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Gujarat HC ends Danta royal family’s Ashtami Puja privilege at Ambaji Temple, upholds legality of Trust: What was the dispute and what the court said

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Gujarat HC ends Danta royal family’s Ashtami Puja privilege at Ambaji Temple, upholds legality of Trust: What was the dispute and what the court said

On Wednesday (24th December), the Gujarat High Court delivered its verdict in the long-running dispute related to the Shaktipeeth Ambaji temple.  At the core of the dispute was the ownership of the temple, although several other issues were also linked to the matter.  With regard to the ownership issue, the court ratified the trust under which the temple is currently managed. The court also terminated the privilege of the royal family of Danta to worship in the Ambaji temple on the eighth day of Navratri and to restrict the entry of devotees during this period.

The history of the Shaktipeeth Ambaji Temple ownership dispute

The present case stems from an appeal filed in the High Court by the royal family of Danta. In this petition, a 2008 judgment of the Banaskantha District Court has been challenged. The petition said that the Ambaji temple was inherited by the royal family of Danta State from their ancestors, and therefore, it is their private/personal property. If it is private property, the temple cannot be managed by a public trust, and therefore, the trust should be declared illegal.

In 2011, the temple trust filed an objection petition, arguing that the temple trust is completely legal, but the tradition of the royal family worshipping in the temple on the eighth day of Navratri and not allowing devotees to enter during this time should also be stopped, because now everyone is equal.

Finally, the matter reached the court. The High Court, while giving its verdict, divided the issue into two parts: what was the situation before independence, and what was the situation after independence.

The High Court says that there is no doubt that the political power in the area where the temple was located was with the Maharaja of Danta before 1948, but historical documents, land records and gazettes indicate that the temple is owned by Mataji (Ma Ambaji) and the Maharaja was only her servant or administrator.

It is worth mentioning here that according to Indian law, the deity residing in the temple is considered the owner of the temple.

The court cited the pre-independence civil court judgments of 1934 and 1937, stating that the court of that time had also established that the Maharaja was managing the temple because he was the ruler there, not because he ‘owned’ it.

In 1934 and 1937, the then Civil Court wrote in its judgment that the Maharaja was not the owner of the temple, but only the administrator, and the property belonged to the goddess (in this case, Maa Ambaji). According to the High Court, the fact that these decisions were not challenged in any court later means that it was clear even before independence that the royal family did not own the temple.

Post-independence timeline of the dispute

India achieved independence from British colonial rule in 1947, and by 1948, all princely states were merged into the Indian union. On 5th October 1948, the Maharaja of Danta signed the merger agreement with the government. This agreement provided that the king could keep his private property and that the state or public property would go to the government.

The list submitted by the Maharaja after the merger mentioned the Ambaji temple and other properties related to it as private property. The government did not accept this and clarified in several letters that the Maharaja was a sevak of the temple and the temple was a religious institution, hence it would be managed by a public trust. The then Bombay government also invited the Maharaja to become the chairman of the trust, but he refused and remained adamant that the temple came under his property and its complete management should be handed over to him.

In 1954, the Maharaja went to the Bombay High Court and sought a stay on the government’s takeover of the temple. The High Court granted interim relief and stopped the government from moving forward. Meanwhile, the matter reached the Supreme Court and in 1957, the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court overturned the Bombay High Court’s verdict.

Supreme Court’s 1957 ruling marked a turning point

The Supreme Court stated that the Maharaja had failed to prove his ownership, and the property is a religious institution. The court cited Article 363 of the Constitution and said that the court cannot rehear the merger agreement. Thus, the issue of ownership of the temple is closed.

Article 363 of the Constitution states that no court in the country can now interfere with the agreements made at the time of merger or reopen the case and hear it. This provision was made to ensure that the agreements made at the time of merger are not challenged in the courts later, and the work of the courts does not increase.  

Government took over the temple on court orders, but the dispute persisted

In compliance with the Supreme Court verdict, the government took over the management of the temple. Gujarat was established in 1960, and finally, in 1961, the government appointed an administrator. He applied for the establishment of a public trust under the name of Shri Ambaji Mata Devasthan under the Bombay Public Trust Act. The king also opposed this.

After the Maharaja’s protest, the Joint Charity Commissioner investigated, re-applications were made, and the matter reached the District Court. But even after years of legal proceedings, all the institutions and courts remained adamant that the ownership did not belong to the royal family.  However, the turning point came in 1979, when the Joint Charity Commissioner rejected the Maharaja’s application for ownership, but gave relief and gave the green signal to perform some pujas on Navratri. But from here, a new controversy began.

Join Charity Commissioner granted the privilege to the royal family, later upheld by the Banaskantha Court

The Maharaja approached the Banaskantha District Court to claim temple ownership. Meanwhile, in 1981, the trust filed a petition and objected to the privilege of worship. Finally, in 2008, the Banaskantha court gave a verdict and once again ratified the trust, rejecting the arguments of the king’s ownership but also maintaining the privilege for worship that the Joint Charity Commissioner had given.

Consequently, the Maharaja again approached the Gujarat High Court and demanded that the trust be declared illegal and the ownership of the temple be handed over to him, reversing the Banaskantha court’s verdict. In response, the trust filed an objection petition challenging the privilege.

Gujarat High Court verdict

The original questions before the Gujarat High Court were whether the 2008 judgment of the Banaskantha Court was legally correct and whether the decision of the Charity Commissioner or other authority granting the privilege was correct.

The court does not have much scope on the first issue, because the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court has already resolved the matter in 1957. No other court, however, reconsiders the Supreme Court’s decision, but even if it wants to go in that direction, the High Court does not have the option of reconsideration because Article 363 comes into play here, which says that the merger agreement of 1948 cannot be challenged in any court later.

The court also clarified that the royal family has never been able to prove their ownership of the temple, pointing out that in all the documents, they are shown as custodians and not owners. The property belongs to the goddess. Therefore, the High Court accepted that the Ambaji temple has never been private property.

The High Court said that just because the management of the temple was historically in the hands of the Maharajas, it cannot be said that the ownership rights will also remain with them. It added that management is a limited role; it does not establish property rights.

Court on the royal family’s privilege of performing pooja during Navratri

About the issue of the royal family’s privilege of performing pooja in the temple in question on the eighth day of Navratri, the court simply asked, “If a person does not own a certain property, how can he get a privilege there?” The court found a discrepancy in the decision of the Charity Commissioner and other authorities and said that this is a legal error, which needs to be corrected.

The High Court noted that there is no evidence to suggest that such privileges would continue for the royal family after 1947. Neither the Bombay government nor the Gujarat government has said anything like this in any document. The court says that even if certain traditions were followed before independence, they should also get legal protection after independence, is not the case in this matter.

The court said that banning devotees from entering the temple even on a temporary basis is a violation of Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution. Secondly, this is a religious institution, and everyone is equal there. The High Court said that the Charity Commissioner had no legal authority to grant such privileges, even in a situation where the ownership rights do not lie with the royal family, as the Charity Commissioner and other courts have already held.

Meanwhile, the royal family argued by citing Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution that if the tradition is stopped, their religious freedom may be threatened. The High Court said in this matter that Articles 25 and 26 provide religious freedom, but subject to public order and morality. People cannot be prevented from entering a temple, which is public property, in this way.

The High Court concluded that no person, including past rulers, can enjoy a special status, and the law applies equally to all.

Consequently, the High Court dismissed the first appeal filed by the royal family against the 2008 Banaskantha court verdict and upheld the Public Trust.  In addition, the court accepted the objection filed by the trust and revoked all privileges. The court also cancelled the approval given to the decision to keep devotees outside the temple.

Mixed reactions to the verdict, the royal family is likely to knock on the Supreme Court’s door soon

The Gujarat High Court’s verdict in this matter has sparked mixed reactions. A section of people opines that since the princely states are no more, it is natural that the privileges will not remain. There is no problem with the royal family worshipping, but now everyone will be treated equally and given entry.

The others, including the supporters of the royal family, are of the view that this was the only tradition that connected the royal family and the temple, and it should have continued given its emotional significance.  They assert that the sentiments of many people are linked to the royal family and the temple. The princely states are no more, but people’s feelings towards the royal families are still intact, as can be seen in not one but many princely states. That is why now there is a demand that the royal family should go to the Supreme Court. Given the history and importance of the matter, it is certain that the matter will reach the apex court.

As Congress opposes Modi govt over Aravalli Hills mining policy after advocating the same in 2002, here’s a history of the party’s flip-flops on various issues

Shraddha Pandey
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As Congress opposes Modi govt over Aravalli Hills mining policy after advocating the same in 2002, here’s a history of the party’s flip-flops on various issues

The Congress party’s cynical game of politics is seeped in blatant hypocrisy. Policies they advocate in power become flawed and even ‘dangerous’ when the BJP implements them. In a fresh extension to this pattern, the Congress party has launched a scathing attack on the Modi government over the revised definition of the Aravalli Hills and mining policy.

From Sonia Gandhi’s op-ed to Ashok Gehlot’s fearmongering rhetoric, the party leaders are alleging that somehow the Modi government is hatching a “well-planned conspiracy” to undermine safeguards and allow large-scale mining in the Aravallis. For Congress, the Supreme Court accepting the BJP-proposed ‘100-meter’ criterion-based operational definition of the Aravalli Hills is an approval of the so-called ‘conspiracy’ to hand over the Aravallis to mining mafias.

However, OpIndia reported earlier how it was the Congress government in Rajasthan that first proposed and adopted the 100-meter height-based definition in its affidavit filed before the court in 2002. Gehlot and his party are now demanding that the entire Aravallis should be free from mining to protect its ecology; however, in the affidavit filed in 2002, the Gehlot government itself wanted to open the Aravallis for mining.

