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UK’s King Charles, Bishop, PM Starmer and others go overboard to whitewash Islamic terrorist attack of 7/7, use ‘lives were lost’, as if victims just dropped dead on their own

Twenty years to the day after Islamic terrorists devastated London, killing 52 innocent people and injuring over 700, the British ruling class has orchestrated a shameful spectacle. While families continue to grieve and survivors bear lifelong scars, the political and royal elite have tried to sanitize the brutal reality of jihadist violence. They have reduced it to vague expressions of sorrow about “lives lost,” as if the victims had simply dropped dead of their own accord.

7/7 attacks, the unforgotten horror

On July 7, 2005, four British Muslim suicide bombers – Mohamed Sidique Khan, Shehzad Tanweer, Germaine Lindsay, and Hasib Hussain detonated shrapnel-packed devices on three Tube trains at Aldgate, Edgware Road, and Russell Square-Kings Cross (Piccadilly Line), and a double-decker bus in Tavistock Square. The coordinated Islamist attack, inspired by Al-Qaeda, remains the deadliest terrorist atrocity on British soil since World War II. Limbs were torn off, carriages turned into charnel houses, and a bus ripped open like a tin can. This was not an accident. It was Islamic terrorism.

King Charles III: Craven platitudes from the throne

King Charles III offered polished euphemisms fit for a UN pamphlet, not a memorial for victims of Islamic terror. Speaking of “senseless acts of evil” and a “terrible summer’s day,” he peddled vapid calls for “mutual respect” while decidedly avoiding the words Islam, jihad, or Islamic terrorism. His reference to “lives lost” – as if citizens spontaneously dropped dead – is an insult to those torn apart by shrapnel bombs. Instead of naming the enemy who attacked his British subjects, the King preferred to sanitize the religious fanaticism that massacred them.

PM Keir Starmer: Hollow rhetoric in Hyde Park

At the memorial, Starmer declared “those who tried to divide us failed”, a brazen lie. His government actively divides Brits by refusing to name Islamic extremism that has since 7/7 killed dozens of Britons, in multiple attacks. While laying wreaths, Starmer recycled hollow slogans about “standing against hate,” deliberately obscuring that the hate flowed from Quranic justification for killing “kuffar.” His office later confirmed language was vetted to avoid “offending communities” – placing jihadist sensitivities above British victims.

Clearly, for the PM of UK, protecting the fragile sentiments of the Muslim community was more important than naming the actual enemy of his country and his people. Just because the terrorists were associated with the Islamic terror outfit Al Qaeda, Starmer and the UK’s governing elite in general were afraid to name them, lest their precious Muslim vote bank get offended.

St. Paul’s cathedral: A farce of white petals

The national “service of remembrance” descended into interfaith theater. As 52,000 petals fluttered prettily from the dome, the Dean preached generic “hope” and “resilience,” framing the massacre as a natural disaster rather than religiously-motivated jihad. Survivors spoke of “darkness,” but clergy offered milquetoast homilies on “openness,” scrubbing all mention of the Islamist death cult that trained the killers. This was not remembrance, it was complicity in whitewashing terror.

“We honoured the 52 lives lost and prayed for healing and hope for everyone affected by the tragedy” posted Bishop of London Sarah Mullally, pretending the ‘lives’ were ‘lost’ in some kind of tragedy, like a natural disaster or an unfortunate accident, not cold blooded massacre planned and orchestrated by Islamic terrorists.

Deputy PM Angela Rayner’s “remembrance”, as if the 7/7 victims just grew old and died

Deputy Prime Minister Angela Reyner joined this charade, issuing a statement so anodyne it could have been drafted by a committee of censors. “We remember all whose lives were tragically altered,” she intoned, emphasising “community healing” and “shared resilience.” Not a syllable acknowledged the Islamic terrorism, or even terrorism. Her office later confirmed the language was carefully vetted to avoid “inciting division”, code for appeasing Islamist (vote bank) sensibilities and their Leftist apologists.

Why they stay silent: British establishment’s playbook

This establishment conspiracy of silence isn’t merely cowardice, it has been systematic and consistent. It has been seen in the calculated, sanitized language of betrayal and whitewashing that the British ruling class has been mainstreaming against their people. Figures like King Charles and Keir Starmer hiding behind phrases like “lives were lost” or “tragic events,” deliberately draping the actual perpetrators in garbs of obscurity, whitewashing and trivialising their crimes, is not new.

This is in stark contrast to their explicit condemnation of “far-right extremism”, a blatant double standard that smacks of cultural surrender. While politicians spout nonsense about “unity”, Home Secretary Yvette Cooper admitted that Islamic extremism remains the “biggest threat” to the UK’s national security.

The government seems fixated on policing speech rather than dismantling the jihadist networks posing the real danger. Perversely, the discourse reveals a stunning inversion of priorities, official concern often centres on Muslim “alienation” from counter-terror policies like Prevent, while survivors of actual terror attacks plead not to have all Muslims equated with extremists.

Fore the Liberal elite, the imagined victimhood of the Muslim community, over the mere mention of the declared, self-admitted religious motive of the perpetrators of a terrorist attack, takes precedence over the victims’ fundamental right to justice and a nation’s duty of honesty and transparency towards its people. This surrender extends to the highest levels, where the Royal Family’s actions, Prince William laying flowers at Hyde Park or King Charles offering interfaith platitudes, unwittingly normalize the very ideology seeking to dismantle civilised societies.

