The National Herald issue has resurfaced after the Economic Offences Wing of the Delhi Police filed a fresh First Information Report (FIR) against Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi alongside other accused individuals in response to an Enforcement Directorate (ED) complaint. The agency has charged that the party’s top leadership utilised their political position for personal gain.
Sam Pitroda, Suman Dubey, Sunil Bhandari and an unknown individual, along with three organisations, Associated Journals Limited (AJL), Young Indian and Dotex Merchandise Private Limited are featured in the official complaint which was submitted on 3rd October. It pointed out a criminal conspiracy to “fraudulently take over the Associated Journals Limited (AJL),” which is the parent business of the newspaper.
According to the case, the Gandhi family possess a 38 per cent share each in a company named Young India which received Rs 1 crore from Dotex Merchandise, a shell firm situated in Kolkata. For a minimal price of Rs 50 lakh, it then took over the debt of Associated Journals Limited, the publisher of the now-defunct National Herald daily. This enabled Young Indian to take control of AJL’s real estate assets across the country worth over Rs 2,000 crore.
The issue has its roots in 2008, when the National Herald, which was founded by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and other freedom fighters, suspended its publication, due to financial constraints and resulted in a debt of nearly Rs 90 crore. The case began in 2012 when Bharatiya Janata Party leader Subramanian Swamy filed a lawsuit in a Delhi trial court. He accused Congress leaders of being complicit in cheating and violation of trust in the takeover of the AJL.
Massive developments have transpired in the last 17 years. Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and other perpetrators have been summoned in the case as Income Tax Department and the ED launched separate probes. The Income Tax Department’s findings and Swamy’s complaint served as the foundation for the ED’s formal Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) case.
Rahul Gandhi has been questioned and AJL property valued at Rs 750 crore were attached. Sonia and Rahul Gandhi had been identified as the principal accused in the ED’s PMLA chargesheet that was presented to the Special MP/MLA court in Delhi.
Blast from the past
As this matter has come back into focus, it is vital to point out that Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel has similarly questioned Nehru about the National Herald and its dubious functions. He expressed worries about the newspaper’s financial operations and warned about possible abuse of political power in fundraising along with crony capitalism. His cautionary remarks, however, were met with denial and ambiguous reassurances.
According to the book “Sardar Patel’s Correspondence,” Patel and Nehru corresponded about the matter in a number of letters in May 1950. On 5th May, Patel wrote to Nehru and outlined that National Herald collected money from two shady persons affiliated to Himalayan Airways which fraudulently won contract for night air mail service from government.
He outlined, “Bahadur and Subia Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana each gave a sum of Rs. 25,000 for the National Herald. Another sum of Rs. 25,000 was given by Subia Shumshere Jung Bahadur on 2nd December 1949. These two gentlemen are connected with Himalayan Airways who, as you know, were given night air mail charter in circumstances which are known to you. Their charter was renewed last January. Previous to this charter, they did not come to notice for any prominent civil aviation activity. In fact, there were adverse reports against them, one of which, I understand, came from the Indian Air Force.”
Image via pgurus.com
Patel also emphasised that another such individual named Akhani not only donated to the National Herald but also facilitated funding from various sources. He mentioned that “Akhani first firm secured the night air mail contract in January 1949 without any advertisement or tenders being invited and in circumstances which evoked not only protests but veiled allegations of manoeuvrings from firms like the Tatas and the Air Services of India. I am told that Akhani was responsible for arranging for other contributions also. The fact that these contributions are on the same date and from Bombay is significant. The company went into liquidation only about a month after the contract was given.”
He also highlighted Rs 5,000 provided by Husainbhai Lalji who “has been involved in a case of cheating the Government and has made frantic efforts to have the case withdrawn, which I have consistently refused to. The case against him and his four sons is now committed to the Sessions Court, Bombay.”
Patel remarked that “these credits to the National Herald should be taken to be connected with official favours received by the gentlemen mentioned above.” He added, “It is also bound to subject ourselves to criticism for the manner in which the National Herald is securing assistance from persons who are associated with the activities of Government. I need hardly add to what I have already told you on this subject.”
Image via pgurus.com
Additionally, he raised concerns about then Union Minister Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, who was seeking money from suspicious businessmen, including Lucknow’s JP Srivastava.