While the Modi government has imposed complete ban on issuing new mining leases until a Management Plan for Sustainable Mining (MPSM) is finalised, back in 2002, Rajasthan’s Congress government vehemently opposed ban on all mining activities in the Aravalli Hills spread across the state’s 14 districts and even highlighted before the Supreme Court that mining generates lakhs of jobs for locals and hundreds of crores of revenue for the state government.

Apparently, mining in the Aravallis was good when Congress was in power, but it is dangerous when the BJP government is even considering allowing mining in 0.019% of the area, that, too, in the non-protected zone. When Ashok Gehlot gave mining contracts to his relatives as Rajasthan CM and illegal mining was rampant, the Aravallis were thriving, but when the BJP intends to implement a scientific and stakeholder-approved mining plan, Congress cries “#SaveAravalli”.

This, however, is not the first time that Congress’s stance bent to the whims of being out of power.

Hanumangarh Ethanol Plant was a job-generating project when Congress approved it, became a ‘corporate-benefitting scheme’ when the BJP implemented it

It must be recalled that the ethanol plant in Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh was approved by the Congress government under Ashok Gehlot’s leadership in 2023, but when the BJP came to power and continued its construction, the same Gehlot and the Congress party turned against it.

It all began with the Congress government choosing a proposed ethanol plant project of the Punjab-based firm Dune Ethanol Private Limited for funding to the tune of ₹450 crores in 2023. Everything was going hunky dory till the elections happened, and Congress was voted out of power. For Congress, the very project which would have generated jobs and boosted the state’s economy, became ‘BJP’s scheme of favouring corporates’.

Congress opposes 60-day annual work pause in BJP’s VB G RAM G Bill, UPA-II era Agriculture Minister wanted to implement the same

It is not unexpected that a politically and ideologically opposed Congress would support a BJP government-proposed legislation without any criticism. However, it is peculiar that the party opposes the very policy or rule it once wanted to implement, just because its political adversary in power is proposing it.

Recently, the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) or VB G-RAM-G Bill was passed in the Parliament. The legislation replaced the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). While the Congress party opposed to almost all of VB G-RAM-G’s provisions, even its name for removing MK Gandhi’s name, their opposition to the 60-day work pause provision during peak sowing and harvesting seasons particularly stood out.

This work pause would allow workers to shift to higher-paying farm labour without losing the employment guarantee scheme benefits. This would potentially help stabilise rural wages and food production.  In addition, the 60-day aggregated pause would help prevent labour shortages during critical farm operations and avoid labour being diverted away to guaranteed-wage worksites. 

The Congress party and the extended anti-BJP ecosystem alleged that this pause during peak agricultural seasons is “labour control” and “state-managed labour supply”, arguing that the pause strips workers of their choice, wages and even dignity.

However, back in the UPA-II era, Sharad Pawar, then Agriculture Minister, wanted to implement a similar annual MNREGA work pause for the very reasons cited in the VB-G RAM G legislation.

The Congress also has a problem with the new legislation’s 60:40 Centre-State fund sharing arrangement, saying that this will put a financial strain on State governments. However, in the UPA-II era, the Rural Development Ministry and the Finance Ministry were often at loggerheads over the latter cutting fund allocations to the scheme.

In fact, P Chidambaram, who was Finance Minister in UPA-I, was of the view that a portion of the MNREGA’s cost should be borne by state governments, although he faced intra-party opposition.

GST was Good and Services Tax when Congress wanted to bring a unified tax system, became ‘Gabbar Singh Tax’ when the BJP implemented it

Although the Goods and Services Tax (GST) was first proposed by the Kelkar Task Force on Indirect Taxes in 2000, with the concept endorsed and initiated by the Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government, the subsequent UPA government was also keen to implement it.

Pranab Mukherjee, Finance Minister in the UPA era, pushed for GST as a unified tax reform. However, when the BJP-led NDA government finally implemented the GST in 2017, Congress was opposed to it. In fact, Rahul Gandhi maligned the GST as ‘Gabbar Singh Tax’, criticised its structure while his own party’s government sat on the idea for years and did nothing.

Congress opposed the Modi government’s agriculture reform laws, even as it promised the same in its election manifesto

Back in 2020, when the Modi government proposed three agriculture reform laws, the Congress party, especially Rahul Gandhi, opposed it, labelling them “black laws” (Kaale Kanoon). It was claimed by the Congress party that the Modi government introduced those laws to economically exploit peasants and agricultural labourers.

Congress claimed that the three bills, which aimed to reform agricultural marketing in the country, were nothing but a new form of ‘Zamindari’ and some friends of Prime Minister Modi would be the ‘Zamindars’ of New India.

However, this entire outrage coming from Congress was quite hypocritical. The same Congress party which opposed the Modi government’s three farm bills had once been the proponents of the same reforms.

In fact, in its 2019 Lok Sabha poll manifesto, Congress had announced the very same reforms the Modi government introduced in 2020.

In the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress party had released an election manifesto, in which it was clearly stated that the Congress party, if ever it comes to power, would repeal the Agricultural Produce Market Committees Act and make the trading in agricultural produce, including exports and inter-state trade, free from all restrictions.

While the Congress party wanted to repeal the APMC Act altogether, the Modi government only intended to deregulate trade outside Mandis, making it easier for the farmers to sell their farm produce. And yet, the Congress, just to polish its politics, opposed the reforms.

Similarly, Congress promised to repeal the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, but when the Modi government brought a law that would replace the ECA and empower the Centre to control the production, supply, distribution, trade, and commerce in certain commodities, Congress rose in opposition.

Congress introduced Aadhaar, but when the BJP expanded it, the grand old party cried hoarse

It is known that Aadhaar was introduced by the Congress-led government in 2009 to provide a unique identification number for every legal Indian resident. The idea was to streamline access to services via a unique 12-digit number-based identification card, cutting dependency on multiple documents. However, when the BJP-led NDA government proceeded to expand the system with mandatory linkages for services and banking, Congress cried hoarse and challenged it in the Supreme Court, alleging ‘political plagiarism’.

Despite originating the idea, Congress alleged that mandatory Aadhaar linking would violate privacy and could be used as a surveillance tool. Clearly, political convenience takes precedence over effective policy implementation, no matter which party does it.

In a similar episode where Congress demonstrated its contradictory stance on Aadhaar, back in 2021, the party opposed the Modi government’s bid to link voter ID with Aadhaar card. Congress had argued that Aadhaar is not proof of citizenship but only proves residency. However, when the Election Commission conducted Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in Bihar, the same Congress party urged the ECI to accept Aadhaar as proof of citizenship.

Triple Talaq Bill: From supporting the legislation in principle to opposing it for Muslim appeasement

In an effort not to appear a supporter of regressive and misogynistic practices, the Congress party offered conditional support to the Modi government when the latter introduced the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill, 2018, commonly known as the Triple Talaq Bill. However, the Congress party backtracked as Muslim men rose in opposition to the proposed legislation over the provision of 3 years’ jail.

Driven by its Shah Bano Case era Muslim appeasement syndrome, Congress went from supporting the Triple Talaq Bill in principle to vehemently opposing and even vowing to scrap it if ever returned to power.

Ex-PM Manmohan Singh wanted to give citizenship to persecuted minorities, Congress opposed the Modi govt’s CAA

In 2019, the Modi government proposed the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) to grant citizenship to persecuted Hindu, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist and other non-Muslim minorities from neighbouring Muslim-majority countries–Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan. The Congress party toed the Indian Islamist line to claim that excluding Muslims from it was discriminatory, even though it was illogical to claim that Muslims were persecuted in Islamic nations for being Muslims.

While Congress opposed the BJP-introduced Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019, even as Islamists ran riots in New Delhi against Hindus in the name of anti-CAA protests, back in 2003, Congress leader Dr Manmohan Singh advocated for granting citizenship to persecuted minorities from neighbouring Muslim-majority nations.

As leader of opposition in Rajya Sabha, Dr. Singh addressed the house on 18th December 2003 on this issue and said, “While I am on this subject, I would like to say something, about the treatment of refugees. After the partition of our country, the minorities in countries like Bangladesh have faced persecution, and it is our moral obligation that if circumstances force people, these unfortunate people, to seek refuge in our country, our approach to granting citizenship to these unfortunate persons should be more liberal. I sincerely hope that the hon. Deputy Prime Minister will bear this in mind in charting out the future course of action with regard to the Citizenship Act.”

Nehru advocated for Uniform Civil Code, but now Congress is opposed to even the thought of the Modi government implementing UCC

While the Indian Constitution lists the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) under Article 44, as a part of the Direct Principle of State Policy (DPSP), and even former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru advocated for its implementation, the Congress party stands opposed to it now. Although Nehru did not deem the immediate post-partition time ripe for UCC’s implementation, he opined that the Code was an eventual necessity for national unity.

The Modi government has hinted at its intentions of implementing the Uniform Civil Code on many occasions; however, Congress stands against it. It was seen in 2019, how Congress opposed CAA, UCC and NRC, with Sonia Gandhi declaring an “Aar ya Paar ki Ladaai” (do or die), all due to the party’s Muslim appeasement politics.

Conclusion

From UCC, Aadhaar, Triple Talaq, to VB-G RAM G and Aravalli Hills mining policy, Congress changes its stance based on political convenience. What was right when Congress was in power becomes automatically wrong when the BJP does it. For the grand old party, partisan spite, appeasement, convenience and power are more important than necessary policy implementation and national progress.

