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VP Jagdeep Dhankhar calls it quits: Read how he kept questioning the judiciary, seeking accountability and objecting to their overreach

Shraddha Pandey
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VP Jagdeep Dhankhar calls it quits: Read how he kept questioning the judiciary, seeking accountability and objecting to their overreach

On the 21st of July 2025, Vice‑President Jagdeep Dhankhar resigned and submitted his letter of resignation to President Droupadi Murmu, citing medical reasons and the need to prioritise his health.

The resignation came on the opening day of the Monsoon Session of Parliament, catching many by surprise amid a busy legislative agenda. Speculations are rife about the timing of Dhankhar’s resignation, with the opposition claiming that the reasons behind his stepping down may be far deeper than just health reasons.

In his letter to President Droupadi Murmu, Jagdeep Dhankhar invoked Article 67(a) of the Constitution to make his resignation effective immediately. Citing ongoing health challenges, he stated his intention to “prioritise health care and abide by medical advice.”

From the very onset in 2022, Dhankhar’s tenure as Vice President was marked by his vocal criticism of the judiciary, especially on the issues of its overreach and accountability. Being a seasoned lawyer himself and having a background in the Supreme Court and the Rajasthan High Court, Jagdeep Dhankhar consistently raised concerns over the alleged encroachment of the powers of the legislature and executive by the judiciary, arguing that their actions undermined the supremacy of Parliament and the balance of powers as prescribed in the Constitution.

“Judiciary cannot become executive”: When Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar warned the judiciary that its overreach might destabilise governance

Hitting back at the judiciary regarding the overturning of parliamentary amendments to the Constitution in December 2022, VP Jagdeep Dhankhar warned that the judiciary cannot become the legislative or the executive because doing so may destabilise the system of government as a whole.

Dhankhar stated during the eighth LM Singhvi memorial lecture that our judiciary, as one of the important institutions of government, cannot be the executive or legislative.

“The doctrine of separation of power is fundamental to our governance. Any incursion, howsoever subtle, in the domain of the other by one has the capacity or potential to unsettle the apple cart of governance,” then vice president stated.

“India in 2015-16 was dealing with a constitutional amendment act and as a matter of record the entire Lok Sabha voted unanimously and there was no abstention in Lok Sabha and that amendment act was passed. In Rajya Sabha, there was no opposition. We the people their ordainment came to be reflected through the most sanctified mechanisms through the applicable mechanisms. That power was undone. The world does not know of any such instance. I appeal to all judicial minds please think of a parallel in the world where a constitutional provision can be undone,” the vice president stated.

In the presence of then Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud, several Supreme Court judges, Union Ministers, then Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and several lawyers, Dhankhar further said, “Power resides in ‘We the People’ – their mandate, their wisdom… If a constitutional provision that carries the ordainment of the people at large in such a vibrant democracy is undone, what will happen? I appeal to the people here, they constitute a judicial elite class, thinking minds, intellectuals – please find out a parallel in the world where a constitutional provision can be undone.”

He also asserted that while the Indian Constitution clearly states in Article 145(3) that the court may interpret the Constitution where a serious question of law is involved. “Nowhere it say a provision can be run down.”

When VP Jagdeep Dhankhar came down heavily on the Supreme Court for scrapping the NJAC

Back in December 2022, Dhankhar criticised the Supreme Court over the 99th Constitutional Amendment Bill paving way for the National Judicial Appointment Commission (NJAC), which was undone by the Supreme Court in 2015.

“The Parliament in a much-needed historic step passed the 99th Constitutional Amendment Bill, paving the way for the National Judicial Appointment Commission (NJAC). There was unprecedented support for the above. On August 13, 2014, the Lok Sabha unanimously voted in its favour with there being no abstentions. This House too, passed it unanimously on August 14, 2014, with one abstention. Rarely in Parliamentary democracy, there has been such massive support to a Constitutional legislation,” Dhankhar said.

“This process fructified into a Constitutional prescription, after 16 State Assemblies out of 29 States ratified the Central Legislation; the President of India, in terms of Article 111, accorded his consent on December 31, 2014,” he added.

Furthermore, then Vice President, Jagdeep Dhankhar stated that this was the first time that a duly legitimised constitutional prescription was judicially undone, “This historic parliamentary mandate was undone by the Supreme Court on October 16, 2015 by a majority of 4:1 finding the same as not being in consonance with the judicially evolved doctrine of ‘Basic Structure’ of the Constitution,” said.

Dhankhar had called the scrapping of the NJAC a severe compromise of parliamentary sovereignty and disregard of the mandate of the people, of which this house and the Lok Sabha are custodians.

VP Dhankhar had also emphasised that Parliament is the exclusive and ultimate determinative of the architecture of the Constitution. 

“We need to bear in mind that in democratic governance, the basis of any ‘Basic Structure’ is the prevalence of primacy of the mandate of the people reflected in the Parliament. Parliament is the exclusive and ultimate determinative of the architecture of the Constitution,” said.

It must be recalled that back in 2014, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government brought the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC) Act in an attempt to change the system of appointment of judges. The NJAC was a proposed body, which would have been responsible for the appointment and transfer of judges to the higher judiciary. The NJAC Act and the Constitutional Amendment Act came into force on April 13, 2015. But the top court on October 16, 2015, struck down the NJAC Act. The verdict brought back the primacy of the collegium system of judges appointing judges.

VP Jagdeep Dhankhar differed from Supreme Court’s idea of ‘basic structure’ doctrine

In January 2023, Dhankhar once again reignited the discussion over the doctrine of the separation of powers. This time, he cited the Supreme Court’s landmark judgment in the 1973 Kesavanand Bharati case wherein the court had ruled that while Parliament had the authority to amend the Constitution, it cannot amend its basic structure.

Delivering his inaugural address at the 83rd All-India Presiding Officers Conference in Jaipur, Jagdeep Dhankhar questioned: “Are we a democratic nation?”

Asserting that all three pillars of democracy: legislature, executive and judiciary must function within their limits, then Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar said, “In a democratic society, the basis of any basic structure is supremacy of the people, sovereignty of the people, sovereignty of Parliament. Executive thrives on the sovereignty of Parliament. Legislatures and Parliament decide who will be the Chief Minister, who will be the Prime Minister. The ultimate power is with the Legislature. The Legislature decides who will be in other institutions. In such a situation, all Constitutional institutions – the Legislative, Executive, Judiciary – are required to be within their limits.”