The grooming gang cover-up: Another act of cowardice and blatant appeasement by the British govt

The systematic cover-up of Britain’s grooming gang scandal reflects a decades-long institutional cowardice, mirroring past failures to confront uncomfortable ethnic realities. Baroness Casey’s damning audit exposed a critical pattern, Pakistani-heritage men were disproportionately represented among suspects in high-profile cases across Greater Manchester, West Yorkshire, and South Yorkshire. Yet police and councils actively ignored this evidence, with Casey noting authorities “avoided the topic altogether for fear of appearing racist or raising community tensions”. This deliberate blindness allowed perpetrators to operate with impunity while victims suffered.

Compounding this denial was the weaponization of data suppression. The audit revealed ethnicity data was missing for two-thirds of all grooming gang suspects nationally, a gap that was “no accident—it was policy”. Authorities invoked “community cohesion” to justify burying these patterns, with reports confirming senior figures blocked investigations to avoid antagonizing Muslim communities. In Telford, council leaders suspended licensing enforcement for taxi drivers linked to abuse, fearing accusations of racism, a move one inquiry branded “craven”.

Meanwhile, victims faced institutional gaslighting. Officials dismissed child rape as “consensual relationships” or “child prostitution,” even charging traumatized girls with offences like “drunk and disorderly” while their abusers walked free. Disturbingly, social workers sometimes attended Islamic “marriages” between abusers and underage victims, and fathers attempting to rescue daughters from abuse sites were arrested instead of the perpetrators. The Starmer government now pledges legal reforms, including mandatory rape charges for adults who abuse children under 16 and expunging victims’ unjust criminal records. But these promises follow decades of silence and inaction, leaving survivors to wonder if accountability will ever transcend political convenience.

7/7’s supressed truth: The Pakistan connection

The 7/7 London bombers were directly orchestrated by al-Qaeda operatives in Pakistan, debunking the “lone wolf” narrative. Mohammad Sidique Khan and Shehzad Tanweer travelled to Pakistan in 2004–2005, where they received explosives training at camps in Mansehra and Malakand run by the al-Qaeda-linked group Harkat-ul-Mujahidin (HUM). Khan was trained by senior al-Qaeda commander Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi, who also instructed other UK plotters. Their activities were coordinated by Rashid Rauf, a British al-Qaeda operative in Pakistan who facilitated their bomb-making training, target selection (including the London Underground), and communication via coded messages.

The bombers’ ‘martyrdom’ final videos, recorded in Pakistan under Rauf’s supervision, were later edited by al-Qaeda’s media wing, al-Sahab, to include endorsements from Ayman al-Zawahiri, proving direct hierarchy involvement, parallel plots like the “Crevice” conspiracy further exposed the ISI’s role. Omar Khayyam, a key figure, testified that ISI operatives ran training camps and funded jihadist “proxy wars” in Kashmir. During Khyam’s 2006 trial, he abruptly halted testimony, stating “The ISI has had words with my family… They are worried I might reveal more” a clear instance of ISI intimidation silencing critical evidence in a British court.

This nexus underscores al-Qaeda’s central command in Pakistan and the ISI’s complicity in enabling attacks against the West.

Conclusion: The cowardice that kills

Britain’s leaders have perfected a lexicon of evasion. By trivialising and obscuring Islamist terror with terms like “senseless evil, “tragedy,”, “lives lost” etc, they absolve themselves of confronting the ideology that fueled it. By refusing to name Pakistani grooming gangs, they sacrifice vulnerable children at the altar of political correctness.

This is not “sensitivity” it is cowardice . When the Prime Minister lauds “unity” while whitewashing jihadism, he betrays the 52 people murdered on 7/7. When police ignore grooming gangs to avoid “racism,” they become accomplices to rape.

Islamic terrorism is not a phantom. It is real, it is ideological, and it must be named and confronted with, not shielded by identity politics. Until Britain’s leaders find the courage to speak plainly, their wreaths and memorials are not tributes. They are tombstones for truth.

Soros-backed NGO amplifies Rahul Gandhi’s disinformation on Bihar voter rolls: Inside ADR’s web of foreign links, Rafale lies, and EC disruption

As Bihar heads into a crucial electoral battle in November 2025, the opposition is once again turning to an old playbook: manufacturing outrage over voter disenfranchisement. At the heart of this narrative is the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), a so-called electoral reform NGO with deep financial and ideological ties to globalist networks, most notably George Soros’s Open Society Foundations, flanked by the Opposition Mahagathbandhan, a section of left-leaning intellectuals, and activist-lawyers like Prashant Bhushan.

Predictably, the NGO has filed a petition in the top court, scare-mongering “mass disenfranchisement” of voters, parroting the exact talking points being peddled by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi in his recent Bihar campaign speeches.

From filing litigation in the Supreme Court against the Election Commission of India (ECI), to rallying protests on the streets of Patna led by Rahul Gandhi, this nexus is attempting to project a routine, legally empowered revision of voter rolls—the Special Intensive Revision (SIR)—as a sinister plot to disenfranchise the poor and marginalized. A claim that wilfully ignores facts, the law, and the Election Commission’s constitutional mandate.

The Bihar bogey: Manufactured crisis before the polls

On June 24, 2025, the Election Commission of India (ECI) ordered a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in Bihar. It’s a standard legal procedure aimed at removing bogus entries and ensuring electoral integrity. But ADR, with impeccable timing, filed a petition claiming that the directive would disenfranchise over 3 crore voters, particularly from marginalised communities.