‘I have a plan for my country’- Khaleda Zia’s son Tarique Rahman launches bid for PM post in his first speech on returning to Bangladesh after 17 years

OpIndia Staff
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‘I have a plan for my country’- Khaleda Zia’s son Tarique Rahman launches bid for PM post in his first speech on returning to Bangladesh after 17 years

On December 25, 2025, Tarique Rahman, the acting chairman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and son of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, returned to Dhaka after 17 years in self-imposed exile in London. His arrival at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport was greeted by massive crowds of jubilant supporters, underscoring the immense enthusiasm surrounding his homecoming just weeks ahead of parliamentary elections scheduled for February 12, 2026.

Rahman, widely regarded as the BNP’s prime ministerial candidate, delivered a powerful 17-minute speech at a rally on the 300 Feet Road in Purbachal, addressing hundreds of thousands of supporters. Echoing Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous “I Have a Dream” address, he declared, “Today, I want to say that I have a plan for my country… I have a plan for the people of my country and for my country.” He said he has plans to build the country and that he needs the cooperation of every individual. 

He continued, “To implement the plan, I need the support of all the people of the country. If you stand beside us, God willing, we will be able to implement my plan.” Tarique Rahman said, “Together we will work, together we will build our Bangladesh.”

In a call for unity and peace, Rahman emphasised inclusivity, “This is a land of hills and plains, home to Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, and Christians alike. Dhaka belongs to people of the hills and the plains, Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists and Christians.” Rahman outlined his vision for a secure nation, stating, “We want to build a safe Bangladesh—a country where any woman, man, or child can leave their home safely and return safely.”

Paying tribute to recent sacrifices, he added, “We liberated Bangladesh in 1971. We liberated it again in 2024,” referring to the student-led uprising that ousted Sheikh Hasina. He also said, “The people of Bangladesh want to reclaim their democratic rights and freedom of expression,” while urging an end to violence amid unrest following the killing of student leader Sharif Osman Hadi.

Rahman’s return follows his acquittal in several corruption and political charges under the interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, which assumed power after the 2024 uprising. With Hasina’s Awami League barred from the upcoming elections, the BNP has emerged as the clear frontrunner, as indicated by a recent International Republican Institute survey.

Tarique Rahman and his wife while returning from UK to Bangladesh

Speech Signals Rahman’s Bid for Prime Minister

Rahman’s speech subtly but firmly positioned him as the BNP’s leader, launching a prime ministerial campaign ahead of the polls. By personally declaring “I have a plan for my country” and tying its implementation to public support for “us”, the BNP, he presented himself as the architect of Bangladesh’s future governance. This phrasing, delivered in his first public address on home soil after 17 years, effectively served as an informal announcement of his candidacy.

He is already being described by the media as the “top contender” and “frontrunner” for prime minister, reflecting widespread recognition that Rahman, at 60, is set to succeed his ailing mother as the party’s face in the elections. His emphasis on a personal vision for rebuilding institutions, restoring democracy, and ensuring safety further underscored his readiness to lead the nation as its next premier.

Khaleda Zia with Tarique Rahman and other family members

Rahman’s physical return after remotely guiding the BNP from London marks a major shift in Bangladesh’s political dynamics. Bangladesh politics has been dominated by two major political families since its liberation from Pakistan, the Zia family of BNP and the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman-Sheikh Hasina family of Awami League. With Hasina in exile in India, most party leaders in jail and her party not allowed to contest the elections, the BNP is the most dominant political party in the country, facing several outfits contesting polls with no electoral experience. And with ailing Khaleda Zia in hospital with no possibility of returning to active politics, Rahmand becomes the tallest BNP leader, and perhaps the tallest politician in the country.

Surveys suggest the BNP is on track for a strong result, possibly a majority, with Rahman expected to be nominated as prime minister, bringing fresh energy to a party long associated with his 80-year-old mother. Emerging forces like the student-led National Citizen Party and Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami may split votes but are unlikely to overtake the BNP’s momentum. NCP is a new party, and Jamaat was not allowed to contest polls for several years.

Amid ongoing unrest in the country, including the recent assassination of student leader Sharif Osman Hadi, Rahman’s focus on stability, religious harmony, anti-violent measures, and inclusive policies in his speech may resonate with a population fatigued by turmoil. His “plan” hints at ambitious reforms in the country.

Bangladesh now has strong anti-India sentiments, and the new regime is unlikely to go against that. With the Awami League out of the scene, India has to prepare for a Bangladesh ruled by an anti-India government, as the BNP is known for its stand against India. But compared to radical Islamist Jamaat and the completely anti-India NCP, the BNP might prove to be a better option for India.

While there are allegations that the Yunus interim administration is trying to delay the elections using the unrest over Hadi’s murder, the election commission in the country is moving ahead with preparations for the polls. And now with a rejuvenated BNP with Rahman in the country, it will probably be difficult for the interim govt to postpone the polls.

Tarique Rahman’s return and his speech that ‘he has a plan for Bangladesh,’ signal a potential close to the post-2024 power vacuum and a step toward the establishment of a democratically elected government, even though the country is set to turn more radical Islamist with the emergence of forces like Jamaat and the ‘student activists’.

Indian student rips Pakistani propaganda at the Oxford Union Debate: OpIndia speaks to law student Viraansh Bhanushali, who exposed Pakistan at the global forum

Aditi
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Indian student rips Pakistani propaganda at the Oxford Union Debate: OpIndia speaks to law student Viraansh Bhanushali, who exposed Pakistan at the global forum

On 27th November, an Indian student tore apart the Pakistani propaganda with hard-hitting facts during an Oxford Union Debate. Some clips of that debate have now hit the internet. The Indian student, Viraansh Bhanushali, is originally from Mumbai and is studying law at Oxford University. He was part of the team representing the Indian side in the debate, which was organised a day after 26th November, the anniversary of the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks.

Bhanushali, a survivor of the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, lambasted Pakistan, saying, “You cannot shame a state that has no shame.” OpIndia spoke to Viraansh Bhanushali, who shared his experience of the debate and his views on several other things, including the India-Pakistan conflict and India’s global image.

I consider myself an ambassador of the country: Viraansh Bhanushali

OpIndia journalist Ritika J Chandola asked Bhanushali to share his experience of the debate and his speaking as an Indian against Pakistan in a foreign land. Responding to the question, Bhanushali said that he considered himself an “ambassador of the country” and that he felt proud for speaking for India.

Notably, Bhanushali is friends with Oxford Union president Moosa Harraj, who is the son of Pakistan’s federal defence production minister, Muhammad Raza Hayat Harraj. Musa Harraj led the Pakistani side in the debate. When asked about the post-debate scenarios, Bhanushali, who is the Chief of Staff at the Oxford Union, replied, “I think the way Musa and my relationship has worked is that we’re both heavily aware of the fact that I am an Indian and he is a Pakistani. We both have an important role in the institution that can create headlines back home, as it has. So we cooperate where we have to, but we draw our lines and say this is what we’re proud about, this is what we will not compromise on, and we have our opinions and perspectives. I belong to a free speech society. I have an obligation to promote free speech.”

Did not expect my speech would go viral: Bhanushali

Speaking about the clips from the debate going viral and him receiving huge affection at home (India), Bhanushali said that he did not expect the reaction. He said that he expected quite the opposite since the debate was covered by Pakistani media channels like Geo News and ARY, which were present in the chamber. Bhanushali had to leave the debate after his turn due to an election the next day, which he was contesting. He said that the Pakistani media misrepresented that as a ‘walkout’ from the Indian side.

“I think we had representatives from Geo News and ARY, and they actually live broadcast it, or telecast it the next day, with these rampant headlines, a walkout, which didn’t happen, for the record, from the Indian side,” Bhanushali said. “But what I think a lot of people don’t see is that for the month before our videos came out, all the coverage was from the Pakistani side. We had very little coverage from the Indian side. I did have confidence in my speech. I think I’ll come to why exactly later as well. But I knew that what I had to say, people would listen to. I had no idea in my wildest expectations that it would go this viral,” he added.

We don’t send our best representations to the world: Bhanushali

Bhanushali pointed out that while Pakistan has been able to make its representation at glocal forums, the Indian side has not been appropriately represented internationally. He asserted that India needs to work on effective communication and presenting its narrative to the world. “What I noticed, and what I think is something we should really change from our communications perspective, is that I completely understand we don’t want to be hyphenated with Pakistan. Our competitors are China; our competitors in some ways are the US and the developed world. But when we don’t send our best representations, when there are forums that the other side can use, you get into a situation where only one narrative works,” Bhanushali pointed out. “So, since Operation Sindoor happened, I don’t think, from an international perspective, with the other side present in the room, there has actually been any Indian representation,” he added.

Pakistan uses conflict with India as an excuse: Bhanushali

When the OpIndia journalist asked Bhanushali if he believed that India’s competition is not with Pakistan anyway, he agreed. Exposing Pakistan, Bhanushali said that remaining in a constant state of conflict with India is in Pakistan’s interest, as this is how the Pakistani establishment justifies poverty and inflation in the country. “…it’s in Pakistan’s interest to remain in conflict with India, because India can survive without Pakistan, but the current Pakistani establishment, I don’t think, can survive without India. Well, at least the threat of the Indian boogeyman. That’s what I argue as well, that if you want to see populism, it exists on the other side, because they need the Indian threat. That’s how they justify the price of flour. That’s how they justify their mass poverty and their mass killings,” Bhanushali explained.

When asked about his memory of the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, which he mentioned during the debate, Bhanushali said that he still remembered the panic around him. Bhanushali, who was 4 years old at the time of the attack, said that he felt grateful for being part of a privileged generation that had not witnessed a big terrorist attack. “…I was four years old. But the stories, and I still remember, you know, these are like flashbulb memories, they stick around, that I think taught us so much about how we deal with these issues of cross-border terrorism,” he recalled, adding that terrorism affects society at large, irrespective of class and status.