Expressing his disagreement over the Supreme Court ruling in the Kesavanand Bharati case that the Parliament cannot amend the constitution’s basic structure, Dhankhar said, “In 1973, in the Kesavananda Bharati case, the Supreme Court gave the idea of basic structure, saying that Parliament can amend the Constitution, but not its basic structure. With due respect to the Judiciary, I cannot subscribe to this.”

‘Time has come to revisit’: When Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar questioned the involvement of the CJI in executive appointments

In February 2025, Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar questioned how the judiciary can be involved in executive appointments as the Supreme Court of India was hearing a petition seeking to include the Chief Justice of India in the selection committee for the Election Commission. He said while earlier the executive yielded to the inclusion of judges in executive functions, it was time to revisit the norms.

Speaking at the National Judicial Academy, Bhopal, Dhankhar said that such a system should not exist in a democracy like India. He wondered how the Chief Justice of India participates in the selection of the CBI director, even by “statutory prescription”.

The vice president said, “To stir your minds, how can in a country like ours or in any democracy, by statutory prescription, the Chief Justice of India participate in the selection of the CBI director! Can there be any legal rationale for it? I can appreciate that the statutory prescription took shape because the Executive of the day has yielded to a judicial verdict. But time has come to revisit.”

Jagdeep Dhankhar further said, “This surely does not merge with democracy. How can we involve the Chief Justice of India in any executive appointment?”

Dhankhar went on to say that while the Supreme Court has the power to interpret the constitution, there can be no “arrogation of authority” under the guise of interpretation. The essence and spirit which the founding fathers had in mind under Article 145(3) must be respected.”

He further advocated for an increase in the constitutional bench strength, as originally the constitution bench comprised the majority of total judges.

“When the strength of the Supreme Court was eight judges, under Article 145(3), there was a stipulation that interpretation of the Constitution would be by a bench of five judges or more. Please note, when this strength was eight, it was five. And the Constitution allows the highest court of the land to interpret the Constitution. If I analyse arithmetically, they were very sure the interpretation will be by the majority of judges, because the strength then was eight. That five stands as it is. And the number (of total judges) is more than fourfold,” he said.

VP Dhankhar’s advocacy for including domain experts in arbitral process instead of retired judges

In March 2025, Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar said that the arbitral process in India is “just an additional burden to the normal hierarchical mechanism of adjudication.”

Addressing the Colloquium organised by the India International Arbitration Centre (IIAC) at Bharat Mandapam, Dhankhar said, “Arbitrators play as much critical role as members of the bar associated with the arbiter process. Surprisingly, there is, I’m saying it with utmost restraint, absolute tight-fist control of a segment of a category that is involved with arbiter process determination. This tight-fist control emanates out of judicial feats. And if we examine it on an objective platform, it is excruciatingly painful.”

Emphasising the significance of Article 136 and its effects on the arbitration process, Dhankhar said that while Article 136 was supposed to be a narrow slit, it is hurting the arbitral process.

“The Attorney General of the country can really reflect and make a big change. Which country in the world, Attorney, tell me, has suo moto cognisance by the highest court? I’m sure I can’t look around. And Article 136 intervention was supposed to be a narrow-slit. The wall has been demolished with anything and everything under the sun, including what a magistrate has to do, what a Session Judge has to do, what a District Judge has to do, and what a High Court Judge has to do. That wall demolition is also hurting the arbitral process. All I am suggesting, in all humility and as a concerned citizen of this country, is that the issue you are debating is critical to micro and small industries. They want a facile, easy arbitral process”.

Jagdeep Dhankhar condemned Supreme Court’s “judicial overreach”, calling it an unelected ‘super Parliament’

In April 2025, VP Jagdeep Dhankhar harshly criticised the recent Supreme Court verdict regarding the powers of the Governor and the President under Articles 200 and 201 of the Constitution. In the Judgment passed on 8th April 2025, a division bench of the Supreme Court set a time limit, not envisaged in the Constitution, on the exercise of power to grant or refuse assent to a state Bill by the President and the Governor. The Supreme Court prescribed a deadline of 3 months on the President’s power to grant or refuse assent to a Bill reserved by the Governor for his consideration.

Without mincing words, VP Dhankhar questioned the Supreme Court for issuing a direction to the President of India. He reminded the Supreme Court that its power is limited to interpreting the Constitution. “We cannot have a situation where you direct the President of India, and on what basis? The only right you have under the Constitution is to interpret the Constitution under Article 145(3), ” said the Vice President in an address during the Valedictory Function of the 6th Rajya Sabha Internship Program at Vice-President’s Enclave on 17th April.

“The President is called upon to decide in a time-bound manner, and if not, it becomes law. So we have judges who will legislate, who will perform executive functions, who will act as super-parliament, and absolutely have no accountability because the law of the land does not apply to them,” he said.

Highlighting the fact that the judgment, which had the effect of modifying the concerned provisions, was delivered by a bench of two judges which did not represent the majority of the total number of judges in the Supreme Court.

“When Article 145(3) was there, the number of judges in the Supreme Court was eight, 5 out of 8, now 5 out of 30 and odd. But forget about it, the judges who issued a mandamus virtually to the President and presented a scenario that it will be the law of the land, have forgotten the power of the Constitution. How can that combination of judges deal with something under Article 145(3) if preserved, it was then for five out of eight. We need to make amends for that also now. Five out of eight would mean interpretation will be by majority. Well, five constitutes more than the majority in eight. But leave that aside. Article 142 has become a nuclear missile against Democratic forces, available to the judiciary 24 x 7,” Dhankhar said.

Notably, in the verdict passed in The State of Tamil Nadu v The Governor of Tamil Nadu and Anr, the Apex Court examined the ambit of powers of the President and the Governor conferred under Articles 200 and 201 of the Constitution. The Supreme Court held that the President should decide on the Bills sent to him by the Governor for consideration within 3 months, and that any delay beyond the prescribed time limit should be justified by recording reasons. Besides, the Court ruled that if the President fails to decide on a Bill within 3 months, then the State government can seek the issuance of the writ of mandamus from the Supreme Court against the President. The judgment has been widely criticised for alleged judicial overreach or a judicial attempt to effectively amend the constitution.

Dhankhar questioned the handling of the Justice Yashwant Varma case

Former Vice-President Dhankhar had also raised questions on how the Supreme Court handled the matter relating to the discovery of huge amounts of unaccounted cash at the house of Justice Yashwant Varma. “An event happened on the night of the 14th and 15th of March in New Delhi, at the residence of a judge. For seven days, no one knew about it. We have to ask questions to ourselves. Is the delay explainable? Condonable? Does it not raise certain fundamental questions? In any ordinary situation, and ordinary situations define the rule of law, things would have been different. It was only on 21st March, disclosed by a newspaper, that people of the country were shocked as never before, ” the Vice-President remarked.