The petition objects to the exclusion of Aadhaar/ration card as a valid ID, the burden of proof shifted to the voter, the requirement to prove parental citizenship, and “unreasonable” timelines in a “poll-bound” state.

From SC to Streets: Rahul Gandhi Joins the Propaganda Offensive

The Opposition’s hysteria over the ECI’s SIR order reached a crescendo with a call for a statewide bandh on July 9, announced by the Mahagathbandhan, led by the Congress. And not just any protest, Rahul Gandhi himself will lead it.

“Our leader Rahul Gandhi is coming to spearhead the protest. He will lead a grand march from the Income Tax roundabout to the Election Commission office,” said Bihar Congress chief Rajesh Kumar.

The Opposition has planned to block roads, disrupt transport, and paralyse civic life, all in the name of protesting an electoral clean-up that’s well within the legal purview of the Election Commission.

Kumar and other Congress leaders, including Pawan Khera and KC Venugopal, called the SIR “illegal,” alleging that 90% of Bihar’s population lacks the required documents—a statistic pulled out of thin air, with no empirical backing.

Prashant Bhushan amplifies propaganda with Pratap Bhanu Mehta’s alarmist article

Not just Rahul Gandhi, but several others too furthered the propaganda surrounding the SIR. On July 8, 2025, Prashant Bhushan took to X (formerly Twitter) to promote an article by Pratap Bhanu Mehta published in The Indian Express. Bhushan described it as a “brilliant article on how the EC’s ‘special revision’ exercise ahead of Bihar polls is designed to disenfranchise millions of voters.”

However, Mehta, in his column for the Indian Express, painted a dystopian picture of the EC’s order, calling it a “bureaucratic overreach”, “a pilot for a backdoor NRC”, and “a replication of the logic of demonetisation.” The article was a textbook example of fear-mongering, amplifying unfounded fears and stirring public sentiments against the Election Commission’s decision. But more curiously, it echoed almost verbatim the unsubstantiated claims made by ADR in its legal challenge.

But it is important to dissect the problematic assertions made by Mehta in his article. Mehta claims the documentation requirements are “bewilderingly complex”, failing to acknowledge that they are drawn from statutory norms used in prior voter roll revisions.

He alleges that “lakhs of voters could be excluded”, despite the EC already addressing similar concerns in earlier Summary Revisions. The article discredits the entire process of verification by Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) as being potentially “arbitrary”, despite such procedural safeguards being a core feature of Indian electoral processes for decades.

Most provocatively, Mehta declares that this is “not just about Bihar” but a “backdoor NRC”, a political dog whistle deliberately used to stoke fears among marginalised communities. The NRC has often been raised as a bugbear to mobilise anti-Modi forces, most notably during the passage of the CAA, when similar fears were raised to undermine the law meant for fast-tracking the citizenship of religious minorities from India’s troubled neighbourhood. 

What does the law say?

Section 21(3) of the Representation of People Act, 1950, allows the ECI to initiate special revisions with “reasons recorded.” Contrary to ADR’s claims, these revisions are not sudden; the EC had already conducted a Special Summary Revision (SSR) earlier this year. The SIR is merely a follow-up mechanism to correct anomalies identified.

But for ADR, it’s not about the legality. It’s about creating a perception war. They know the average citizen won’t dive into statutory clauses. Instead, they plant doubt, knowing the opposition will do the rest.

Repeat offender: ADR’s lies on the Rafale Deal

But behind ADR’s activist language lies a disturbing truth: this is not the first time the NGO has interfered in the democratic process in India, nor is it just a neutral watchdog concerned about electoral integrity. Its funding trail, ideological leanings, and past activism reveal a deeper nexus that seeks to systematically weaken Indian institutions and fuel anti-government narratives, often timed suspiciously around elections.

During the 2019 general elections, ADR helped amplify one of the biggest fake news campaigns in recent memory: the Rafale deal controversy.

The entire “scam” was based on zero evidence, but was fanned by selective leaks, distorted contract comparisons, and ADR-backed reports shared by propaganda outlets like Huffington Post and The Wire.

Even after the Supreme Court dismissed all review petitions and gave the Modi government a clean chit, ADR continued to parrot questions around transparency, procurement procedures, and pricing—an attempt purely aimed to keep the manufactured outrage alive during elections.

It’s no coincidence that ADR’s misinformation was picked up by Rahul Gandhi’s infamous “Chowkidar Chor Hai” campaign line, which he had to later retract in court.

The Electoral bonds disinformation: A masterclass in duplicity

Perhaps the most sophisticated hit job by ADR came through its collusion with Huffington Post on the issue of electoral bonds.

ADR alleged that electoral bonds introduced “untraceable black money” into politics. But at the same time, Huffington Post’s headline (based on ADR’s data) contradicted itself by saying, “Electoral Bonds Are Traceable: Documents Nail Govt Lie On Anonymity.”

Let’s break that down: Are the bonds traceable or not? If traceable, where is the black money? If not traceable, why complain about anonymity?

This “head-I-win, tails-you-lose” strategy is a deliberate disinformation model.

ADR claimed that 95% of electoral bonds in the first tranche went to BJP. This was conveniently cited without full disclosures, timing, or party-wise receipts. These figures, riddled with assumptions and no primary audit trail, were used to build a misleading public narrative.