Nehru attempts to placate Patel who sent a second letter to address the fundamental issue
Patel repeatedly focused on the issue and was unreserved in his language, but his direct and honest questions received vague and dismissive answers from Nehru. He distanced himself from the financial affairs of the National Herald. Nehru also claimed that he had asked his son-in-law, Feroze Gandhi, to address the issue. The latter was serving as the General Manager of the newspaper, at the time.
On 6th May, Patel sent another letter conveying that the donations lacked any element of charity and were founded in private interests. He mentioned that both Ranas and Akhani not only contributed to National Herald but also maintained a close relationship with the ministry led by Kidwai.
“It is also an open secret that the minister’s association with the National Herald has all along been close and intimate. Obligations and associations of this character are not necessarily objectionable merely if they take place near enough a particular official transaction. Even spread over certain periods they provide opportunities for the persons concerned to create a vested interest in the department,” he observed.
Image via pgurus.com
Patel also challenged the flimsy justifications given by Nehru with concrete facts. He stated, “You say that Himalayan Airways started some time afterwards. One of the transactions you will recall relates to 2 December 1949. Himalayan Airways renewed their charter for night air mail in January 1950 and since October 1949 their charter had already been going on.”
“You have referred to contributions for charitable purposes from industrialists and others who might have business with Government. The transactions which I referred to you are of a different nature. There is no question of charity about it,” Patel further stressed. “A minister would, of course, have to consider whether the timing of any of the contributions is such as might be embarrassing to Government,” he added.
Image via pgurus.com
Nehru reiterated that he had not been engaged with the paper’s finances for a period of three years and alleged that he had entrusted the responsibility to a person named Mridula. He acknowledged that “some mistakes may have occurred,” but he dismissed Patel’s reservations by arguing that it was a question of “profit and loss” rather than morality.
Nehru’s indifference and failure to accept accountability marked the breaking point for Patel, who, in a final letter dated 10th May, expressed, “I feel it useless to pursue the matter further. I have already told you how I view these activities and that it is doubtful if in any other province if I had anything to do with this matter, this position would have been tolerated by me.”
Image via pgurus.com
“You seem to suggest that contributions come to the National Herald because it is a fairly good business proposition and its preference shares and debentures are not a bad investment. My own information gathered from those who have invested in the National Herald indicates otherwise,” he reaffirmed. Patel even voiced skepticism regarding Nahru’s assertions that Kidwai had stepped down from his position as director.
Conclusion
The National Herald has always been permeated by these unsavoury operations and the Nehru-Gandhi family has perpetually been under a cloud of suspicion, not only due to their inability to accept the questionable activities of the company even 75 years ago but also for deliberately ignoring the serious issues associated with it.
Varanasi, the spiritual capital of India that is Bharat, is all set to host the fourth edition of the Kashi-Tamil Sangamam, a confluence of the world’s oldest city and one of the oldest languages, Tamil.
The Kashi-Tamil Sangamam is a flagship cultural and educational initiative launched by the Central government under the Ministry of Education. The initiative is aimed at rediscovering and celebrating the ancient civilizational bond shared by Kashi, Bharat’s spiritual heart and Tamil Nadu, the epicentre of the country’s antiquity and unmatched glory.
Conceived as a part of the Modi government’s “Ek Bharat Shreshtha Bharat” vision, the Kashi-Tamil Sangamam is a new platform to bolster unity through shared Dharmic and cultural heritage. The event is organised in collaboration with Banaras Hindu University (BHU), IIT Madras, and the Uttar Pradesh government. The Sangamam brings delegates from Tamil Nadu for immersive experiences, including exhibitions, seminars, temple visits, cultural performances, handicraft exhibitions, spiritual discourse, and interactions with local crafts and cuisine.
उच्च शिक्षा विभाग के सचिव डॉ. विनीत जोशी (@Vineet_K26) ने बताया कि इस वर्ष काशी तमिल संगमम् 4.0 में तीन नई पहल होने जा रही हैं—पहली, तमिलनाडु के शिक्षक काशी आकर छात्रों को तमिल भाषा सिखाएंगे; दूसरी, काशी के छात्र तमिलनाडु जाकर तमिल सीखेंगे; और तीसरी, Sage Agasthya Vehicle… pic.twitter.com/Sy50Cz1Xyl
The fourth edition of Kashi-Tamil Sangamam is set to commence on 2nd December 2025, in Varanasi at the Namo Ghat and BHU. The event will run for around two weeks and conclude on 15th December.