“Thereafter, fortunately, in the public domain, we had input from an authoritative source, the Supreme Court of India. And the input indicated culpability. Input did not lead to doubt that something was amiss. Something requires to be investigated. Now the nation waits with bated breath. The nation is restive because one of our institutions, to which people have always looked up with the highest respect and deference, was put in the dock,” he added.

Jagdeep Dhankhar:  The man who questioned judicial overreach, sought accountability and advocated for balance of powers even in the face of backlash from the opposition and slandering by the leftist ecosystem

Dhankhar’s fierce critiques of what he deemed judicial overreach and encroachment of the powers of the legislature were not without pushback. Beyond the insulting mimicries, several opposition leaders labelled Dhankhar as ‘non-neutral’ and his comments slamming the judiciary ‘unconstitutional’. The opposition parties and the leftist media cabal even accused the former VP of ‘undermining’ judicial independence. Not to forget, the leftist propaganda portal The Wire went as far as to call Dhankhar a “partisan attack dog” over VP Dhankhar’s criticism of the Supreme Court for using Article 142 and calling it a “nuclear missile against democratic forces”.

Despite the slandering, mockery and criticism, Dhankhar did not shy away from raising concern over judicial overreach, particularly in matters involving a delicate balance of power among the judiciary, executive and legislature. Even in the judge Yaswant Varma case, Jagdeep Dhankhar publicly questioned the actions of the Supreme Court, raising concerns regarding accountability in a democracy wherein elected representatives are subject to scrutiny but judges are nearly immune to all sorts of accountability and scrutiny.

While the opposition and the leftist media ecosystem accused VP Dhankhar of delivering politically charged rhetoric at the behest of his ‘political masters’, the BJP, VP Dhankhar’s remarks were not politically charged or at odds with his constitutional duty, rather, his criticism of the judiciary was driven by a genuine concern over a pattern wherein the judiciary seems to be discharging the duties of President, and at times those of the Parliament as well.

Dhankhar’s courage, however, has not been surprising as even during his tenure as the governor of West Bengal, he repeatedly raised concern over post-poll violence in the state and severely criticised the TMC government for the Birbhum massacre. He remained at loggerheads with the CM Mamata Banerjee-led state government over issues pertaining to federalism and governance, condemning the near-collapse of democracy in the state.

While the opposition and its media cheerleaders mocked Jagdeep Dhankhar, belittled the importance of the Vice President’s post and projected the judiciary as somewhat sacrosanct to criticism, even moved a failed impeachment motion, Jagdeep Dhankhar stood his ground, not for personal gains, not for clout, not for political leverage, but for democracy, for constitution and the supremacy of the people’s mandate.

Several parliamentarians had earlier also raised concerns over judicial activism and overreach; however, Dhankhar’s interventions brought the debate to the forefront, triggering the judiciary, lawmakers and the public to ponder over the question of the judiciary’s role in a healthy democracy.

Jagdeep Dhankhar’s tenure as the Vice President of India and Rajya Sabha chairman will be remembered for many good reasons, especially his role as a defender of constitutional balance. He gave a fervent call for judicial accountability, critiqued judicial overreach while reiterating his belief in parliamentary supremacy. While the opposition parties gave him nothing but insults, mockery and hate, Dhankhar tried to accommodate opposition voices despite ideological differences.  Dhankhar’s resignation marks the end of a chapter; however, the questions he raised about the judiciary’s role and accountability will continue to shape India’s constitutional discourse.

Former CEO of ICICI Bank, Chanda Kochhar, found guilty of ₹64 crore bribery, misused her power to sanction loans of ₹300 cr to Videocon: Details

OpIndia Staff
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Former CEO of ICICI Bank, Chanda Kochhar, found guilty of ₹64 crore bribery, misused her power to sanction loans of ₹300 cr to Videocon: Details

The former ICICI Bank CEO, Chanda Kochhar, has been found guilty by an Appellate tribunal for receiving Rs 64 crore as a bribe in exchange for sanctioning a Rs 300 crore loan to the Videocon group.

The tribunal outlined that the transaction was a case of ‘quid pro quo,’ which means “something for something.” The case has been routed through Kochhar’s husband, Deepak, via a company linked to Videocon, the tribunal said in a detailed order of July 3.

“The history given by the appellants (ED) has been narrated and supported by the evidence in the light of the reference of the statements under Section 50 of the PMLA Act, which are admissible and can be relied upon,” the tribunal said.

The body also slammed the adjudicating authority for releasing assets worth Rs 78 crore by granting relief to Kochhar.

The tribunal further endorses the Enforcement Directorate’s case, claiming her inability to disclose her conflict of interest, and at the same time, the loan sanction violated ICICI Bank’s internal policies.

The tribunal stated that ₹64 crore was transferred from Videocon’s firm, SEPL, to NuPower Renewables Pvt Ltd (NRPL), a company effectively under the control of Deepak Kochhar, just a day after ICICI Bank sanctioned a ₹300 crore loan. Although NRPL was officially listed as owned by Videocon chairman Venugopal Dhoot, the tribunal emphasized that Deepak Kochhar, who was also the company’s managing director, held actual control over it.

The tribunal observed that the allegations were supported by both documentary evidence and testimonies recorded under Section 50 of the PMLA Act, considering the financial trail as clear proof of a ‘quid pro quo’ arrangement. It also noted that Chanda Kochhar, while serving on the bank’s loan approval committee, failed to reveal her husband’s business relationship with the borrower, breaching ICICI Bank’s conflict of interest policies.

It was stated that Kochhar had misused her position in the ICICI Bank and gave loans of 1,730 crore to Videocon group promoter Venugopal Dhoot in 2009 and 2011. CBI lodged an FIR against the couple, Dhoot, for allegedly cheating ICICI Bank. It also alleged that there were irregularities in which granting loans.

Major plot mistake in Special Ops S2: How did the makers, and the ‘top scientist’ character miss this basic fact about Nuclear Power Plants?

Anurag
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Major plot mistake in Special Ops S2: How did the makers, and the ‘top scientist’ character miss this basic fact about Nuclear Power Plants?