Weaponising institutions: Targeting the Election Commission

Earlier this year, ADR challenged the constitutionality of the CEC and EC appointment process, even after the Modi government passed a law that included the Leader of the Opposition in the selection panel, something no previous government had done.

What ADR claimed: The law violates Article 14 and the Supreme Court’s earlier interim order.

What actually happened:

The law was passed democratically by Parliament. SC rejected ADR’s arguments and upheld the appointment of Gyanesh Kumar and Sukhbir Singh Sandhu. The court said: “You cannot say that the Election Commission is under the thumb of the executive.”

Still, ADR, via Prashant Bhushan, infamous for his role in the anti-CAA, anti-NRC narratives and even hosting conspiratorial anti-Hindu riot meetings, continued to press the court to overturn the appointments.

Who funds ADR and why it matters

ADR’s activism isn’t just political, it’s foreign-funded and ideologically aligned with the global Left-liberal order.

Here’s a snapshot of its FCRA funding trail:

HIVOS receives direct grants from foreign governments and Soros-linked Open Society Foundations. Omidyar Network funded Forbidden Stories, the platform that fabricated the Pegasus spyware scandal. Thakur Family Foundation funds The Wire and Caravan—far-left outlets known for anti-BJP misinformation. Mysterious foreign individual Archesh Shah from Sydney routinely donates ₹25,000, but remains digitally invisible.

This isn’t just foreign philanthropy. It’s a soft war on Indian sovereignty.

ADR: Part of a larger propaganda web

Put together, ADR plays the role of a “research-intellectual” arm in a wider globalist network:

Foreign-funded NGOs (ADR, Amnesty, Oxfam) Propaganda media (HuffPost, The Wire, Caravan) Judicial activism (via Bhushan, PILs) Political echo chambers (Rahul Gandhi, opposition parties)

Each arm plays its part: ADR creates “data” and “research”. Foreign and domestic media blow it up. Politicians amplify it on the ground. Judiciary gets pulled into unnecessary litigation. Public confidence in institutions is systematically eroded.

Foreign interference dressed up as reforms

ADR is not just an NGO. It is an instrument of political warfare, bankrolled by forces with zero stake in Indian democracy but great interest in disrupting it.

From spreading lies about Rafale, undermining the EC, creating hysteria over unwarranted matters, to now fueling voter suppression myths in Bihar, ADR has consistently acted in ways that harm India’s democratic institutions and cast aspersions over their credibility.

And each time, its script is picked up and amplified, word for word, by Rahul Gandhi and his allies.

It could hardly be a coincidence. In fact, it appears more like a symphony where different elements play their part towards a collective goal.

And that’s certainly not strengthening India’s electoral institutions. It’s regime change by subterfuge.

Madras High Court pulls up former DMK Minister K Ponmudy for his derogatory remarks against Hinduism, says CBI probe will be ordered if Tamil Nadu police fail to act

The Madras High Court has delivered a blistering rebuke to Tamil Nadu police for their “distressing and unfortunate” failure to act against former DMK Minister K. Ponmudy over derogatory remarks targeting Hinduism. The court warned that it would order a CBI probe if authorities fail to take immediate action.

Presiding over the case, Justice P. Velmurugan expressed severe dissatisfaction with the state police’s handling of 112 complaints against Ponmudy, a senior DMK leader who served as Forest Minister until his resignation in April. The court set a firm deadline of 8th July, Tuesday, for a final decision on whether to transfer the case to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) due to “continued inaction” by Tamil Nadu police.

Judicial condemnation of remarks by K Ponmudy

This judicial urgency follows months of controversy surrounding Ponmudy’s speech on April 8th at a TPDK event. During this speech, he made vulgar analogies that linked Hindu religious symbols, specifically tilaks, to sexual positions offered by a prostitute. Justice N. Anand Venkatesh previously described these remarks as “obscene, derogatory, and calculated to spew venom” against Vaishnavites, Shaivites, and women.

Despite Ponmudy’s defense, claiming he was misrepresented by a “truncated video,” and his subsequent public apology, the court dismissed his arguments. The court stated that his comments were made “knowingly and with full consciousness” and likely violated hate speech laws outlined in the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

Police Inaction under scrutiny

The court’s frustration echoed its April interventions when it first directed police to file an FIR and later initiated a suo motu case after authorities ignored orders. Advocate General P.S. Raman’s admission that initial complaints were closed without FIRs drew scathing criticism, with justices emphasizing that “Law applies equally to all.” Notices have now been issued to the state DGP and Chennai Police Commissioner demanding explanations for the dela

Political fallout

Politically, the DMK moved swiftly to contain fallout, stripping Ponmudy of his deputy general secretary post on 11th April, publicly condemning his remarks through senior MP Kanimozhi, and accepting his resignation as Forest Minister by 27th April. Opposition parties, including the BJP and AIADMK, joined Governor R.N. Ravi in condemning the speech as a “shameful threat to societal harmony,” with BJP leaders filing formal police complaints citing sections of the BNS related to wounding religious feelings and promoting enmity.

What’s next?

With the High Court’s 8th July deadline here, Tamil Nadu police face two paths, immediately, register an FIR and commence prosecution or or relinquish the case to the CBI. The outcome will test the state’s commitment to curbing hate speech without political bias.