The world should learn religious acceptance from India: Bhanushali

The OpIndia journalist asked Bhanushali’s views on Islamic radicalisation in India and globally, and the rising sentiment against multiculturalism in the West, particularly the UK. Bhanusali condemned religious radicalisation and said that it is used by individuals for private benefits. Quoting senior Congress leader Shashi Tharoor, Bhanushali said that the world can learn not just tolerance but acceptance from India. “It is something that only benefits private individuals who want to exercise it. I think, all said and done, people use, be it Islam, be it any other religion, they use religion as a means for coercion, for power exercise. It is absolutely horrendous that it happens. It should not. Religion, I think, is a matter that should be for the promotion of society and cohesion. I think it is a very famous Shashi Tharoor line that India not only taught the world tolerance, but acceptance. And that is the perspective I take as well. Be accepting. Do not use religion as a force to convert what is good into bad,” Bhanushali replied.

Certain communities use religion as an exploitative factor: Bhanushali

Responding to a question about how people see Islamophobia in the UK, Bhanushali said that it was a “multifaceted conception” and highlighted how certain communities have used religion as a “social exploitative factor”. “I think this is a very multifaceted conception, especially when it comes to the UK. You have seen the rise of the grooming gangs that all tend to belong to certain communities. Not nationalities, perhaps, not ethnicities, but communities that have locked themselves down and used religion not as a social cohesive factor, but as a social exploitative factor, that I condemn, obviously,” Bhanushali said.

He supported the idea of multiculturalism but criticised its exploitation by individuals for personal benefits. “Especially when it comes to this idea of multiculturalism. Multiculturalism is good. The reason I can be a practising Hindu in the UK without being put on a pike is because it is a multicultural country, because it has had a Hindu prime minister, for example. But if individuals exploit that multiculturalism for their own benefit, I am very much against that,” Bhanushali stated.

Multiculturalism should be accompanied by assimilation: Bhanushali

Speaking about the challenges to multiculturalism in the UK, particularly with respect to Islam, Bhanushali said that Islam has been used as a “propagative factor” in the UK. He emphasised that assimilation is important for multiculturalism to be sustained. “I would not necessarily, and this is a theme that I have been repeating from the very beginning, which is that there are actors who use Islam as a propagative factor. There are actors that use climate change as a propagative factor to coerce political change. The idea is coercion, taking a concept like multiculturalism, which is meant to be a good thing. India is a very multicultural society. We have been one since our inception. In fact, even before our inception,” he said. “We do not complain about multiculturalism from a perspective of when it helps us come together as a people, as an identity. But if people do not assimilate, if people do not come into an identity that becomes an issue,” he added.

Killings of Hindus in Bangladesh are horrible and condemnable: Bhanushali

The OpIndia journalist asked Bhanushali’s opinion on the atrocities being committed on Hindus in Bangladesh and the recent lynching of a Hindu man in the country. Bhanushali condemned the persecution of Hindus community in Bangladesh and said,”​I have seen some pretty horrific graphic videos of what is being done to the Hindu population in Bangladesh. The lynchings. I believe somebody was burnt alive. I believe there were videos of somebody being returned to the mob, to the mobsters who would have killed them. I think that is condemnable. That is horrible.” Bhanushali said that for the Hindu minorities to be safe in Bangladesh, democracy needed to return to the country, so that there is accountability for such acts. He called for action against the people who committed atrocities against Hindus in Bangladesh.

I love Modiji but I have my own criticisms of him: Bhanushali

Talking about his opinion of PM Modi, Viraansh Bhanushali said that he loved him but also had differences with him. However, he asserted that his criticism of the Indian government is a domestic matter and that at the global level, he carries the responsibility to put the country first. “I have my own criticisms of Modi ji. I love him in a lot of ways. I have my own criticisms. But I keep that to this country, because that is our matter. We are a democracy. We can voice our criticisms here. When you are outside, you have a responsibility to put the entity of the country first. Even if you look at my speech, the rebuttals do not come from somebody saying Modi X, Y, Z. They come from somebody saying India X, Y, Z,” Bhanushali said.

Exclusive: Documents show how Rajasthan Congress govt had said Aravalli mining ban would harm economy, while Ashok Gehlot now leads the protests

Shraddha Pandey
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Exclusive: Documents show how Rajasthan Congress govt had said Aravalli mining ban would harm economy, while Ashok Gehlot now leads the protests

The Congress party is outraged over the Supreme Court-accepted revised ‘100-meter’ definition of the Aravalli Hills, alleging that the Modi government is somehow excluding 90% of the Hills and opening doors for large-scale mining in the ecologically sensitive area. In a fresh attack, Congress leader and former Chief Minister of Rajasthan, Ashok Gehlot, has accused the Modi government of hatching a “well-planned conspiracy” to undermine safeguards and allow mining in the Aravallis.

Gehlot claimed that the Central government’s move to redefine the Aravallis with a 100-meter criterion should not be seen in isolation, as “this is part of a larger design to capture institutions and hand over the Aravallis to the mining mafia.”

Claiming that Union Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav’s clarification that only 0.10% of the Aravallis would be opened for mining is “misleading and factually incorrect”, Gehlot said, “The CEC, formed in 2002 under the Supreme Court’s supervision to protect forests, has now been turned into a government puppet. Earlier, its members were appointed with the Court’s approval. Today, the Centre controls appointments, reducing the CEC to a rubber stamp.”

Ashok Gehlot cries hoarse over 100-meter criterion of Aravalli Hills definition and mining policy, had advocated the same as Rajasthan CM in 2002

Congress has track record of hypocritically changing its stance over issues and policies it advocated for while in government, to opposing it when out of power. Ashok Gehlot, the former Chief Minister of Rajasthan, is adding another chapter in the Congress party’s track record of “It was good when we were doing it, but it is bad when you are doing it”.

While Gehlot accuses the BJP-led governments in the Centre and Rajasthan of conspiring to hand over the Aravalli Hills to mining mafias, citing the Centre’s ‘0.019% mining area’ argument, in 2002, the Gehlot government itself wanted to open the Aravallis for mining.

In 2002, the Ashok Gehlot-led Congress government in Rajasthan had filed an affidavit before the Supreme Court. The state government apprised the court that it sent proposals to the Central government for “diversion of forest land for mining purposes in respect of 1543 cases.”

Presently, Ashok Gehlot and the Congress party want complete prohibition on mining in the Aravalli Hills. However, in its 2002 affidavit, the Congress government in Rajasthan highlighted that the mining sector generates employment for a significant number of people in the state, and a blanket ban on mining in the Aravallis would strip them of their livelihood.

“Mining sector provides and generates employment for a very large number of people and therefore it would be difficult for them to sustain themselves, during this difficult period, if mining is prohibited in the entire Aravalli hills. It may also be mentioned herein that a large proportion of tribal population live in the Aravalli hills and stopping of mining operations would deprive them of an important source of livelihood,” the Gehlot government’s affidavit read.

It added, “That the State Government submits that the ban imposed on all mining activities would severely affect the state economy as minerals produced in the referred areas and economic activities dependent on these minerals and mining operations play very critical role in the economy of the State.”

The affidavit highlighted how there were over 5000 mining leases and 641 quarry licenses in 14 states where the Aravalli Hills are situated in the state, and that these provide direct employment to over 1.75 lac people. It added that over 6 lac people get employment across 14 districts via mining operations, including transportation of mined mineral, handling of mining machinery and equipment, mineral processing and marketing/trading, etc.

“Moreover, if mining in Aravalli areas is stopped then about 9700 industrial units having investment of about Rs. 884 crores and which provide direct employment to about 64000 people, would adversely be affected in 14 districts where Arravali hills are located. Not only this, other mineral based industrial units of the state which obtain raw material from mines under reference would also be affected,” the Gehlot government said back in 2002.

Excerpts taken from the relevant affidavit.

In contrast to the newfound love for the environment and protection of the Aravallis, in 2002, when in power, the Congress government prioritised large deposits of Rock Phosphate, Zinc, Wollestonite, and other minerals, arguing that a ban on mining would harm the interests of various industries. The Congress government emphasised the state’s economy, not Aravalli’s ecology. Ashok Gehlot prioritised revenue from mining, not restrictions.

While Ashok Gehlot now claims that his government proposed the CEC-recommended ‘100-meter’ definition in 2002, considering the “livelihood perspective”, this perspective has not become irrelevant today. Allowing mining activities in the Aravallis, even in the much-talked-about 0.019% area, would generate huge employment opportunities; however, since Congress is not in power in the state, mining has become bad. The BJP government is even considering allowing mining in 0.019% of the area, that, too, in the non-protected zone, would amount to “handing over the Aravallis to mining mafias.”

Apparently, Congress’s perspective about what it deems pragmatic action and what it deems ‘conspiracy for destruction’ changes based on whether it is in power or opposition.

It is also worth mentioning that the Ashok Gehlot-led Congress government issued the highest number of mining permissions, over 700, based on the 100-meter definition of the Aravallis, which he is now opposed to.

In an interview with IndiaToday, Union Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav highlighted that out of the 1,008 mines that are running in Rajasthan, “700 mines were set up under Ashok Gehlot.”

The minister added that under the Congress government, mining leases were given indiscriminately, and the Supreme Court took note of this and put a stay.

A March 2024 CEC report highlighted how illegal mining in the Aravallis has been a persistent menace over the years, and the court in 2010 pointed out that mining lease holders were carrying out mining activity even after the expiration of their lease.

Calling out Ashok Gehlot’s hypocrisy, BJP leader Arun Chaturvedi said, “I am surprised that Gehlot himself, when he was CM in 2002, and his government was in power, gave his consent to this very issue. Today, he is raising the issue again, stirring up trouble unnecessarily.”