On 18th July, the hotly anticipated second season of Neeraj Pandey’s Kay Kay Menon-starrer Special Ops 2 was released on JioHotstar. The season came after a gap of five years from Season 1, which was released in 2021. Menon plays the role of seasoned RAW agent Himmat Singh in the series. Other prominent names include Tahir Raj Bhasin (playing the role of the villain of the season, Sudheer), Saiyami Kher, Karan Tacker, and others. This time, the show pivoted to high-tech warfare with a focus on cyber-attacks and AI targeting India’s UPI (codenamed UBI in the series) payment system, while taking the spy action from Budapest to Azerbaijan to Jordan.

In the final episode of the series, the plot hinges on a nuclear power plant meltdown where the narration suggests that if there is no cooling system, it will lead to a full-blown “nuclear explosion”. Sudheer warns Dr Piyush Bhargava in an attempt to get access to NBDI servers (name used for NPCI in the series) that China and CIA are forcing him to disable cooling system of the nuclear reactors which will cause nuclear blast leading to death of lakhs.

Screenshot from Speacial Ops 2 Episode 7. Source: JioHotstar

The graphical representation, while narrating the background of a cyber attack on a nuclear plant, showed that if the attack was not stopped, it could have led to a full-blown nuclear explosion resulting in thousands, if not lakhs, of deaths.

However, there is a fundamental scientific mistake. A civilian reactor cannot explode like a nuclear bomb. Worst case scenario, it can lead to a meltdown like the one that happened in Chernobyl.

What actually happens in real nuclear plants

When a nuclear power plant loses its cooling system, the immediate danger is not a bomb-like explosion but a meltdown. After reactor shutdown, fuel rods still generate decay heat, around 5–6% of full power. Without cooling system to absorb it, fuel cladding overheats and reacts with steam. It produces hydrogen, and eventually melts into a molten mass known as “corium”.

Source: Dall-E

Even in severe incidents like Chernobyl or Fukushima, the worst outcomes were meltdowns and not nuclear detonation. Research reactors are engineered to automatically shut down under rising temperature due to their negative temperature coefficient, making runaway fission impossible and ensuring there is no chance of a nuclear blast. In case of Chernobyl, the molten mass formed the infamous “elephant’s foot”, a layman’s term used for toxic mass of corium.

Modern reactors are ‘Chernobyl-proof’

Notably, the modern reactors built today are effectively “Chernobyl-proof”. They incorporate multiple failsafe systems to prevent the kind of chain of events that led to the 1986 disaster. Contemporary designs feature passive cooling systems, automatic shutdown mechanisms, double containment structures, and control rods that drop into place without human intervention during emergencies.

These systems are engineered to function even during power loss or operator error. The RBMK reactor at Chernobyl had design flaws and lacked a containment dome, whereas modern reactors prioritise containment, redundancy, and self-regulation, making large-scale meltdowns exceedingly rare.

The science the ‘top scientist’ should’ve known

The character who claimed cooling system failure could lead to a nuclear explosion is telling it to Dr Bhargav, who is an expert in the series, but the writer clearly skipped the basics. It is hard to believe that Dr Bhargav, who has worked with Indian Government’s experts on nuclear plants do not know that such incidents cannot lead to nuclear blasts.

Civilian reactors use low-enriched uranium, typically under 5% U-235, which is far from the 90%+ enrichment required for a nuclear weapon. Moreover, the reactor’s design deliberately spreads fuel and inserts control materials so that prompt criticality, the rapid neutron-driven chain reaction seen in bombs, cannot occur. Without the unique, compact geometry and high purity of bomb-grade assemblies, the core simply won’t explode. Even MIT’s reactor FAQ bluntly states, “Even an uncontrolled reaction would happen too slowly to cause an explosion”.

Source: MIT

Real-world implications of such disinformation

It may be argued that the narrative was set to give the series a dramatic feel. However, the idea that a nuclear plant might explode like a bomb fuels public fear and deepens mistrust in nuclear energy, this, at a time when the Government of India is pushing for the establishment of nuclear power for electricity in every state.

This artificial scare warps public policy. Decisions around clean energy, climate change, and energy security get affected by emotion as much as facts. The Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission even maintains a “mythbusters” on its website confirming that reactors are not bombs.

Source: Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission

Not to forget, the scuffle between Western powers like the US and Iran over nuclear energy is because Iran is enriching uranium to the level where it can create nuclear bombs, and it is no longer limited to the clean energy aspect of nuclear power. Iran earlier had only 3–5% enrichment, which is enough for a nuclear power plant, but it now has 60% enrichment, which is much closer to the 90% required for a nuclear bomb.

Conclusion – Thrill doesn’t justify scientific ignorance

While Special Ops 2 delivered high tension and cinematic flair, it fails its audience by blurring the line between nuclear meltdown and nuclear detonation. Real reactors are complex, heavily engineered systems built with multiple layers of safety. They are not ticking time bombs. It would have taken minimal research to get the science right while preserving drama. Instead, the makers chose a shortcut and invoked scare tactics, not facts. This cannot be deemed as storytelling. It is misinformation masked as thrill that can very easily take the shape of disinformation.

It is worth asking, if global hits like The Big Bang Theory and Chernobyl hire real scientific consultants, why cannot a RAW-inspired series tap a physics intern? It is a fact that a meltdown is scary and can render an area unliveable for decades. But a nuclear blast? That’s too much.

Klaus Schwab made World Economic Forum manipulate data to make Brexit look like a failure, India’s ranking was tampered with as well, internal investigation says

OpIndia Staff
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Klaus Schwab made World Economic Forum manipulate data to make Brexit look like a failure, India’s ranking was tampered with as well, internal investigation says

World Economic Forum (WEF) apparently falsified research data to portray Brexit as a failure. Klaus Schwab, the founder of the World Economic Forum, is accused of manipulating the landmark Global Competitiveness Report for political purposes, according to preliminary results of an investigation into him.

Countries were ranked based on their production and long-term prosperity in the annual publication which was suspended during the Covid-19 pandemic.

The probe was initiated after a whistleblower levelled allegations against Schwab regarding squandering funds, sending obscene emails to younger staff members and altering research. Some of the initial results were collected by the SonntagsZeitung newspaper in Switzerland from law firm Homburger which is looking into the matter.

Klaus Schwab resigned as chairman of the WEF after more than 50 years as a result of the grave charges. The non-profit WEF is well-known for its yearly assembly of world leaders in Davos, Switzerland. The 87-year-old served as the face of Davos conference for years.

Klaus Schwab manipulating research

A change in methodology caused the United Kingdom’s position to climb higher from seventh to fourth in the 2017/2018 edition. However, he warned employees that the country “must not see any improvement” as the Brexit camp would “exploit” it otherwise. Afterward, the UK had fallen one spot to eighth rank in the final report, which was released in 2017.