Legal experts note the court’s stance reinforces that constitutional accountability outweighs partisan loyalties. As Justice Venkatesh observed earlier, “The impression that public officials can get away with hate speech must be wiped off.”

Cloudbursts, landslides, and rising death toll: Himachal Pradesh faces nature’s fury as the state battles massive floods caused by the monsoon

The Himalayan state of Himachal Pradesh has been struck with recurring cloudbursts and flash floods following torrential rainfall during the monsoon season. Horrifying visuals are emerging from different parts of the state showing the extent of infrastructural damage. 23 flash floods, followed by 19 cloud burst incidents, and 16 landslides occurred in different parts of the state as of July 6. Districts of Solan, Shimla, and Mandi have been the worst affected by the excessive rainfall and cloudbursts.

Image via X/ Infoindata

With houses being washed away, roads cut off, and the electricity supply snapped, Himachal Pradesh has come to a standstill. Towns and villages in the affected areas have been filled with debris from demolished buildings. Landslides have further worsened the situation, as people are not able to access public utilities. There is also a growing scarcity of food and water due to disrupted connectivity.

According to the State Disaster Management Authority (SDMA), the death toll has risen to 78, with 50 people dying due to rain-related incidents and 28 losing their lives in road accidents. Among the rain-related incidents, 14 people died due to flash floods, 8 people drowned, 8 people died of electrocution and accidental falls, and the remaining were killed in landslides, lightning strikes and snake bites. In addition to that, 37 people have been reported missing and 115 have been injured.

Image via X

Several deaths have also been reported in Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Kinnaur, Kullu, Lahaul Spiti, Sirmauar, Solan, and Una districts.

The India Meteorological Department (IMD) has forecast “very heavy rain, thunderstorm and lightning, squall” for 9th July. The districts of Sirmaur, Kangra, and Mandi have been put on red alert, and an orange alert has been issued in the districts of Shimla, Solan, Hamirpur, Bilaspur, Una, Kullu and Chamba.

Mandi District has been worst hit

The State Emergency Operation Centre (SEOC), which has been monitoring the situation in Himachal Pradesh, said that, so far, around 269 roads have been blocked, 285 electricity transformers have been damaged, and 278 water supply schemes have become dysfunctional across the state.

The SEOC said that the situation in the Mandi district is the worst among the affected districts. As on 6th July, 200 roads were blocked across the district due to heavy rains. The district also reported the highest number of damaged electricity transformers and disrupted water supply schemes.

Image via x

The building of Himachal Cooperative Bank, which is the only bank in Mandi, has been filled with water and debris. The first floor of the building is completely submerged, and the valuables of the people kept in the bank, including documents, cash, and jewellery, have been swept away. Locals are guarding the bank building against theft.

After Mandi, Kullu has faced the worst consequences of the heavy rainfall. Some areas of the district, such as Banjar, Nirmand, have witnessed major landslides. Chamba district has also been battered by the incessant rainfall, severely disrupting the road connectivity and electricity supply in areas like Salooni, Dalhousie and Bharmour.

Rescue Operations are underway

According to reports, emergency response teams from the National and State Disaster Response Forces, the Army, Indo-Tibetan Border Police and Home Guards have been activated across the state as search and rescue operations are underway. Around 250 personnel from the various teams are carrying out rescue operations with the help of drones and sniffer dogs.

Image via X

Additionally, 20 teams are engaged in collecting information and distributing ration and medical kits. About 1538 ration kits have been distributed in the affected areas, with the entire relief operations amounting to Rs 12.44 lakh so far.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah took stock of the situation

Apart from Himachal Pradesh, torrential rains have also severely affected the states of Uttarakhand, Gujarat, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan. Union Home Minister Amit Shah spoke with the Chief Ministers of these states and took stock of the situation. He assured all possible help from the central government and sent the NDRF teams to the affected areas.

“In the wake of heavy rainfall in different parts of the nation, spoke with the chief ministers of Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, and Chhattisgarh. Adequate numbers of NDRF teams have been deployed in the states for the people in need, and more reinforcements can be sent as and when required. Assured them of all possible assistance from the central government,” Amit Shah wrote on X on 4th July.

Pakistan’s Intersys Limited sues OpIndia for defamation in Karachi Court over fentanyl exposé, ignoring jurisdiction rules while sitting on allegations of drug and visa fraud

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Pakistan, a country that cannot feed its people without IMF loans. A country where tomatoes are luxury items. Still, its district court has the audacity to file defamation suits over drug exposés, that too on a news portal that does not even fall under its jurisdiction.

Welcome to Karachi’s new theatre – Civil Court edition

On 12th June, a tragicomedy of international proportions occurred. A district court in Karachi heard the petition of Intersys Limited, a Pakistani firm linked with names like eWorldTrade and associated networks reportedly indulging in everything from ghostwriting scams to smuggling opioids into the US. The case was filed against a bunch of foreign journalists, including investigative blogger Danny de Hek and wait for it, OpIndia!

Source: de Hek

Yes, you read that right. A company from the country whose dollar reserves fluctuate like teenage moods, and whose own agencies cannot get a grip on Rawalpindi, thinks it has the legal muscle to drag foreign platforms into its domestic courtroom drama.

The charges against OpIndia include hurting the reputation of a company allegedly involved in fentanyl trafficking. The district court in Karachi wholeheartedly believed that such a company has a reputation so sacred, even a sneeze in its direction must be punished.

