. With electronic warfare becoming increasingly important in modern conflicts, systems capable of disrupting enemy radars and missile guidance networks are emerging as critical force multipliers. While official details regarding the integration timeline remain limited, the move signals the Indian Air Force’s continued focus on enhancing the capabilities of its largest fighter fleet under the broader Super Sukhoi modernisation programme.