Kashi Tamil Sangamam preparations ongoing in Varanasi (Image via ANI)
This year, the Sangamam’s theme is “Learn Tamil – Tamil Karakalam”, focusing on promoting the Tamil language nationally. The event will involve campaigns like “Karpom Tamil” to teach Tamil to children in Uttar Pradesh. The Kashi-Tamil Sangamam aims to highlight Tamil inscriptions in Kashi, the glorious contributions of Tamil saints to the Bhakti Movement, as well as historical Tamil trading guilds along the Ganga.
The Sangamam will include an eight-day experiential tour visiting Kashi’s iconic sites like the Kashi Vishwanath Temple and the Mata Annapoorna Temple, Prayagraj, and Ayodhya.
During his Mann Ki Baat programme, Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged widespread participation in the Kashi-Tamil Sangamam and called the event a “wonderful confluence of language and culture” that reinforces national unity.
2 दिसंबर से काशी के नमो घाट पर शुरू हो रहे काशी-तमिल संगमम की थीम बहुत ही रोचक है – Learn Tamil – तमिल करकलम्
Notably, the Kashi Tamil Sangamam was first launched in 2022. Around 10,000 Tamil delegates arrived in Kashi at that time. PM Modi formally inaugurated it on 19th November 2022. The second Sangamam event was organised in 2023 at the Namo Ghat in Varanasi. Back then, the Varanasi Tamil Sangamam train was flagged off and multilingual, and Braille translations of Thirukkural, Manimekalai, and other classic Tamil literature were launched.
The third Kashi-Tamil Sangamam was held in February 2025, providing an opportunity for scholars, students, philosophers, merchants, artisans, and artists from Kashi and Tamil Nadu to come together and share their experiences.
The Dharmic and cultural connection of Kashi and Tamil Nadu
The deep reverence for Kashi and Baba Vishwanath can be traced in Tamil literature. In fact, the ties between Tamil Nadu and Kashi are millennia-old, woven by the shared intellectual, spiritual and economic threads of Hindu civilisation. Being the spiritual capital of India, Kashi has long been a Teerth/pilgrimage hub for Tamil devotees, including kings, fostering a profound dharmic bond between Lord Shiv and his Shaivs (followers of Shiv).
Tamil Nadu houses more than 450 temples dedicated to Kashi Vishwanath, including the 15th-century Kasi Viswanathar Temple in Tenkasi (also spelt Thenkasi). This temple is counted among the Pancha Kasi or five Kashis alongside Sivakasi, Uttarkasi, Varanasi and Guptkasi.
The Tenkasi Shiv temple was built by Pthe andyas as a surrogate for those Tamil Shivbhakts unable to travel north to Varanasi.
Interestingly, it is a legend that King Harikesari Parakkirama Pandian (also spelt, Parakrama Pandyan) journeyed to Kashi to fetch a Shiv Lingam for a temple he wished to construct; however, when the Shiv Lingam could not be moved from a rest spot, the King understood the “divine will” and installed the Lingam in what became Sivakasi.
Rishi Agastya is credited with having played a major role in bridging the north and the south. He migrated from Kashi to the Thamizhagam or simply the Tamil region to transmit Vedic knowledge, Ayurveda and Siddha medicine. An ardent Shivbhakt himself, Rishi Agastya forged a deep bond between Sanskrit and Tamil and compiled early Tamil grammar. This shared bond is evident in Tamil literature’s echoes of Sanskritic themes and shared Bhakti traditions, like the Alvars and Nayannars drawing inspiration from Kashi’s Shaiv and Vaishnav ethos.
Even 2300 years ago, the streets of Tamil Nadu’s towns and villages echoed with songs praising the ‘Nagari of Mahadev’.
It is said that the first Tamil Sangam was held in Madurai, the capital of the Pandya kings, and scholars such as Agastya, Shiva, and Murugavel participated in it. The second Sangam, which followed, was centred in Kapatapuram. According to Dr Vishudhanand Pathak, a former professor of Indian Oriental History at Banaras Hindu University, the Kapatapuram Sangam was the largest in history, bringing together scholars from both the north and south.
The Tamil language is so rich that there is mention of a grammar book named ‘Agatitayam Agastyam’ in this language; the period of its composition is before Christ.