Before suing, maybe check the map

Let’s talk about a tiny legal hiccup, which, actually, is a big one, that might have slipped the minds of our Pakistani plaintiff friends. The hiccup is what we call jurisdiction. For a civil court to entertain a defamation suit against individuals and organisations in Delhi, and the internet in general, it kind of needs the jurisdiction.

Karachi court thinks it can lecture and dictate to international media on libel law. However, it fails to stop clerics from issuing fatwas on television or stop mobs from going on rampant violence over dubious blasphemy charges. Forget New Delhi, these lower courts in Pakistan cannot even get an arrest warrant served without an army column.

Tomato prices through the roof, but filing fees no problem

The inflation in Pakistan is so high that a tomato is a status symbol. Wheat flour, electricity, clean water and basic amenities are no less than gold biscuits. However, Intersys apparently had no problem shelling out money to file a suit and hire two lawyers to claim that OpIndia and de Hek ruined their image. While electricity is missing from the courts, Pakistan wants to sue the internet!

Maybe it is high time someone reminded them that alleged criminal activities cannot be washed away by a civil suit in Karachi South Civil Court.

Defamation? That ship sailed with the DOJ

The company also forgot the fact that the US Department of Justice had already filed indictments against eWorldTrade over fentanyl trafficking. De Hek merely reported it and OpIndia did a follow-up based on his findings and other open sources available. If that is defamation, then every US court must be held guilty in the Karachi district court. What next? A defamation notice to the FBI?

‘Please do not hurt our feelings’

2nd Senior Civil Judge, Kaleemullah Kalwar of Karachi district court, in a poetic act of misplaced legal activism, issued an interim gag order asking all the defendants not to “publish, disseminate or distribute defamatory statements” until the next hearing. Basically, the court wanted to say, “Do not hurt our feelings by saying mean things about the fentanyl, please!” Thankfully, they did not add “maan jao na mele babu shona” in the end.

We would have laughed if it were not so painfully absurd. The only people disseminating damage here are the companies themselves, whose digital footprints lead to allegations of fraud, fake job listings, drug links and tax evasion.

Dear Pakistan, please stay in your limits

Let’s make one thing clear. Pakistan did not cry when companies registered in the country were busy exporting drugs, flooding the internet with scam websites, and abusing the US visa system with fake payroll schemes.

Before filing the defamation case against OpIndia and others, maybe Pakistan needs to start fixing its own backyard. Regulating IT exports should be the first thing to do. Maybe dismantle the scam factories in Karachi? In the end, the country needs to find a solution to bring the prices down of agricultural products, especially when India has put the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance. Only then should it talk about international laws and filing defamation suits against journalists from other countries.

Oh yes, dear brother Kaleemullah Kalwar, maybe you can use your stronghold on the “legal” side of Pakistan and get the potholes fixed. Meanwhile, please do not expect OpIndia to appear in your court on 14th July.

US President Donald Trump imposes a 35% tariff on Muhammad Yunus’s Bangladesh, keeps the option of “No Tariff” if the country decides to set up companies in America

In a decisive move aimed at recalibrating its global trade balance and sending a strong signal to unfriendly regimes, the United States has announced a 35% tariff on all Bangladeshi imports, citing long-standing trade imbalances and non-cooperative economic policies.

The tariff, set to take effect from August 1, 2025, was formally announced in a letter addressed to Mohammad Yunus, the Chief Advisor to the Pgovernment of Bangladesh. In a letter shared by US President Donald Trump on Truth Social platform, he emphasized America’s intent to pursue a “balanced, fair, and trade-oriented” approach, while indirectly calling out regimes seen as adversarial.

United States, which calls itself the “number one market in the world,” has stated that it will continue trade with Bangladesh only under new terms—ones that eliminate what it calls “decades of unfair trade practices.” Letter specifically blames Bangladesh’s tariff and non-tariff barriers for America’s unsustainable trade deficits. The letter highlights that 35% is still significantly lower than what would be required to eliminate the trade deficit disparity with Bangladesh.

The letter offers an alternative path: Bangladeshi companies can avoid the 35% tariff altogether by setting up manufacturing operations within the United States. If they agree, Washington promises to act “quickly, swiftly, professionally, and routinely”—in other words, to fast-track approvals within weeks. However, if Bangladesh retaliates by increasing its own tariffs or erecting new trade barriers, those actions will be met with additional levies on top of the existing 35% duty.

President Trump, speaking about the decision, said, “These tariffs are necessary to correct the many years of Bangladesh’s tariff and non-tariff policies, which have caused unsustainable trade deficits. This is a threat not only to our economy—but to our national security!”

Bangladesh isn’t the only country to feel the wrath of Trump. Within hours, tariffs were also imposed on 12 other countries, including South Korea, Japan (25%), and others such as Myanmar, Indonesia, Malaysia, Serbia, Cambodia, Thailand, and more. The move is part of a larger U.S. strategy to clamp down on trade deficits and punish nations seen as economic free-riders or geopolitical fence-sitters. US message to Bangladesh is blunt warning to realign its policies or risk deeper isolation in the global trade network.

Former Rajasthan CM Ashok Gehlot’s son-in-law appointed as an Additional Judge in the Bombay High Court on the recommendation of the Supreme Court Collegium

Gautam Ashwin Ankhad, son-in-law of the former Chief Minister of Rajasthan, Ashok Gehlot, has been appointed as an Additional Judge in the Bombay High Court. A notification of the Ministry of Law & Justice, dated July 4, 2025, confirmed the appointment of Ankhad and Mahendra Madhavrao Nerlikar by the President of India as Additional Judges in the Bombay High Court for a period of two years.