Image via The Telegraph

The WEF at the time claimed that the Brexit decision had not affected the rankings, but argued that the move would likely make the UK far less competitive moving forward. “Brexit will by definition weaken the UK’s markets component as integration with the EU is rolled back,” the report asserted.

The challenging Brexit discussions had barely started at the time of the report. The United Kingdom had made the decision to exit the European Union, however, the details were still being figured out. The prospect of calling a second referendum to overturn the outcome of the 2016 vote was still being discussed.

Then-prime minister Theresa May delivered speeches at the January 2017 and 2018 Davos summits and declared that Britain was “looking with confidence” to the future after Brexit and intended to “build a truly Global Britain” centred on free trade.

According to official documents that SonntagsZeitung quoted, Schwab intervened several times to change or downplay unfavourable rankings for several nations, especially in the Middle East, North Africa and India to maintain diplomatic ties or prevent political repercussions. He once suggested postponing a negative piece after speaking with a government official about it.

Schwab reportedly made sure India didn’t fall 20 spots in the rating when the same report was being prepared. He wanted to persuade Prime Minister Narendra Modi to attend the meeting in the Swiss Alpine ski resort, which receives visits by nearly 60 world leaders annually.

Klaus Schwab wrote, “We must protect our relationship with India before Davos 2019.” India came in at number 40, just one position down from the year before.

More allegations and Schwab’s defence

Additionally, the investigation examined approximately £836,000 in expenses that Schwab and his spouse Hilde had reported and noted that the amount did not have sufficient ties to WEF activities. It also revealed that despite having no formal role with the WEF, his wife billed trips to the organisation.

Schwab is also accused of having “embarrassing interactions” with younger WEF employees and sending provocative emails. The investigation’s final findings have not yet been released. Meanwhile, Klaus Schwab has filed a criminal complaint against the whistleblowers and refuted the allegations.

After the preliminary results were leaked to SonntagsZeitung, he charged that the WEF board had violated a media restraint agreement related to the inquiry. Schwab that he had cooperated with the probe because neither side would remark publicly on it. “I feel deceived. I am not available for further investigations,” he expressed.

Nadeem and his aides wanted to stir riots during Kanwar Yatra, peddled Pakistani video with the fake narrative of ‘Bajrang Dal killing children’: Here is what we know about Muzaffarnagar module

OpIndia Staff
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Nadeem and his aides wanted to stir riots during Kanwar Yatra, peddled Pakistani video with the fake narrative of ‘Bajrang Dal killing children’: Here is what we know about Muzaffarnagar module

The Uttar Pradesh police busted a major module in Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh, with ISI links. Three individuals were arrested by the police in connection with the module, on Monday (21st July). According to police, the arrestees named Nadeem, Mansher, and Rahees, all hailing from the Kakrauli village of Muzaffarnagar, revealed during interrogation that they were planning to create communal riots amid the Kanwar Yatra 2025.

While monitoring social media as part of security vigil for the ongoing Kanwar Yatra, the Kakrauli police station received some inputs about fake videos being circulated on social media showing children being brutally killed by Bajrang Dal members.

Some audio messages were also circulated claiming that Bajrang Dal members killed Muslims in Mansoorpur and other nearby villages in Muzaffarnagar. According to police, the videos were from Pakistan and were circulated as part of a plot to create communal riots amid the Kanwar Yatra.

The videos were shared in five WhatsApp groups named- Khidmat Abbasi Group (around 450 members), Proud Indian Muslims (around 450 members), Muslim Samaj Zindabad (around 150 members), All India Employed Group (around 850 members) and Kakrauli Yuva Ekta (around 150 members). Police said that there was an attempt to create communal disturbance using the video or a lone-wolf attack could also be carried out.

ISI connection in the case

While briefing the media on Monday, DIG Saharanpur Abhishek Singh said that since the videos are from Pakistan, there is a possibility that these could have been supplied by some ISI handlers. Police are investigating a possible ISI connection in the case. The DIG added that teams of Uttar Pradesh police are conducting searches in several other states to nab all the culprits linked to the module.

“There are four WhatsApp groups which have hundreds of members and they have seen this video. This video is from Pakistan. So, it can’t be denied that these videos could have been sent from across the border and the videos could have been further circulated through different modules. Our teams are conducting raids in other states too so that all people linked to this module/gang are arrested at the earliest and other linkages can be exposed…We feel it appropriate to investigate an angle of infiltration through Pakistan-based ISI handlers,” said the DIG.

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Preliminary investigation reportedly revealed that the video related to an incident that happened in the Muzaffargarh district of Pakistan in April 2024, in which he brutally chopped his wife and 7 children with an axe. The video was passed of as relating to an incident in the Moradabad district of Uttar Pradesh, purportedly showing a Bajrang Dal member killing Muslim women and children by Bajrang Dal members. According to police, the culprits deliberately chose to circulate the video and audio at this time to trigger communal violence as the Kanwar Yatra is at it peak.

The Police have registered a case under sections 55/ 61(2)/ 103(2)/ 113(3)/ 147/ 152/ 196/ 197/ 299/ 351(3)/353(2) of the BNS, section 13 of the UAPA Act, and section 67 of the IT Act. Besides, the police have seized three mobile phones from the possession of the accused.

Will the Opposition waste Rs 189 crore this Monsoon Session?Modi govt ready for debate on ‘Operation Sindoor’, yet disruption continues: Here’s how chaos has became a routine

अर्पित त्रिपाठी
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Will the Opposition waste Rs 189 crore this Monsoon Session?Modi govt ready for debate on ‘Operation Sindoor’, yet disruption continues: Here’s how chaos has became a routine

The monsoon session of Parliament commenced on 21st July and is scheduled to continue till 21st August. During this 32-day period, Parliament is expected to convene 21 times. However, the first day was marked by significant disruption due to opposition uproar, leading to a complete halt in proceedings.

Initially, there was an interruption during the Question Hour as the Lok Sabha’s proceedings were suspended until 12 o’clock. Subsequently, they were postponed until 2 o’clock as a result of the continued chaos. This occurrence in Parliament is not an unusual phenomenon. Such events are commonplace among MPs across the country.

Nevertheless, the tendency to prevent Parliament from functioning for an entire day and to create a deadlock, even after prior consensus in earlier meetings, has become a recurring pattern for the opposition in India. The current state of affairs has gotten to the point where it is often anticipated that either a report would be released or a issue might surface to cause a stir and jeopardise the session before it even started.