The exchanges between Kashi and Thamizhagam extended beyond Dharma to encompass cultural influences and economic activities. Tamil scholars like Subramania Bharati studied in Kashi, while Tamil trading guilds flourished on the banks of the Ganga River. It is also said that around 40,000 Tamil people have settled in Kashi, and the holy city is home to various Tamil-style mutts and Shivalayas within Tamil homes.
Kashi is truly the spiritual centre of gravity for Sanatan Hindu Dharma, and the Kashi-Tamil Sangamam sends out a message to those dreaming of stirring linguistic and regional divisions to eradicate Sanatan Dharma, that in Dharma, Karma, and Moksha, language or regionality are no barriers for Hindus.
In a country like Bharat with a tapestry of over 1,600 languages and myriad regional customs, keeping the country united against divisive forces within and outside the nation is a Herculean task; however, the Hindu culture and civilisation serve as an invisible glue, embodying the idea of unity in diversity in its truest and practical sense. Vedas, Upanishads, Ramayan and Mahabharat or the Tamil Vedas, including the Nalaiyira Divyaprabandham (Vaishnav collection of hymns) and the Tevaram (Shaiv collection of hymns), transcend linguistic barriers and continue to intrigue and inspire Hindus.
Bharatnatyam in the south and Kathak in the north, the river Kaveri, which is also revered as the Ganga in the south and the Ganga River in the north, from dance, literature, to even rivers, Hindu civilisation truly unites the nation.
The Kashi-Tamil Sangamam serves as a great initiative to strengthen national unity and bridge gaps between the south and north, through Dharma, education and culture to make a truly “Shreshtha Bharat”.
The Reporters Without Borders (RSF) debate took a sudden turn in late 2025, when RSF included India’s Hindu nationalist news outlet OpIndia on its annual “Press Freedom Predators” list, alongside global corporate magnates such as Elon Musk and the Adani Group. Widespread discussion about RSF’s neutrality and political agendas was spurred by this controversial group. Many have seen the inclusion of OpIndia, a strong supporter of nationalist and sovereign narratives, as part of RSF’s larger plan to discredit Indian nationalist voices that oppose Western geopolitical objectives. This listing was the result of past RSF reports that portrayed nationalist elements as dangers to press freedom and critiqued India’s media environment under the current government.
The UK’s Telegraph newspaper noted how RSF’s story influenced how the world saw India’s democratic climate and press landscape, highlighting the strange coalition of different Indian media and corporate figures with worldwide criticism. This short research critically investigates the origins of this dispute by tracking RSF’s financing sources, which are mostly from Western government organisations and foundations connected to regime change, such as the US Congress-funded National Endowment for Democracy (NED), as well as its opaque methods. It also examines RSF’s connections to investigative organisations such as Bellingcat, which has been exposed as a CIA front, demonstrating a coordinated information ecosystem that pushes Western goals under the guise of press freedom advocacy. The study shows that RSF is not an unbiased custodian of free journalism, but rather a contentious actor in the worldwide ideological fight over India’s sovereignty and democratic narrative.
RSF: Image Vs ecosystem
The World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), which is frequently cited by Western governments, multilateral organizations, and legacy media, is published by RSF, which positions itself as an international NGO that defends press freedom worldwide. However, the Index relies on opaque, perception-based surveys with undisclosed respondents and undisclosed category-wise scoring, posing significant concerns regarding reproducibility and openness, as even India’s official policy think tank NITI Aayog has pointed out. Such an index, according to critics in India and elsewhere, runs the risk of turning into a geopolitical instrument rather than a neutral assessment when it is based on subjective expert questionnaires dominated by a limited ecosystem that faces the West.
In reality, RSF’s country narratives frequently reflect the talking points of Western human rights organisations and affiliated media, particularly when it comes to nations like India, Hungary, and others that are seen as “illiberal” or “nationalist.” While characterising Western structural problems like corporate consolidation, intelligence leaks, and surveillance scandals as minor anomalies in generally “free” contexts, RSF’s India country note consistently presents Hindu nationalism as the primary threat to journalism.
Funding: Western governments, NED and Regime change philanthropy
RSF receives substantial backing from Western governments and quasi-governmental democracy promotion organisations, according to its public statements and independent investigations. Research referenced in the OpIndia-CSDS document states that RSF has received funding from:
French government agencies, including the French Development Agency (AFD), the foreign ministry, the defense ministry, the interior ministry, the culture ministry, and the city of Bayeux.