Image via Patrika.com


Gautam Ashwin Ankhad has been practising as an advocate for a long time in the Bombay High Court and specialises in commercial, contract, and arbitration matters. His name was initially forwarded by the Bombay High Court Collegium in consultation with the two seniormost judges of the High Court. Thereafter, the Supreme Court Collegium recommended Ankhad’s name to the central government in September 2024. The President, finally, issued the order for his appointment on the recommendation of the central government. Ankhad’s appointment as an Additional Judge in the Bombay High Court has raised several eyebrows as the selection process is recommendation-based and is not much transparent.

The appointment of an additional judge in a High Court is governed by Article 224 (1) of the Constitution of India. The provision allows the appointment of an additional judge in the High Court by the President after consulting the Supreme Court Collegium in case there is a temporary increase in the workload of the High Court. The appointment is made for a period of a maximum of 2 years.

Beyond Mastani: The unmatched military genius of Peshwa Bajirao, know why Amit Shah brought the legendary warrior to NDA campus in Pune

Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Friday (July 4, 2025) unveiled a statue of Peshwa Bajirao I at the National Defence Academy (NDA) campus in Pune, Maharashtra. As has become common nowadays, this too has sparked political controversy. In Maharashtra, historical figures like Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Peshwa Bajirao, Jyotiba Phule, Savitribai Phule, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Veer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar are revered icons. Politics thrives on their legacies, with each having their own sets of supporters and critics.

Even before the statue unveiling, demands were growing to rename Pune Railway Station after Peshwa Bajirao. BJP Rajya Sabha MP Medha Kulkarni echoed this demand. However, some organizations staged protests outside the railway station opposing it. NCP (SP) chief Sharad Pawar remarked that Kulkarni was merely following instructions from her seniors. Others suggested the station be renamed after Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s mother Jijabai or social reformer Savitribai Phule. In essence, a controversy is now being stirred around the image of Peshwa Bajirao.

We have also witnessed how the film Bajirao Mastani (2015) presented a successful warrior as a passionate lover in the minds of the younger generation. This is why, when Bajirao is mentioned today, people instinctively recall his romantic saga with Mastani. His politics, diplomacy, and military strategies were neither portrayed in films nor included in our school curricula. Unfortunately, a similar distortion has occurred with many great Indian personalities.

Inherited strategic brilliance from his father

Bajirao’s father, Balaji Vishwanath Bhatt, was appointed as the Peshwa (Prime Minister) of the Maratha Empire in November 1713 and held the position until his death in April 1720. His rise wasn’t sudden. After Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s death, the empire faced great turbulence. Revenue had to be collected from war-torn regions, requiring someone wise enough to coordinate with local farmers and traders while also challenging the Mughals. In this situation, Balaji Vishwanath emerged as a capable leader.

He began as Pune’s Sabhasad (councilor), became Sar-Subedar, defended Sinhagad alongside Dhanaji Jadhav, and then served as Sar-Subedar of Daulatabad. He later became the Diwan (minister) of the commander-in-chief, was promoted to Senakarte (military planner), and assisted Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj during times of crisis, earning the king’s trust. After his death, his son Bajirao I was appointed as the Peshwa. Trained in diplomacy and warfare by his father, Bajirao compelled the rulers of Mysore and Arcot to pay chauth and sardeshmukhi taxes to the Marathas.

Humbled the Nizam, crushed the power of the Siddis

It was due to Bajirao’s strategies that even the Nizam of Hyderabad was forced to submit to the Marathas. In the March 1728 Treaty of Mungi Shevgaon with the Nizam, the Marathas gained the right to collect chauth and sardeshmukhi from six provinces of the Deccan. The Nizam recognized Shahuji as the Maratha king. How this was achieved is worth studying, especially for students in military academies. Bajirao allowed the Nizam to penetrate Maratha territory and then cut off his supply lines. Trapped, the Nizam was compelled to negotiate.

In April 1731, Bajirao secured control over Gujarat through the Battle of Dabhoi. He forced the Siddis, who had arrived in India from the eastern coast of Africa, to become subordinate to the Marathas and weakened their naval power. The mighty Aurangzeb, who failed to conquer the Deccan even after spending his last 25 years there, couldn’t have imagined that after his death, under Bajirao’s leadership, Maratha power would reach North India. In Bundelkhand, the aging King Chhatrasal was being harassed by the Mughal commander Bangash Khan. When he had no other option left, he sent for Bajirao. Bajirao surrounded Bangash’s camp in Jaitpur, forcing him to seek mercy.

Waved the banner of ‘Swaraj’ all the way to Delhi

To Chhatrasal, Bajirao became like a son. The king gifted him several territories. Mughal control over Bundelkhand ended, and Bajirao gained a stronghold to keep Delhi in check. In 1737, Peshwa Bajirao reached Delhi. Panic spread in the Mughal court. Cleverly, he sent his supplies back to create the illusion of retreat. The Mughals celebrated, believing he had fled. But before the celebrations ended, Bajirao struck Delhi via the Jat and Mewat regions.