He added that, as in 98% of the Aravallis, mining is prohibited, “there is no justification for politicising this issue at this stage…”

It seems that after the ‘vote chori’ bogey peddled by Congress, especially party prince Rahul Gandhi, failed to gain traction, Congress is concocting an alarmist narrative in the name of the Aravalli Hills to target the BJP. OpIndia reported earlier how Sonia Gandhi led the charge this time and wrote an op-ed in The Hindu on 3rd December to claim that the Modi government has “signed a death warrant” for the Aravalli hills. The senior Congress leader further claimed that hills not under the 100 metres elevation will not be protected against mining and thus, 90% of the Aravalli Hills will be opened for illegal miners and mafias.

“The Modi Government has now nearly signed a death warrant for these hills, already denuded by illegal mining. It has declared that any hills in the range with an elevation of less than 100 metres are not subject to the strictures against mining. It is an open invitation for illegal miners and mafias to finish off 90% of the range which falls below the height limit set by the Government,” Sonia Gandhi wrote.

Congress leaders and their ideologically supportive media and social media ecosystem is amplifying the party’s alarmist narrative about the future of the Aravalli Hills and Ranges.

It all started after the Supreme Court, on 20th November 2025, approved the operational definition of Aravalli given by the Ministry of Environment.

The revised definition of the Aravalli Hills is, “Any landform located in the Aravalli districts, having an elevation of 100 metres or more from the local relief, shall be termed as Aravalli Hills.

Meanwhile, the definition of Aravalli Range is, “Two or more Aravalli Hills, as defined above, located within a proximity of 500m from each other, measured from the outermost point on the boundary of the lowest contour line on either side forms Aravalli Range.”

The apex court also directed the Central government to carefully map the region and prepare a Management Plan for Sustainable Mining (MPSM).

As the left liberal ecosystem amplified a #SaveAravalli campaign, as if the Central government was going to reduce the Aravallis to dust within days, the Modi government clarified that neither the Aravalli Hills is going to be handed over to illegal mining mafias nor 90% of the hills is going to lose their “Aravalli” status. It also refuted the claims that the present safeguards would be diluted to facilitate mining activities.

In contrast with one of the major talking points of the opposition and its supportive ecosystem, the 100-metre rule, the government says that this rule refers to elevation above local relief and not the top 100 meters of hills.

Not to forget, it was the state of Rajasthan which had a formally established Aravalli definition based on the 2002 Committee Report of the State Government, relying on Richard Murphy’s landform classification, which identified all landforms rising 100 m above local relief as hills and, based on that, prohibited mining on both the hills and their supporting slopes. Rajasthan has been following this definition since 9th January 2006.

The Central government earlier said that all the landforms enclosed within the lowest binding contour encircling Hills of height 100 metres or more, irrespective of their height and slopes, are excluded from the grant of a mining lease. 

The government also made it clear that until the finalisation of the MPSM through the Indian Council of Forestry Research and Education (ICFRE) is completed, no new mining leases shall be permitted. In future, all mining would be permitted as per the MPSM only in those areas where sustainable mining could be permitted.

Evidently, the Congress party is trying to manufacture a controversy, even as the revised height-based definition in question is only operational, the Supreme Court has ordered no new mining leases, ensuring a preventive shield against immediate ecological threats.

In its statement dated 21st December, the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) had already stated that mining remains fully prohibited in protected areas, eco-sensitive zones, tiger reserves, wetlands, and CAMPA plantation sites. However, to further shut down the opposition’s cacophony, the ministry issued another statement on 24th December, imposing a “complete Ban on the Grant of any New Mining Leases in the Aravallis.”

“This prohibition applies uniformly across the entire Aravalli landscape and is intended to preserve the integrity of the range. The directions are aimed at safeguarding the Aravallis as a continuous geological ridge extending from Gujarat to the National Capital Region, and at stopping all unregulated mining activities,” the MoEFCC stated.

It further directed the Indian Council of Forestry Research and Education (ICFRE) to identify additional areas/zones in the entire Aravallis, where mining should be prohibited, over and above the areas already prohibited for mining by the Centre, based on ecological, geological and landscape-level considerations.

Even the MPSM prepared and finalised by the ICFRE will not be directly implemented, but will be brought before the public for wider stakeholder consultation. Simply put, no new mining lease shall be granted till a science-based MPSM is prepared, that MPSM will be put in the public domain for consultation, and only after thorough assessment of the cumulative environmental impact and ecological carrying capacity, identify ecologically sensitive and conservation-critical areas, and laying down measures for restoration and rehabilitation, that fresh mining lease strictly in non-protected areas will be allowed.

In fact, the Centre has issued strict directions for the state governments of Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Haryana to ensure that active legal mining operations are conducted in strict compliance with all environmental safeguards and in conformity with the Supreme Court’s order.

Ashok Gehlot, the self-proclaimed saviour of Aravalli from the mining mafia, gave mining contracts to his relatives

Ironically, of all its leaders, Congress chose Ashok Gehlot to lead the attack against the BJP over the Aravalli mining policy issue. Gehlot has himself been under the scanner for his alleged role in a multi-crore mining scam.

Back in 2015, Gehlot and one of his relatives were named, though not as accused, in the chargesheet filed by the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB). It was stated that an IAS officer, Ashok Singhvi, told another accused that Gehlot’s relative was employed by a mining baron to gain favours from the political class. Singhvi, along with three mining officials, were accused by the ACB of running kickback cartels. They used to arbitrarily cancel agreements and halt mining operations to extort money from owners.

Gehlot was earlier accused of giving sandstone mining contracts to his relatives while he was CM in 2013. It was alleged that Gehlot allotted 19 out of 37 mines to his relatives.

Under Gehlot’s leadership in 2022, the Mines Department in Rajasthan allegedly converted limestone mines to marble grade and cost the exchequer a loss of Rs 1,000 crore.

Back in 2014, it was reported that Gotan Limestone Khanij Udyog Ltd (GKUPL), a company owned by Ashok Gehlot’s relatives, Ram Vallabh Chauhan, Suresh Chauhan, Ramesh Chauhan and Ram Avtar Chauhan (Chauhan brothers), illegally sold 10 square 10-square-kilometre mining area to Ultra Tech Cement company located in Nagaur district’s Gotan area.

The ACB had found that the sale of the mining area violated mining lease norms. First, they sold a 2-sq-km area to JK Cement in 1997, and while its transfer application remained pending for approval with the Mines Department, Gehlot’s relatives sold the entire 10-sq-km area to Ultra Tech in 2012.

Why Aravalli Hills matter

The approximately 2.5 billion-year-old Aravallis originate in Gujarat and extend through Rajasthan, Haryana, and Delhi. Guru Shikhar (1,722 m) in Mount Abu is its highest peak. The Delhi Ridge, often referred to as the capital’s “green wall” or “green lungs,” is also an extension of the Aravalli Range.

Without the Aravallis, the Thar Desert in Rajasthan could gradually expand eastward, reaching Haryana, Delhi, and western Uttar Pradesh. Due to this, the Aravallis are considered a natural shield against desertification.

From regulating the movement of hot winds, playing a significant role in maintaining groundwater levels, being treasury of minerals like sandstone, limestone, marble, and granite, as well as lead, zinc, copper, gold, and tungsten, housing diverse flora and fauna, to having origins of the Chambal, Sabarmati, and Luni rivers, the Aravalli Hills and Ranges are life-givers.

Congress’s politics of convenience

Thus, illegal mining and other non-forest activities in the protected zones of the Aravallis must not be allowed; however, the opposition’s fearmongering around the revised definition of the Hills and mining policy indicates that the Aravallis are not an emotional subject or an issue of genuine concern for the Congress party, but yet another opportunity to score points against its political adversary.

This, however, is not the first time that an out-of-power Congress is outraged over something it approved during its rule. Especially, Ashok Gehlot has been a master of this game, as evident not only from the change in stance from 2002 affidavit favouring mining to seeking complete restrictions now, but also from the Hanumangarh ethanol plant row.

It must be recalled that the ethanol plant in Hanumangarh was approved by the Congress government under Ashok Gehlot’s leadership in 2023, but when the BJP came to power and continued its construction, the same Gehlot and the Congress party turned against it.

It all began with the Congress government choosing a proposed ethanol plant project of the Punjab-based firm Dune Ethanol Private Limited for funding to the tune of ₹450 crores in 2023. Everything was going hunky dory till the elections happened, and Congress was voted out of power. For Congress, the very project which would have generated jobs and boosted the economy, became ‘BJP’s scheme of favouring corporates’.

From festive cheer to ecological cost: How Christmas consumption drives deforestation, waste, and climate damage

Dhruv Mishra
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From festive cheer to ecological cost: How Christmas consumption drives deforestation, waste, and climate damage

Christmas commemorates the birth of Jesus Christ, the central figure of Christianity, and is observed worldwide as a religious and cultural festival. When autumn has given way to winter and snow covers the ground, and lights twinkle from house to house, you know Christmas is coming. Christmas is widely associated with joy, generosity, and cultural celebration. Still, in its current form, it has also grown into one of the world’s biggest annual consumption cycles.

It includes Seasonal spikes in shopping, travel, food consumption, and decorative spending, which create measurable environmental consequences. This article examines the environmental impact of Christmas by examining deforestation, waste generation, and agricultural stress. Rather than questioning the celebration itself, the focus here is on how consumption-driven practices linked to Christmas contribute to ecological degradation, as highlighted by global environmental studies and policy research.

Christmas and Deforestation Pressure

One of the less discussed impacts of Christmas is its indirect contribution to deforestation. With the increasing demand for natural Christmas trees, paper-based products, gift packaging, furniture, and decorative items during the festive season, trees are the ones who suffer the most. Even when trees are sourced from plantations, these operations require land, water, fertilisers, and energy-intensive transport. In addition to trees, the increased demand for cardboard, paper bags, and wrapping material puts pressure on forest resources worldwide.