The European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) of the European Commission.
Similar European aid organizations, such as the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA).
The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), which is funded by the US Congress, clearly identifies itself as an organization that promotes democracy and is primarily supported by the US government.
Large US foundations like the Ford Foundation, which has a lengthy and contentious history of supporting political action and lobbying in India, including organisations later charged with financial irregularities and anti-India campaigns, are also connected to RSF. According to investigative reporting cited in the OpIndia paper, RSF has consistently adopted tough positions against governments targeted by US-EU regime change initiatives, such as Venezuela, while showing support for US funded organisations and oligarch-owned opposition media in those nations.
This donor profile clearly places RSF within the well-known “democracy promotion” network. NGOs, media initiatives, indices, and lobbying campaigns that selectively highlight “authoritarianism” in regimes at odds with Western geopolitical preferences of which India is increasingly one are funded by Western governments and affiliated institutions.
Methodology and bias of the World Press Freedom Index
Three main problems with RSF’s Index opacity, subjectivity, and selective emphasis are the focus of several Indian and international criticisms.
Opacity: It is hard to audit how specific scores were created for India or compare them with similarly situated countries because RSF does not reveal question wise scores or the identities and institutional locations of its respondents.
Subjectivity: The Index is based on perception. ‘Experts’ complete surveys on subjects including “ownership pressure,” “hate campaigns,” and “self-censorship.” If this group of experts is overwhelmingly drawn from liberal-progressive, Western facing circles, their ideological preconceptions will inevitably influence the results, especially in opposition to conservative or nationalist regimes.
Selective Emphasis: Critics point out that while nations like India are severely penalized due to narrative-heavy accounts of “Hindu nationalist pressure” and social media trolling, Western democracies with severe structural issues concentrated media ownership, aggressive use of security laws, and intelligence collusion remain relatively high.
RSF’s methodology is inadequate as a policy benchmark due to “lack of a consensual definition of press freedom,” “very low sample size,” and “non-transparent weighting of parameters,” according to an Indian government discussion paper. As a result, OpIndia has referred to the Index as a “biased tool tailor-made to peddle the global Left’s narrative,” pointing out that while RSF’s own historical data indicates that India’s media environment declined throughout the Congress years, the discourse disproportionately attacks the Modi period.
RSF and India: Narrative Construction against nationalist politics
A predetermined template is frequently highlighted in RSF’s India fact sheets and press releases. “Hindu nationalist mobs,” “Modi supporters,” “Bhakts,” and the “right-wing ecosystem” are highlighted as the main dangers facing journalists. Violence against journalists from vernacular or nationalist backgrounds is mostly ignored in favour of occurrences and narratives that are reinforced by a particular clique of English-language liberal sites, many of whom are connected to Western foundations. Despite being irreconcilable with the image of nearly “captured media,” there is little recognition of structural variety in India’s media, thousands of journalists, hundreds of channels, and fiercely critical coverage of the Modi government on several major platforms.
The CSDS-Lokniti report on “Indian Media, Trends and Patterns,” which is featured in the OpIndia research, starts off by referencing RSF’s pessimistic depiction of Indian media freedom. It then uses this as a starting point to make the claim that the majority of journalists believe that media outlets support the ruling BJP. However, the survey’s findings, such as “85% of women journalists suffered mental health issues,” were drawn from a small sample of 206 journalists out of a nation of 1.4 billion. According to OpIndia’s critique, the global index denounces India, a domestic foreign funded think tank mentions the index, and the media then cites both as proof of democratic regression. This feedback loop is caused by the subjective narrative of RSF and the scant data of CSDS.
RSF describes OpIndia as a “Hindu nationalist website” that “smears journalists” critical of the government, portraying any objection to its technique or ideological leaning as part of an anti-press freedom effort. This is a classic rhetorical strategy in which those who challenge the index or its supporters are characterized as enemies of journalism, effectively closing the door on genuine methodological debate.
Bellingcat: OSINT, NED money and the intelligence shadow
Bellingcat, a Netherlands-based “open source investigations” collective lauded by Western media for its work on Russia, Syria, and other conflict theaters, is a crucial component of the network highlighted in the OpIndia-CSDS study.