Ceasing the proceedings leads to loss of crore

The initial day of the monsoon session, characterized by the massive unrest is an unfavorable indication. This session is scheduled to continue for 32 days, with Parliament meeting for 21 days. According to the rules, both houses are expected to run for 6 hours each day. This duration might also vary.

Nevertheless, even if Parliament operates for 21 days and adheres to a 6-hour schedule, it results in extensive expenditures. These expenses are sourced from the public funds, which are known as taxes. Former Lok Sabha Secretary General PDT Acharya, many years ago, noted that running Parliament for just one minute incurs a cost of Rs 2.5 lakh.

This encompasses the salaries of Members of Parliament, utility bills for electricity and water along with various other expenditures. It is likely that this spending has significantly increased by now. However, if Rs 2.5 lakh is still regarded as the amount per minute, then hundreds of crores are set to be spent on this monsoon session.

According to basic calculation, Rs 189 crores is going to be expended on this session at this rate. The Parliament will probably meet for 126 hours across 21 days which equates to 7560 minutes of proceedings, taking the total to Rs 189 crores. Moreover, there are additional costs, such as the daily allowance of Rs 2500 provided to lawmakers for their attendance during the session.

These expenses continue to rise and while there is no objection to funding the nation’s democratic institution, the manner in which this session has commenced does not inspire confidence. The government has stated that it is open to discussions on all matters, including “Operation Sindoor,” in the all-party meeting organised prior to this session.

Meanwhile, the opposition insisted that there should be a debate regarding the Election Commission’s revision process in Bihar as well as the Air India tragedy and the government had also consented. However, the very first day was overshadowed by chaos. Hence, the concern that the public will be deceived once again, has intensified after approximately Rs 200 crores were reduced to mere placards and disorder.

Previous sessions have also been disrupted

This is not the first occasion on which a decision has been made to sabotage the Parliament session even before it commences. The opposition has pointed out the Election Commission’s actions in Bihar, Operation Sindoor and the remarks of United States President Donald Trump as focal points for this session. However, a similar script to disrupt the earlier Parliament sessions have been prepared every single time.

The opposition has raised issues ranging from unfounded claims of Pegasus surveillance to the Rafale deal and Hindenburg’s Adani report. They have been a major factor in ruining the Parliament sessions. The Congress and the opposition brought up the bogus Hindenburg report against the Adani Group, which resulted in disrupting the entire session, during the Budget Session 2023.

The opposition previously instigated a tumult over the BBC’s propaganda documentary featuring Prime Minister Narendra Modi. They also caused a row regarding the iphone notification, before the winter session of 2023. However, the company provided a clarification before the matter could escalate.

An unrest was generated over the Pegasus story with accusations that the government was involved in surveillance activities, in advance of the monsoon session in 2021. This story was later found to be false, yet it disrupted the Parliament session. Consequently, billions of rupees of public money were wasted.

Rahul Gandhi alleged that there was a scam concerning the purchase of Rafale aircraft, in 2021 after certain reports surfaced in the foreign media. The sessions of Parliament throughout 2021 were rife by considerable uproar. However, the groundless allegations could not withstand scrutiny in either Parliament or the Supreme Court. Nevertheless, the time in Parliament continued to be wasted.

During this period, the time that should have have been dedicated to discussing new legislation in the country, amending existing laws and addressing public inquiries was instead utilized by the opposition to display placards and cause disturbances. Consequently, the opposition frequently created a condition of gridlock, intending to completely halt the parliamentary proceedings as much as possible.

Why is this trend worrisome

Both the ruling party and the opposition share equal responsibility for the functioning of Parliament. This situation is concerning as it allows other sectors of the system to expand their influence. A report showcased that the first Lok Sabha (1952-57) convened for 135 days each year, whereas the 17th Lok Sabha (2019-24) met for merely 55 days.

The fact that chaos and disturbances dominated the 17th Lok Sabha for around half of the session is much more concerning. This not only squanders taxpayer money but also stops important bills from being discussed.

Hence, instead of merely creating chaos, the opposition should formulate a strategy to engage the government in Parliament based on logical arguments and evidence rather than halting the proceedings. This would not only bolster public confidence but also reinforce the country’s democracy and prevent the wastage of government funds.

Read the report in Hindi here.

Ex-Kerala Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan, who had flagged danger of Love Jihad as early as 2010, dies aged 101

OpIndia Staff
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Ex-Kerala Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan, who had flagged danger of Love Jihad as early as 2010, dies aged 101

Former Chief Minister of Kerala, V.S. Achuthanandan, died on Monday (21st July, 2025) at the age of 101. He passed away at a private hospital in Thiruvananthapuram, where he was undergoing treatment due to age-related complications. The veteran CPI(M) leader had been out of public life since he suffered a minor stroke in 2019 and was residing with his son in the state capital.

Achuthanandan, Chief Minister of Kerala between 2006 and 2011, was a leading figure of the Indian Left movement.

Achuthanandan was famous for taking bold positions on matters that others, even in his leftist fold, didn’t dare to approach. One of these was in 2010, when he created political controversy by warning against an organised campaign to Islamise Kerala in what he called “Love Jihad.” He had stated, quoting intelligence reports and High Court inputs, that the Popular Front of India (PFI) had resorted to using love, money, and marriage to bring non-Muslims of a young age into Islam.

The debate over his 2010 comment reappears today amidst several cases of religious conversion, such as the Agra case, where social media and marriage are reportedly being employed to entice people into conversions. Achuthanandan’s alerts, dismissed as alarmist by some in the past, now resonate in current national discussions on religious radicalisation.

21st July 1993: How Mamata Banerjee used election conspiracy theory and an ill-managed protest march against CPIM to gain power in West Bengal

Dibakar Dutta
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21st July 1993: How Mamata Banerjee used election conspiracy theory and an ill-managed protest march against CPIM to gain power in West Bengal

The day was 21st July 1993. Mamata Banerjee, who was the then West Bengal State President of the Youth Congress, had organised a protest march to the Writers’ Building in Kolkata in a campaign dubbed Writers’ Chalo Abhiyan.

Back then, the Writers’ Building served as the Office of the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Jyoti Basu.

The march was nothing new for Mamata Banerjee, who had shaped her entire political career on street fights and public drama. The disruptive style of protests on populist issues kept her in the limelight.

The motive behind the 21st July march to Writers’ Building

After the Jyoti Basu-led-CPIM government won the 1991 Vidhan Sabha election with a large margin, Mamata Banerjee began to peddle the conspiracy theory that the party had won the polls through ‘scientific rigging.’