According to the American Farm Bureau, about 25 million natural Christmas trees are cut and sold in the United States each year[i]. Moreover, according to the UK government, about 6-8 million Christmas trees are cut and sold annually.[ii] Across North America and Europe alone, tens of millions of trees are cut each year for Christmas celebrations. The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), in its Living Forests Report, identifies rising consumer demand and lifestyle-driven consumption cycles as key drivers of global deforestation and forest degradation, warning that such demand weakens biodiversity and reduces forests’ capacity to regulate climate and store carbon.

Waste Generation and Plastic Pollution

Christmas is also associated with a sharp rise in solid waste generation. Household and commercial waste increases significantly during the festive period due to disposable decorations, excessive packaging, and wrapping paper. According to environmental audits in the United Kingdom, around 227,000 miles of wrapping paper are used every Christmas, enough to wrap the Earth nearly 9 times, and much of which is non-recyclable[iii].

A large proportion of festive wrapping materials are non-recyclable because they are laminated, dyed, or coated with plastic and glitter. This results in higher landfill use and incineration, both of which contribute to pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Municipal waste-management systems often struggle to handle these short-term surges, creating long-term environmental costs that extend well beyond the holiday season.

The Plastic Problem

Christmas gifting has quietly become a major driver of avoidable waste. UK government and waste-management data show that around 30% more waste is generated during the festive period compared to the rest of the year, much of it linked to packaging and short-lived consumer goods.[iv] According to the Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, the UK discards more than £40 million worth of unwanted Christmas presents, many of which end up in landfills just months after being traded.[v] Packaging significantly amplifies this problem.

According to WRAP’s data, approximately 114,000 tonnes of recyclable festive packaging are incorrectly disposed of each year due to contamination from plastic coatings, glitter, ribbons, and mixed materials.[vi] According to consumer surveys, workplace and social gifting are particularly inefficient. Gifts received among coworkers and acquaintances are significantly more likely to be disliked, making them a high-volume, low-utility kind of consumption. From an environmental point of view, this represents a poor trade-off, resulting in increased material waste that lingers well beyond the festive season.

Seasonal Consumption, Methane Emissions, and Climate Stress

Christmas’s environmental impact goes beyond visible waste to climate-critical emissions. One of the most significant impacts comes from organic waste. According to the reports, the UK wastes an estimated 7-8 million real Christmas trees, which are discarded annually, generating approximately 12000 tonnes of green waste.[vii] Methane, a greenhouse gas significantly more potent than carbon dioxide in the short term, is released when decomposing trees are dumped in landfills. It indicates that emissions may reach tens of thousands of tonnes annually.

Food waste compounds this problem. According to the WRAP, it estimates that over 200,000 tonnes of edible food are wasted in the UK during the Christmas period, including hundreds of thousands of turkeys and millions of festive food items.[viii] This waste represents not only lost food but also wasted land, water, energy, and fertilisers used in production. When disposed of in a landfill, food waste further contributes to methane emissions, intensifying climate impact.

From a global standpoint, these seasonal patterns are consistent with broader environmental research. The World Wide Fund for Nature has consistently pointed out that lifestyle-driven consumption spikes, even when temporary, cumulatively contribute to deforestation, biodiversity loss, and climate instability. Christmas exemplifies how repeated annual increases in consumption and waste can affect the long-term environmental and climate goals.

Conclusion – Sustainability, Not Celebration Shaming

The environmental concerns associated with Christmas are not an argument against celebration or cultural tradition. Instead, they highlight the ecological cost of unchecked consumerism that now surrounds many global festivals. Research shows that forests, climate systems, and ecosystems respond to cumulative human behaviour rather than intent. Addressing environmental degradation requires acknowledging and reforming high-impact consumption cycles, including those linked to Christmas. Sustainable celebrations focused on reduced waste, responsible consumption, and environmental awareness offer a way forward that balances cultural practice with ecological responsibility.

References:

[i] Marszalek, J. (2024, November 15). Natural Christmas tree sales reach 25 million annually; tariffs on artificial trees not a boon. WFYI. https://www.wfyi.org/news/articles/natural-christmas-tree-sales-reach-25-million-annually-tariffs-on-artificial-trees-not-a-boon

[ii] UK Government. (2023). Christmas trees and forestry regulations in England. GOV.UK. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/christmas-trees-and-forestry-regulations-in-england/christmas-trees-and-forestry-regulations

[iii] GWP Group. (2025). Christmas packaging facts. https://www.gwp.co.uk/guides/christmas-packaging-facts/

[iv] MyGreenPod.
(2024). Christmas waste statistics 2024. https://www.mygreenpod.com/articles/christmas-waste-2024/

[v] GWP Group.
(2025). Christmas packaging facts. https://www.gwp.co.uk/guides/christmas-packaging-facts/

[vi] Waste Direct. (2024, December 17). Christmas waste statistics in 2025. WasteDirect.co.uk. https://wastedirect.co.uk/blog/christmas-waste-statistics/

[vii] GWP Group. (2025). Christmas packaging facts. https://www.gwp.co.uk/guides/christmas-packaging-facts/

[viii] Waste & Resources Action Programme. (2023). Festive food and packaging waste in the UK. WRAP. https://wrap.org.uk

Pakistan and Bangladesh handles spread fake video of CM Yogi Adityanath after he speaks up for Hindus being massacred by Jihadis under Yunus regime

Anurag
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Pakistan and Bangladesh handles spread fake video of CM Yogi Adityanath after he speaks up for Hindus being massacred by Jihadis under Yunus regime

On 24th December, several Pakistani and Bangladeshi social media handles, including those of prominent journalists, began circulating a video claiming that the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, openly threatened to attack Bangladesh, demanded its merger into “Akhand Bharat”, and asked Prime Minister Narendra Modi to resign if he cannot attack Bangladesh. It was also claimed that CM Yogi issued violent threats against Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir.

The video purportedly showed CM Yogi speaking on the floor of the Assembly and has been widely shared as “proof” of Indian leaders threatening Bangladesh’s sovereignty.

Sharing this video, X user Jashim, who hails from Bangladesh, wrote, “Our biggest weakness as Bengali Muslims is that we don’t even realize how deeply stupid we have become. Look at this ; leaders like Yogi openly stand in parliament and threaten to capture Bangladesh, talking about a so-called “Akhand Bharat” ; yet our Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not even protest. And the Indian bootlicking Bangladeshi media, despite knowing all this, remains completely silent ; as if nothing has happened.”

Source: X

Notably, the video was shared by on 24th December by Wajahat Kazmi, a journalist from Pakistan, who has worked with Dawn, Samaa TV, Star News and has appeared on BBC, CNN, Huffington Post and other media outlets. Wajahat has over 5.9 lakh followers on X. Wajahat’s account on X is withheld in India. The archived link of the post can be seen here.

Source: X

The background behind the viral video

The AI generated video surfaced shortly after CM Yogi raised the issue of atrocities against Hindus in Bangladesh during proceedings of the UP Vidhan Sabha. He specifically spoke about the murder of a Dalit Hindu youth in Bangladesh and the selective outrage shown by opposition leaders who protest events in Gaza but remain silent when Hindus are targeted in neighbouring Islamic countries.

Pakistan and Bangladesh based handles projected the fake clip as a response to this speech, claiming it reflected India’s alleged expansionist ambitions.

Numerous Pakistani and Bangladeshi handles share the video

There are several Bangladeshi and Pakistani handles that have shared the video on social media platforms.

In a post, X user Hassan from Pakistan wrote, “Yogi Adityanath has just accused Pakistan of interfering in Bangladesh and issued a direct threat to Field Marshal Asim Munir. The UP CM stated that Akhand Bharat cannot be realized as long as Asim Munir remains in power. More reasons to love and support the Field Marshal.”

Source: X

Another X user from Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Tural, wrote exactly the same text proving it is a toolkit developed by users from Pakistan and Bangladesh against CM Yogi.

Source: X

What was actually said by CM Yogi Adityanath

When OpIndia checked the Assembly proceedings and verified video footage, it was clear that CM Yogi made no such statements that have been attributed to him in the viral clip.

While speaking in the Vidhan Sabha, CM Yogi questioned why opposition leaders choose silence when Hindus are killed in Bangladesh and Pakistan, but condemn incidents that happen elsewhere. He criticised opposition leaders for appeasement politics and stated that the creation of Pakistan and Bangladesh had led to the continued persecution of Hindus.

He further called for a condemnation resolution against the murder of a Hindu in Bangladesh, Dipu Das, and warned the Bangladesh government to ensure the safety of minorities. He also spoke about illegal immigration, Aadhaar misuse, and vote bank politics that have been happening in India.

What has been falsely added using AI

The viral video falsely inserts statements about Akhand Bharat through violence, threats of war, demands for the Prime Minister’s resignation, and calls for assassination or physical harm to Asim Munir. The language and tone in the viral clip are inconsistent with his real remarks and clearly indicate AI generated manipulation.

Why this misinformation is being pushed

The misinformation being spread by Pakistani and Bangladeshi handles is aimed at deflecting attention from documented attacks on Hindu minorities in Bangladesh. Notably, a Hindu man, Dipu Das, was recently burnt alive in Bangladesh over false claims of blasphemy. These attacks have become a black spot on the interim political arrangement led by Muhammad Yunus.

Such videos are a clear attempt to reframe legitimate criticism of Islamist violence as Indian aggression, thereby silencing discussion on the persecution of minorities in neighbouring countries.