According to public records, Bellingcat has received donations from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a US-Congress-funded organization specifically established to assist organizations that promote US interests overseas. Additionally, it gets funding from various Western government-affiliated institutions and benefactors, notably European and British sources. Even sympathetic sources acknowledge that such funding is frequently intended to promote studies that are in line with Western foreign policy interests, such as tracking army movements in Russia or charges of chemical weapons in Syria, which easily fit NATO narratives.
Therefore, critical observers characterize NED as a “front” for US foreign policy, established to do overtly what the CIA once did covertly, and Bellingcat as a component of this ecosystem, an NGO layer that amplifies and launders information flows favorable to Western strategic messaging rather than formal intelligence officers. Bellingcat has been directly accused by the Russian government and others of being a Western intelligence cutout, citing instances in which its “open source” conclusions coincidentally matched classified disclosures and biased attributions of culpability in disputed occurrences.
The Global Investigative Journalism Network (GIJN), OCCRP, Forbidden Stories, Internews, ICIJ, DRFLab, Freedom House, NED, and other organizations that receive funding from Western governments, Soros’s Open Society Foundations, Omidyar networks, Ford Foundation, and similar actors are all included in the OpIndia–CSDS paper. Foreign funded narratives can then be repackaged domestically under the guise of “independent investigative journalism” because many of them collaborate with Indian media outlets and activists who are steadfastly opposed to the Modi administration and Hindutva.
In this way, Bellingcat serves as a model for the larger ecosystem that RSF operates in. It is an officially recognized non-governmental organization, it is substantively in line with Western security and foreign policy agendas, and it is frequently referenced as an impartial source of information by the same Western media outlets who fund it.
RSF, Syrian media projects and narrativewarfare
The Syria case study in the OpIndia report demonstrates how RSF type organisations work closely with Western states in active conflict areas. According to documentation, Canal France International (CFI), a French media-support organisation backed by the French foreign ministry, provides funding for Radio Rozana, a Syrian channel that RSF hailed as “independent.” The governments of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway provide funding for international media support. RSF itself funds alongside other Western donors.
Simultaneously, Radio Rozana collaborated with the “Syriaza” narrative project of Ara Pacis Initiative, which was specifically funded by the Italian foreign ministry and operated under the strong support of the Italian government and presidency. Building “narratives” and “storytelling” to influence public opinion in and about Syria is mentioned in the project’s own materials.
When taken as a whole, this demonstrates a model. Western governments finance media outlets via middlemen like RSF and CFI, then sponsor content and “capacity building” for journalists whose work supports a specific interpretation of the conflict, typically one in which the targeted government is an inhumane authoritarian and Western-backed opposition forces are democrats. When the same RSF then declares “press freedom” in those countries, it is basically evaluating an information battlefield that its own donors contributed to.
The India-focused network: CSDS, KAS, RSF, GIJN and beyond
The OpIndia research places RSF in the context of a dense network of India facing institutions that share funding, partners, and ideological lines.
The paper states that CSDS and its Lokniti program, a Delhi think tank, systematically amplify narratives of “Hindu majoritarianism,” Dalit-Muslim hyphenation, and caste divisions, frequently in collaboration with Western organizations and donors connected to the government.
Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) is a German foundation that is “politically affiliated” with the CDU. It is almost exclusively sponsored by German public funds and has contributed over ₹2.6 crore to CSDS since 2016. It also operates a special “Media Programme Asia” that focuses on youth and investigative journalism.
Important sponsors of the “Uncovering Asia” investigative journalism conference were GIJN, OCCRP, Ford Foundation, Open Society Foundations, Oak Foundation, and others. Among the Indian attendees were individuals and media outlets who have constantly criticized the Modi government and Hindutva.
According to the study, RSF is a good fit for this web. International investigative networks cross-promote each other’s work while utilizing the same pool of international donors, CSDS references RSF on the fall of Indian media, and RSF depends on narratives from Western-funded Indian outlets. This creates a closed epistemic circuit wherein Western-funded organizations create the questionnaire, provide the tales, analyze the data, and then give each other rankings and rewards that are used as weapons in both domestic political discussions and international diplomacy.
Narrative impact: Delegitimising nationalist India
The issue is not that RSF criticises India, rather, it actively undermines a democratically elected government by reducing intricate media ecosystems to a morality play between “brave liberal journalists” and “authoritarian Hindu nationalists.”
It ignores or minimizes threats and acts of violence against journalists who are thought to be nationalist, pro-Hindutva, or critical of global liberal narratives.