Back then, votes were cast through ballot papers, and the presentation of voter ID was not mandatory. Incidentally, Mamata Banerjee became the Member of Parliament (MP) from the Kolkata Dakshin constituency in 1991.

She was appointed the Minister of State for Human Resource Development under the Congress-led Narasimha Rao government at the Centre.

Although she was part of the National politics, Mamata Banerjee had her eyes set on the power corridors of West Bengal.

Despite holding an important portfolio in the Narasimha Rao government, she was actively involved in the political affairs of West Bengal.

This was evident from her forced entry to the Writers’ Building in January 1993 with a rape victim, highlighting breakdown of law and order under the CPIM government.

After being unceremoniously pulled out of the office of then Chief Minister Jyoti Basu, Mamata Banerjee made plans to ambush Writers’ Building in the following 6 months’ time.

She needed a new issue, and the election conspiracy theory of alleged ‘scientific rigging’ of votes by CPIM provided the perfect foundation for a new protest and much-needed public drama.

Mamata Banerjee, in her capacity as the West Bengal State President of the Youth Congress, demanded mandating voter ID cards with photos and their categorisation as the ‘only valid document’ for casting votes.

This was the job of the Election Commission of India (ECI). At that time, the Election Commissioner was chosen by the President on the recommendation of the Union Cabinet.

Given that the Congress party was in power at the Centre, it did not make sense for Mamata Banerjee and Youth Congress to launch Writers’ Chalo Abhiyan in Kolkata against the Left government over photo Voter ID issue.

But as history would have it, the events of 21st July 1993 catapulted the political career of Mamata Banerjee.

What happened on that fateful day of 21st July 1993

As part of Writers’ Chalo Abhiyan, members of the Youth Congress gathered at five different points across Kolkata and began marching towards the Office of the West Bengal Chief Minister. The objective was to lay siege to the building.

At about 1 km away from their target destination on Brabourne Road, the police stopped the incoming Youth Congress workers from marching ahead. Section 144 was imposed in the area in advance.

According to the then Police Commissioner Tushar Talukdar, Mamata’s supporters, who were at the Mayo Road Crossing, pelted stones at the police and set multiple vehicles on fire. He said that the warnings given by the on-duty police personnel fell on deaf ears.

Police catch hold of a Youth Congress worker, image via Facebook/ Mamata Banerjee

“Watching the unruly crowd, one of my officers said the only option to restore order was to open fire, or else the policemen and the state secretariat would come under attack. The next thing I heard was that the cops had opened fire and many Youth Congress workers were injured. Later, I learnt that 13 people had died,” he told The Telegraph.

The Youth Congress workers attacked the police, forcing the latter to resort to lathi-charge and firing tear gas shells. When they outnumbered the police and sensing no way out, the cops resorted to firing at the incoming mob.

Mamata Banerjee was also injured during the scuffle with the police. She had even climbed a traffic police post in the middle of the road. Youth Congress workers surrounded her and formed a protective ring to shield her from the police.

Sourjya Bhowmick writes in the book ‘Gangster State: The Rise and Fall of the CPI(M) in West Bengal’ (Pages 172-173) –

“Mamata raided the citadel of the state government, the Writers’ Building, on 21 July 1993, with the demand to make voter identity cards mandatory. Thousands of Youth Congress workers had thronged to central Calcutta and marched towards the majestic red Writers’ Building...

…So it did not take much time for the unruly, undisciplined crowd to emerge and spill out onto the streets when Mamata raised her voice against rigging. Section 144 had been imposed, but a part of the crowd broke the curfew on Mayo Road and attacked policemen. When the police started lathicharging, the crowd scattered and rumours of police firing travelled fast to other parts of the city like the Tea Board Crossing, where Banerjee was leading the protest. She tried to control the crowd but to no avail.

…Chief Minister Jyoti Basu gave strict orders to the administration to not allow anyone to seize the state secretariat. The police force had to abide by the instructions. But Congress workers outnumbered the police. In self-defence or enraged that hooligans had injured their colleagues, the police opened fire at the protestors, killing thirteen near the Writers’ Building.“

The aftermath of the fateful day

A total of 13 Youth Congress workers died on 21st July 1993, who are referred to as ‘Martyrs’ by the Mamata Banerjee-led-West Bengal government.

They include Srikanta Sharma, Bandhan Das, Dilip Das, Asim Das, Keshab Bairagi, Biswanath Roy, Kalyan Banerjee, Pradip Roy, Ratan Mondal, Murari Chakraborty, Ranajit Das, Abdul Khalek and Inu.

After coming to power in 2011, Mamata Banerjee formed a judicial commission led by former Chief Justice of Orissa High Court, Susanta Chatterjee, to investigate the 1993 police firing case.

The Commission ordered a compensation of ₹25 lakhs to the family of each of the victims. It noted that the control room police officers ‘overreacted to please their political bosses’ and held them responsible.

The Commission also summoned former Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who justified the police action against the incoming mob of Youth Congress workers.

He had stated, “At that time, in principle, I did not feel the need for a judicial inquiry and I still stick to my views. In the name of a march, it was an attempt to capture Writers’ Buildings. Given the situation, the police had to resort to firing.”

Political significance of the Martyr’s Day

The episode of 21st July 1993 stirred a renewed sense of sympathy among the masses for the Banglar meye (daughter of Bengal), Mamata Banerjee. Overnight, she became a star in the political sphere of West Bengal.

Just 5 years later, she broke away from the Congress to start her own political party, i.e. the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC).

The experience of 21st July 1993 came in handy to Mamata Banerjee during the years 2005-2007 when she led mass protests against the CPIM government in Singur and Nandigram.

By 2011, Mamata Banerjee brought an end to the 34-year-old CPIM rule in West Bengal. The campaign of 18 years finally culminated at the Writer’s Building.

The protest march of the Youth Congress has since been appropriated by the TMC and renamed ‘Martyr’s Day’. It is observed each year by the Mamata government with pomp and show at Esplanade More (Dharmatala) in Kolkata.

Bills in Monsoon Session 2025: From shipping reforms to tax overhaul, here’s what Parliament may take up

OpIndia Staff
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Bills in Monsoon Session 2025: From shipping reforms to tax overhaul, here’s what Parliament may take up

The 2025 Monsoon Session in Parliament will see key Bills across finance, mining, sports, education, new maritime laws, geo-heritage protection, and tribal representation. The Monsoon Session is scheduled from 21st July to 21st August 2025. There will be 21 sittings packed with legislative and financial business. Among the key highlights is the presentation of several new Bills, alongside pending ones that may be taken up for consideration and passing. Here is a look at what is on the agenda.