Conclusion

The viral video is fake and AI generated. CM Yogi did not threaten Bangladesh, call for war, ask Prime Minister Modi to resign, or call for an attack on Asim Munir. None of these remarks were found in the original speech he delivered in the UP Assembly. His remarks were limited to condemning the killing of Hindus and exposing selective political outrage.

Uttar Pradesh: Married Dr Rameezuddin sexually exploits a Hindu colleague, harasses and forces her to convert, case filed after victim tries to commit suicide- Read details

Rukma Rathore
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Uttar Pradesh: Married Dr Rameezuddin sexually exploits a Hindu colleague, harasses and forces her to convert, case filed after victim tries to commit suicide- Read details

A case of sexual exploitation, blackmail and forced conversion has surfaced at the prestigious King George Medical University (KGMU) in Lucknow. Rameezuddin Naik, a resident doctor in the Pathology Department, is charged with trapping his Hindu colleague in a romantic relationship, sexually exploiting her for 6 months under the guise of marriage, terminating her pregnancy, blackmailing her and pushing her to embrace Islam. He also concealed the fact that he had been married twice, including to a Hindu. Her family has also brought forth assertions of love jihad.

On 23rd December, a First Information Report was launched at the Chowk police station for sexual assault, forced religious conversion and under other pertinent sections. A formal complaint has been submitted in accordance with sections 69, 89 and 351(1) of Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). The Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Act’s sections 3 and 5(1) have also been invoked.

Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Chowk Rajkumar Singh informed that a police team is actively searching for Naik, and he would be apprehended shortly. Meanwhile, he has been suspended from the institution.

The victim tries to end her life, CM Yogi’s assurance and meeting with the State Women’s Commission

The victim met with Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath (or talked to him on the phone) to share her ordeal and disclosed that the Muslim man is not working independently, but he leads a conversion gang on the KGMU campus. CM Yogi then asked for a comprehensive report from the institution’s administration. The Yogi government vowed that the culprits would not be spared.

Her family stressed that the accused had hidden the fact that he had previously converted another Hindu girl to Islam and married her in February of this year. He promised to leave his spouse if the young woman changed her religion after she found out about his reality. However, she refused, and he left her but continued to mentally torment her.

“I started distancing myself from him, but he kept pursuing me and stated that he had my objectionable photos and videos. He threatened to make them viral, which would prevent me from getting married anywhere. He repeatedly forced me to accept and convert to the religion. He continued to blackmail me,” the woman pointed out. She attempted suicide on 17th December by consuming poison in her hostel room, driven to despair by the constant harassment.

The Hindu doctor was admitted in critical condition to the KGMU Trauma Centre and subsequently to the Critical Care Medicine (CCM) Intensive Care Unit (ICU). She was released from the hospital on 19th December, following which she and her family appealed to the State Women’s Commission and the public grievance portal. According to reports, she was enduring persistent threats, pressure to stay silent, not initiate any complaint and suppress the issue.

On 22nd December, the victim conducted a press conference alongside Aparna Yadav, the vice-chairperson of the commission. She noted that letters have been sent to the KGMU administration and the police. They are urged to file an official complaint against the offender. She also emphasised that a thorough inquiry is essential, as the manner in which the events have transpired implied that he could be operating a conversion racket for an ulterior motive. The commission also conveyed that the victim would receive legal and psychological assistance at every stage and would not experience any further harassment.

The startling revelations

According to the complaint, the female doctor lived in Lucknow’s Thakurganj and was originally from Howrah in West Bengal. She joined the KGMU Lucknow Cytology Department on 1st July 2025 while pursuing her MD in Pathology. Naik, who was also in the department, befriended her in the same month. He informed her that he was born in Saharanpur and that his present address was Khatima in Uttarakhand. He gradually gained her trust and strengthened their friendship.

The complaint unveiled, “He started tempting me to marry him. Using marriage as a pretext, he got very close to me. Around 8th or 9th August, he came to my rented house. He started talking about having physical relations with me. Despite my refusal, he took me into his confidence by promising marriage and established physical relations with me. Our friendship continued due to trust. He would regularly come to my room and establish physical relations with me while promising marriage.”

She further mentioned that he had sex with her contrary to her will when she visited his rented home in Hussainabad in the name of marrriage and this she did not protest. “I found out I was pregnant in September. When I told him about this, he gave me medicine, saying that we are not married yet. This is not right now,” she added.

The complainant unexpectedly ran into Mansi Saxena in front of Thakurganj’s Batul Plaza in September, who told her that she was Naik’s wife and he had wed her in February after changing her religion. He alleged that it was not true when she confronted him, but maintained regular contact with Mansi.

The Hindu doctor highlighted, “When I asked him to marry me in October, he started talking about religious conversion in November. He insisted that we could only get married afterwards. When I opposed this, an argument started between us. I couldn’t tell anyone else about my troubles, which led me to consume about 30 tablets of Mirtazapine and Venlafaxine on 17th December.”

Her friends took her to the hospital, and she later told her father about the entire occurrence, which resulted in the police complaint.

The university’s action against the accused

The issue was referred to the Vishakha Committee following the directives of Vice-Chancellor Professor Sonia Nityanand. It commenced its probe by first documenting the testimonies of the victim and the perpetrator. The latter asserted that he was unmarried and refuted any allegations of having been previously married. He was told to furnish evidence to substantiate his claims.

KGMU spokesperson Dr KK Singh stated that the university management has provided a room for the female doctor in the hostel, prioritising her safety, and a female security personnel is going to be stationed at her dormitory around the clock. He pointed out that Malik has been suspended and directed to refrain from appearing on the campus.

The action was executed by the Dean of Academics, Professor Virendra Atam, with the consent of the Vice-Chancellor. Given the gravity of the matter, the committee determined that Naik might affect the impartial and unbiased probe. Therefore, he was told to remain at the KGMU headquarters throughout the suspension period, although he is not permitted to carry out any official responsibilities. Additionally, he is barred from entering the university grounds without prior written authorisation. He would only be permitted to participate in the inquiry proceedings.

Singh added that Naik tried to indoctrinate her and pressurise her to become a Muslim. Singh mentioned that a preliminary investigation would be initiated to verify the authenticity of the accusations, and then the focus would shift to identifying all individualsz implicated in the matter, including the collaborators and anyone else who was cognisant of the situation. He added that Naik hid the details from the administration, but every involved individual would be examined, and suitable actions would be taken.

On 23rd December, the committee was unable to get in touch with Naik, who was scheduled to testify before the panel. His phone was turned off, and many efforts were made to call as well as message him while they waited for his response until the evening. The KGMU management declared that he would face severe consequences for his refusal to assist with the probe.

Protests on the campus

Meanwhile, protests have begun regarding the issue by Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the National Medicos Organisation (NMO) and other groups. On 24th December, a confrontation also occurred between NMO officials and KGMU authorities during the protest, but security personnel were able to restore order.

The convener of the metropolitan unit, Dr Shivam Krishnan, along with the organising secretary, Dr Kapil Sharma, met with the Vice-Chancellor and demanded revocation of Naik’s degree and requested a recommendation for the cancellation of his admission through NEET PG (National Eligibility cum Entrance Test for Postgraduate). Sharma added that the faculty members of the Pathology department who supported the accused should be identified.

Bharatiya Janata Party MLA Nandkishore Gurjar characterised the case as a love jihad, similar to the Hindu doctor’s father and called for the invocation of the National Security Act (NSA) against Naik.

‘If I find three people like Deendayal, I will change politics’ – Read how Dr Mukherjee found Atal and the story of three beacons of nationalism standing tall at the Rashtra Prerna Sthal

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‘If I find three people like Deendayal, I will change politics’ – Read how Dr Mukherjee found Atal and the story of three beacons of nationalism standing tall at the Rashtra Prerna Sthal

Today, on 25th December, is Good Governance Day. It is also the 101st birth anniversary of Bharat Ratna former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. On this occasion, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will dedicate the Rashtra Prerna Sthal in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, to the nation. Statues of three luminaries of nationalism, Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Atal Bihari Vajpayee have been installed at this site.

Know about Rashtriya Prerna Sthal

The Rashtriya Prerna Sthal, located on the banks of the Gomti River in Lucknow, is spread across 65 acres. It was built at a cost of approximately ₹230 crore. Sixty-five-foot-tall bronze statues of the three nationalist leaders have been installed on its premises. The statues weigh about 42 tons each and are surrounded by water bodies. The complex houses a state-of-the-art museum designed in the shape of a lotus flower. It spans approximately 98,000 square feet. It features five galleries and 12 interpretation walls depicting the lives, struggles, and ideologies of the three leaders.

Remembering former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee on the eve of Good Governance Day, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath described him as the undisputed leader of Indian politics. He said that the former Prime Minister took Indian politics to new heights in six decades. He connected it with values ​​and ideals. CM Yogi Adityanath commented on the inauguration program of Rashtriya Prerna Sthal in a post on X. He said that Rashtriya Prerna Sthal is not just a tribute to the thoughts, ideals and the lives of Bharat Ratna Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay; it symbolises the eternal values ​​of inspirational leadership and patriotism crucial for building a ‘New India’.

The contributions of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Indian politics need no introduction. The Bharatiya Janata Party we see today has its ideological roots in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, founded by Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in 1951.

Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee wanted three Deendayals and got one Atal

Among the key members who shaped the organisation and ideology during its initial period, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya’s name figures prominently. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee used to say that if he could find three people like Deendayal Upadhyaya, he could change the face of the country’s politics. Although Shyama Prasad Mukherjee didn’t get three people like Deendayal Upadhyaya, he did find a similar figure in Atal Bihari Vajpayee, whose ideological clarity and organisational ability strengthened the Jan Sangh and later the BJP.