He had no intention to destroy Delhi, only to showcase the power of Swarajya (self-rule). Before the Mughals could respond, Bajirao had already moved to Rewari. He was a master of winning wars without full-fledged fighting. After Delhi, he camped in Bhopal. There, he faced four major powers: the Nizam, the Mughals, and the rulers of Kota and Awadh. The Nizam was trapped in a fort. Enemy soldiers suffered from hunger, and even their animals lacked fodder. Such was Bajirao’s military genius. Eventually, a treaty was signed giving the Marathas all of Malwa. The region between the Narmada and Chambal rivers came under their control. The Mughals had to pay 5 million rupees as war expenses. Bajirao also taught a lesson to the rulers of Kurwai and Kota who had sided with the Mughals and the Nizam. Both fled the battlefield.

Peshwa Bajirao Is more relevant today than ever

If anyone deserves credit for building a grand edifice on the foundation of Swarajya, it is Peshwa Bajirao. Hence, his statue at the NDA campus should not be controversial. Soldiers trained here join India’s three armed forces. Learning about Bajirao I’s military campaigns will not only benefit their careers but also help the nation.

Winning great battles without exhausting one’s army, Bajirao’s hallmark, is especially relevant in today’s era of hybrid warfare. Had Bajirao Mastani focused on his courage and strategic brilliance instead of portraying him merely as a romantic lover, perhaps we wouldn’t need to explain so much today. Just as Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj is revered, Peshwa Bajirao too deserves immense respect. To defeat the forces trying to divide society in the name of such great leaders, today’s generation must read more about them. The arrows of propaganda can only be deflected by the shield of knowledge.

Karnataka: While Hindus honour Muharram in Muslim-less village, a Muslim man desecrates Ganesha idol in Shivamogga

In the first week of July, Karnataka witnessed two stark sides of India. While in Yadgir district, Hindus honoured Muharram in a Muslim-less village, a Muslim man desecrated a Bhagwan Ganesha idol in Shivamogga.

In a display of communal harmony, Hindu villagers of Talawargere in Yadgir district celebrated Muharram with devotion. Notably, there is not even a single Muslim family in Talawargere. The six-day festival saw hundreds of Hindus organising processions, singing devotional songs, and carrying the traditional Alai effigies of Hasan, Hussain, and Maulali.

Reportedly, the tradition of celebrating Muharram in the region dates back to 1925, when a vision of a Sufi saint promised relief from plague and drought if he was enshrined in the village. Even today, villagers make offerings, repaint the Ashurkhanas, and distribute sweet prasad in honour of the Alai Pirs. Neighbouring villages also seek blessings from the saint.

Contrast in Shivamogga – idols desecrated, community outraged

While Hindus embrace what is traditionally a Muslim festival in Yadgir, an incident in Shivamogga cast a dark shadow on communal harmony in the state. In the Bangarappa Layout of Ragigudda, a man identified as Syed reportedly stomped on a Bhagwan Ganesha idol and threw a Naagara idol into a drain on 3rd July. The idols were recently installed by local residents in a government-designated park area.

A video of him admitting to the desecration of the idols surfaced on social media, where he said, “Why should we wake up to a temple outside our house?” He reportedly apologised later, but the damage was already done.

Police detained two suspects, Syed and his accomplice Rehmatullah, in the matter. Local MLA S. N. Channabasappa and former Deputy CM K. S. Eshwarappa visited the site and demanded strict legal action. Superintendent of Police (SP) Mithun Kumar confirmed that the investigation in the matter was underway and promised legal action against the accused.

While the villagers in Yadgir uphold an age-old tradition of a shared belief system, Shivamogga reminded that when hate is unchecked, it can shatter the fragile fabric of communal harmony.

West Bengal: Muslim mob brutally thrashes Hindu man for not paying chanda for Muharram, hits him severely on the head, Hindus block roads in protest

On Friday (4th July), a Muslim mob brutally thrashed a Hindu e-rickshaw driver for not paying chanda (donation) ahead of Muharram. The incident occurred in Sainthia town in Birbhum district of West Bengal.

A Hindu man named Bedan Ghosh informed that the victim was beaten by 8-10 youths for not paying chanda for Muharram. The victim had made a donation of ₹50 once on Thursday (3rd July) and refused to pay twice.

“While others beat him, one of the youths hit his head with a boulder. I do not know the status of the patient. He was admitted to a hospital,” Ghosh added.

“It has been 1 hour since that incident, but the police have not arrested the perpetrators. We have now blocked this road in protest. The culprits need to be punished,” he added.

The victim’s father Tamal Ghosh stated, “My son had gone there to drop off passengers. He had paid chanda the previous day. Once he reached there today, they demanded chanda from him again. He tried to tell them that his business for the day had just started but they did not listen. I can’t explain how brutally they thrashed my son. He was rescued by some locals.”

“What is the administration doing? They (Muslims) are committing atrocities against us repeatedly,” he asked.

Bedan Ghosh narrated how Muslim youths in Sainthia had been harassing Hindus for Muharram donations. “A group of 8-10 youths caught hold of me on Thursday (3rd July) when I went to drop my son at the school. They demanded chanda from them. They insisted that I pay the money to them then and there.”

Ghosh was threatened with physical harm. He assured them that he would return to pay chanda after dropping his son to school. He later chose a different route to his home so as to avoid confrontation with the Muslim youths.

Following the attack on the Hindu victim, local Hindus staged a protest and set up a blockade in the middle of the road, demanding strict action against the Muslim perpetrators.