Financial and tax reform Bills dominate the docket

The Government of India is pushing for a complete overhaul of the Income-tax Act, 1961 through the Income-tax Bill, 2025. It aims to simplify the language and prune obsolete clauses without altering tax rates. The Taxation Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2025 and the Manipur Goods and Services Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2025 are also listed. The latter will replace an Ordinance issued earlier this year.

Furthermore, the Jan Vishwas (Amendment of Provisions) Bill, 2025 will attempt to bolster ease of doing business by reducing compliance burdens.

Maritime sector to see modernisation drive

There are several maritime reform Bills set to be tabled during the Monsoon Session, with multiple pieces of legislation pending final approval.

The Merchant Shipping Bill, 2024 is aimed at overhauling the old 1958 Act, improving regulation of maritime training, pollution control, and seafarer welfare.

The Indian Ports Bill, 2025 is set to replace the colonial-era Indian Ports Act, 1908, setting up a Maritime State Development Council and dispute resolution mechanisms.

The Bills of Lading Bill, 2024, the Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill, 2024, and the Coastal Shipping Bill, 2024 are aimed at updating India’s legal framework on cargo movement and coastal trade, replacing laws dating back to 1856 and 1925.

Other key Bills on the legislative table

The Geoheritage Sites and Geo-relics (Preservation and Maintenance) Bill, 2025 will allow for the preservation of nationally important geoheritage for education and tourism.

The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2025 will make it easier access to critical minerals and deeper mining.

The National Sports Governance Bill, 2025 is a major move towards better oversight of sports federations, fair play, and grievance redressal.

The National Anti-Doping (Amendment) Bill, 2025 is in line with the Indian law with global anti-doping standards and reinforces the independence of the appeal mechanism.

The Indian Institutes of Management (Amendment) Bill, 2025 will add IIM Guwahati to the IIM Act, 2017.

The Readjustment of Representation of Scheduled Tribes in Assembly Constituencies of the State of Goa Bill, 2024 will add reserve seats for Scheduled Tribes in the Goa Legislative Assembly.

Manipur focus – President’s Rule and Budget

The Centre is also expected to move a resolution seeking the extension of President’s Rule in Manipur, which was imposed on 13th February 2025 under Article 356(1). The Demand for Grants for Manipur for 2025-26 will also be discussed, followed by the introduction and passage of the related Appropriation Bill.

While this session is expected to be action-packed, it remains to be seen whether the listed Bills will be able to sail through smoothly or face resistance from the opposition.

Agra conversion racket: Mastermind Abdul Rehman arrested from Delhi, missing Haryana girl rescued from his home

OpIndia Staff
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Agra conversion racket: Mastermind Abdul Rehman arrested from Delhi, missing Haryana girl rescued from his home

In a major breakthrough in the Agra religious conversion case, the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) and the Intelligence Bureau (IB) have arrested mastermind Abdul Rehman from the Mustafabad area of Delhi. According to officials, Abdul Rehman is believed to be the main brains behind the widespread religious conversion racket that recently came to light in Agra. Abdul Rehman’s house was searched, and a large number of books meant for brainwashing people into conversion were recovered from there.

This is the 11th arrest so far in the case. Abdul Rehman, originally from Firozabad, was earlier a Hindu named Mahendra Pal. He had converted to Christianity first, and later converted to Islam. His involvement in the racket was reportedly inspired by jailed cleric Kaleem Siddiqui, who is currently serving a life sentence for running a similar conversion network.

Ties to foreign funding 

Investigators say that Abdul Rehman’s nephew lives in London, and they suspect that he may have been helping with foreign funding for the conversion activities. Teams from the ATS and IB are now conducting raids again in Delhi and Kolkata based on fresh leads.

The agencies are also getting important information from the ten people already in custody, who are currently on a 10-day police remand. These individuals, many of whom were themselves converts from Hinduism to Islam, have revealed how they were brainwashed and later recruited into the racket. During questioning, they said they were taught that converting others was the only way to attain heaven, or “jannat,” and they began to actively target vulnerable people, calling it “adding new relations.”

A victim rescued from accused’s house

From Abdul Rehman’s residence, police also rescued a woman named Mamta from Haryana, who had been brought there for conversion. The authorities also recovered several books that promoted religious conversion, further strengthening the case against him.

The agencies believe that after Kaleem Siddiqui’s arrest and conviction by an NIA court, Abdul Rehman had taken over and continued running the network. He is suspected of being in regular contact with other key members of the racket, many of whom operated under fake identities.

Several members were Hindus before conversion

Police Commissioner Deepak Kumar shared the names and former identities of the accused, many of whom were once Hindus. Ayesha from Goa was earlier S.B. Krishna, Ali Hassan from Kolkata was once Shekhar Rai, Abu Rehman from Dehradun was previously Rupendra Baghel, Mohammad Ali from Jaipur was earlier Piyush Singh Panwar, and Mustafa from Delhi was formerly known as Manoj. Similarly, Mohammad Ibrahim from Kolkata used to be Reet Banik. Officials say these individuals were heavily brainwashed and then turned into recruiters to pull more people into the network, mostly through social media.

Missing sisters are now demanding release of accused

Two sisters had gone missing from Agra’s Sadar Bazar area. One of the sister’s photo with an AK-47 was shared on social media which prompted the investigation. During questioning, the girls told the police they were willing to return home, but only on the condition that the arrested accused be released. According to them, those arrested had done nothing wrong and were only “serving religion.” The sisters claimed that if the accused remained in jail, none of them would go to heaven.

The older sister, an MSc in Zoology and an MPhil graduate, had been preparing for the NET exam in Agra when she met a woman named Saima, also known as Khushboo, from Jammu and Kashmir. Attracted by her appearance and behaviour, she became close to her. Saima slowly introduced her to Islamic teachings and sent her videos promoting religious conversion. Soon, the older sister started wearing a burqa and offering namaz at home. Although her family brought her back from Kashmir during the COVID lockdown, she had already been mentally influenced and soon convinced her younger sister to follow the same path.

The younger sister admitted during questioning that she was already frustrated at home, her mother would often scold her, either for her studies or household chores. Seeing her elder sister’s new way of life, she believed it was better than what she had. She started following her, thinking it was a way to live more freely and meaningfully.

Social media used to target victims

Many of the accused were reportedly using Instagram and other platforms to find and communicate with potential converts. One such ID named “Connecting Revert” was being run by Reet Banik, alias Mohammad Ibrahim from Kolkata, who was in touch with the sisters. Police say social media played a major role in spreading this racket and attracting more people, especially the youth.

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