‘This story is mentioned on page 28 of Kingshuk Nag’s book ‘Atal Bihari Vajpayee: A Man for All Seasons.‘

It was during this ideological journey that Atal Bihari Vajpayee emerged as a national leader. In the 1950s, Atal ji served as editor of magazines like “Panchjanya” and “Rashtradharma.” Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya closely observed his writing and ideological maturity. Just as a jeweler recognizes a diamond, Deendayal Upadhyaya recognised a gem like Atal Bihari Vajpayee and introduced him to Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee. Subsequently, Atal ji served as Shyama Prasad Mukherjee’s assistant for a long time, especially on a sensitive subject like Kashmir.

This is the reason that when Atal Bihari Vajpayee became Prime Minister, the Kashmir issue remained an important and sensitive issue during his tenure. His approach towards the Kashmir issue, based on dialogue and resolution, not confrontation, was a result of his ideological upbringing and political experience.

Atal ji was also deeply influenced by Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya’s philosophy of “Integral Humanism.” Whether it was connecting rural India to the mainstream, the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, or the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s vision of bringing development to the last person in society clearly reflected the influence of Deendayal Upadhyaya’s ideas on him.

Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, all three of them dedicated their lives to creating an India they dreamed of. Today’s ‘New India’ not only carries forward their ideals but also realises their unfulfilled dreams. The bold step of abolishing Article 370 and clearly declaring Kashmir as an integral part of India by PM Narendra Modi is proof that the seeds of national consciousness sown by Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee during his lifetime have sprouted.

Haryana govt amends Private Universities Act after Al Falah University link surfaced in Delhi Red Fort terror attack: All you need to know

Shraddha Pandey
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Haryana govt amends Private Universities Act after Al Falah University link surfaced in Delhi Red Fort terror attack: All you need to know

The November 10 Islamic terror attack in Delhi, which killed over 15 people, brought the Al Falah University in Haryana’s Faridabad under the scanner. The Islamic terror attack near Red Fort was carried out by Al Falah University member, Dr Umar Un Nabi. The varsity established in 2014 by the Al Falah Charitable Trust has been implicated in the white-collar terror module linked to the Pakistan-based Islamic terror group Jaish-e-Mohammad and Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind (AGuH). To tighten the noose around the Al Falah University, the Haryana Government has passed the Haryana Private Universities (Amendment) Bill, 2025.

The BJP government in the state brought the Haryana Private Universities (Amendment) Bill to make amendments to the various provisions of the Haryana Private Universities Act, 2006. The bill was passed on 22nd December 2025 on the last day of the state assembly’s Winter Session. The amendments have been made to enhance state oversight and lay down procedures for dissolving or taking over private universities and appointing an administrator, and to ensure the government’s prior approval for the introduction of new courses.

The changes made in the amended legislation will apply to all 26 private universities in Haryana, including Al Falah University.

Fines ranging from Rs 10 lakh to Rs 1 crore will be imposed for maladministration, providing false information, or failing to comply with the prescribed standards. In addition, the government may halt admissions and order phased dissolution in case of universities failing to rectify violations within 30 days. It is not that the 2014 Act did not provide for the imposition of penalties for rule violations or did not make any mention about the dissolution of private universities; however, the process was not clearly laid down.

Under new Section 44B, the state government can appoint an administrator or committee to take full control over a private university’s affairs, assets, and operations in cases of national security lapses, threat to public security and national sovereignty, law and order, or other unlawful/anti-national activities. The new rule states that the State-appointed administrator will ensure continuity until the last student batch graduates, following which, assets revert to the sponsoring body.

Another change in the rule pertains to operations controls. Now, prior government approval will be required for new courses or intake changes. This is done to address the misuse of Section 34A. In addition, annual academic and administrative audits will be mandatory.

The annual audits, both academic and administrative, will ensure that private universities are complying with all the rules and maintaining standards. If found violating the rules, varsities may receive notice and face action from the government, if required.

The Haryana Private Universities (Amendment) Bill, 2025, also provides for establishing a new state-run University of Design, Innovation and Technology in Gurugram.

Explaining what necessitated the amendment to the Private Universities Act, 2006, state education minister, Mahipal Dhanda, said that during a comprehensive review, it was found that Sections 34A, 34B, 44, 44A and 46 required streamlining. He added that the existing Sections 44 and 44A did not lay down any procedure either for the dissolution of a university or for the appointment of an administrator.

“This necessitated amendments to these sections and the insertion of the new Section 44B to clearly lay down the process for phased dissolution and administrative takeover,” Minister Dhanda said.

Similarly, the minister said that the provisions of Section 46 were broadened to eliminate ambiguities, shut down loopholes and bolster regulatory oversight over private varsities.

“It has been noticed that certain private universities started new courses, enhanced intake capacity and even changed the nomenclature of courses without obtaining prior approval of the state government by misusing sub-section (3) of Section 34A. Therefore, the provision needed modification,” the Haryana Education Minister said.

The Haryana Private Universities (Amendment) Bill and the Al Falah University connection

The passed Private Universities (Amendment) Bill, 2025, does not explicitly mention Al Falah University. However, its timing and changes made in the existing law make it apparent that the state government is not only enhancing regulatory oversight over private universities but also tightening the noose around Al Falah University. This Islamic terror involvement-accused varsity was established by the Al Falah Charitable Trust and obtained the “university” status in 2014 via an act of the Haryana Assembly.

As per the information given on the varsity’s website, the “Al-Falah University was established by the Haryana Legislative Assembly by passing Act 21 of 2014 under the Haryana Private University Act 2006, amended in 2014, and notified on May 2, 2014. Al-Falah University was also recognised in 2015 by the University Grants Commission.”

Source: About Us page of the Al Falah University’s website.

The Al Falah University came under the scanner of security agencies after its connection to the Delhi blast case came to light. On one hand, the NIA and local police began questioning suspected terrorists linked to the varsity; on the other, the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) handed a show-cause notice to Al Falah University authorities for misleading the public.

The Al Falah University continued to advertise on its website a “Grade A” accreditation even as certifications for its individual colleges had expired in 2016 and 2018. The varsity also falsely claimed that it is eligible for central grants under Section 12(B) of the University Grants Commission Act (UGC Act),

In November, the Enforcement Directorate arrested Al Falah University’s chancellor, Jawad Ahmed Siddiqui, over alleged involvement in money laundering and defrauding students of Rs 415 crore during the years 2018 and 2025. The probe agency’s investigation revealed that Siddiqui allegedly diverted student fees, up to Rs 90 lakh for MBBS courses, for personal use.

The ED told the Delhi court that Al Falah University had made around Rs 415 crore by misleading students and their families through false claims about its accreditation and recognition.

Siddiqui is also accused of acquiring prime Hindu land in south-east Delhi’s Madanpur Khadar using forged documents. The Al Falah University chancellor used his private firm, Tarbia Education Foundation, to purchase multiple land parcels through fake General Power of Attorney (GPA) documents. Officials say some of these GPAs were “executed” decades after the Hindu landowners had passed away.

According to investigators, land in Khasra No. 792, Madanpur Khadar, valued at ₹75 lakh, was among the plots fraudulently transferred. The paperwork is found to be fabricated; having forged signatures, forged thumb impressions and deceased individuals magically authorising land sales in 2004.

Dr Umar Un Nabi, who worked at Al Falah University as an assistant professor, was identified as the Fidayeen Jihadi or suicide bomber who detonated himself in an explosives-laden Hyundai i20 car on 10th November. Two other Al Falah faculty members, Dr Muzammil Ahmed Ghanaie, alias Muzammil Shakeel, and Dr Shaheen Shahid, provided Nabi with logistical support, including stacking about 2,900 kg of explosives. The duo also helped Umar Un Nabi with handling recruitment and distribution for the white-collar Islamic terror module.

A former nursing staff member at the university’s medical college and hospital revealed that every day, about 100 to 150 fake patient files were created there on the orders of accused Muzammil Shakeel. It has also been alleged that Hindu employees at the Muslim-dominated university faced discrimination at multiple levels.

OpIndia reported earlier that while the Delhi blast brought national spotlight on the Al Falah University, it was not the first time that people linked to the varsity indulged in Islamic terror crimes. Mirza Shabad Baiq, the main accused in the 2008 serial bombings in Delhi and Ahmedabad, graduated from Al Falah University in Haryana’s Faridabad. He completed his B.Tech. in Electronics and Instrumentation from the Al Falah Engineering College, Faridabad, Haryana, in 2007. Baig, who is on the run and is believed to be living in Pakistan, headed the Azamgarh module of the terrorist outfit Indian Mujahideen (IM) (formerly known as SIMI – Students Islamic Movement of India).

The Al Falah University received crores of rupees in minority grants, despite not having the UGC Section 12(B) funding status. The university availed substantial benefits from minority-focused Central government schemes. In 2016, over ₹10 crore in MoMA scholarships were disbursed to the students of Al-Falah. Before that, in 2015, ₹6 crore was allotted for around 2,600 minority students. The university also received ₹1.10 crore from AICTE for scholarships to students from Jammu and Kashmir. Similarly, in the year 2014, the year in which it was recognised as a private university, 50 minority students received MoMA scholarships.

In addition, the varsity also received funds from AICTE for laboratories under the MODROB (Modernisation and Removal of Obsolescence) scheme modernisation funds in 2011.

The investigation against the Al Falah University continues, and more revelations regarding the varsity’s alleged illegal, particularly, terror-linked activities might be made in the future. The Haryana Government has started fixing the systemic rot. With the passage of the Private Universities (Amendment) Bill, 2025, the government has eliminated the legal loopholes and strengthened its oversight over not only Al Falah but also other private universities. The amendment to the existing law will also ensure that private universities do not become a haven for terrorists and those involved in various anti-national activities.

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