Also is reinforced by the same Western media that promote unfavorable coverage of India on topics such as farm laws, CAA, Kashmir, and alleged “minority persecution,” frequently citing RSF, Freedom House, and comparable indices as objective indicators of “democratic backsliding.”
This is not merely a discussion, as the OpIndia–CSDS report highlights. When indices show India slipping into authoritarianism, it becomes simpler to justify:
Increased foreign funding for activist networks and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) opposing Indian laws and policies.
In international forums, diplomatic pressure and “naming and shaming”.
Deliberate attempts to undermine India’s international image, particularly when New Delhi challenges Western stances on Russia, China, the climate, or trade or claims strategic autonomy in relation to the US EU alliance.
To put it another way, RSF’s coverage of India is de facto a geopolitical tool in the larger struggle over how India’s rise is portrayed as either an illiberal, majoritarian state in constant need of Western guidance and “civil society correction” or as a pluralist, civilizational democracy finding its own path.
Conclusion
When the strands are combined, a distinct pattern appears. Western state institutions and US-style democracy-promoting organizations like NED and sizable foundations connected to regime change provide the majority of RSF’s funding. Despite being advertised as an impartial worldwide standard, its flagship World Press Freedom Index is perception-based, opaque, and fundamentally susceptible to ideological prejudice. RSF largely relies on Western funded, left liberal media ecosystems to propagate a biased narrative in India that highlights Hindu nationalism as the main threat. The OpIndia–CSDS study places RSF in a broader network that encompasses CSDS, KAS, IDRC, Soros affiliated foundations, and Indian activist or journalist circles. All of these organizations are working toward the same goal, which is the consistent production of unfavorable narratives regarding Hindu identity, Indian democracy, and nationalist politics.
Therefore, from a nationalist Indian perspective, RSF is less of an unbiased guardian of press freedom and more of a crucial component of a transnational narrative apparatus whose resources, partnerships, and products continually work against India’s elected government and civilizational self-assertion. When India is ritualistically devalued in indices defined in far-off Western capitals, a truly sovereign response necessitates rigorous examination of who pays the scoreboard, who crafts the questions, and whose strategic interests are ultimately served.
In a move that could reshape India’s mobile security landscape, the Ministry of Communications has directed major smartphone manufacturers, including Apple, Samsung, Xiaomi, Vivo and Oppo, to pre-install the government-owned cybersecurity app Sanchar Saathi on all new devices sold in the country.
According to a Reuters report, companies have been given 90 days to comply with the directive. The order, which was sent privately to phone makers rather than issued publicly, also requires manufacturers to roll out software updates to install the app on devices already in the supply chain.
The directive has sparked immediate concern within the industry, particularly from Apple, which traditionally resists pre-installation of non-Apple apps and has previously clashed with Indian regulators over similar demands. Shortly after reports claimed that smartphone manufactures were directed to have the app installed on every device without providing users with an option to disable it, the Indian government issued a clarification.
Union Minister for Communications Jyotiraditya Scindia said the app is optional and one can delete it if they don’t want it on their mobile phones. “… If you don’t want Sanchar Sathi, you can delete it. It is optional… It is our duty to introduce this app to everyone. Keeping it in their devices or not, is upto the user…,” Scindia said.
#WATCH | Delhi | "… If you don't want Sanchar Sathi, you can delete it. It is optional… It is our duty to introduce this app to everyone. Keeping it in their devices or not, is upto the user…," says Union Minister for Communications Jyotiraditya Scindia. pic.twitter.com/iXzxzfrQxt
While the decision is expected to trigger debates around privacy, compliance and user rights, the government argues that the decision is necessary to counter rising cyber threats, mobile fraud and misuse of telecom infrastructure. To understand the significance of this move, it is essential to examine what Sanchar Saathi does, how it works and why India considers it a core component of its telecom security strategy.
What is Sanchar Saathi?
Sanchar Saathi began as a web portal launched by the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) in May 2023. In January 2024, the government expanded its reach by introducing the Sanchar Saathi mobile app for Android and iOS, transforming it into a comprehensive public tool against mobile-related crimes. At its heart, the app is designed to help users protect themselves from mobile theft, fraud and identity misuse.
Screenshot of Santhar Saathi app
One of the app’s primary capabilities is enabling users to block lost or stolen mobile phones. When a device is reported through Sanchar Saathi, telecom operators across India are instructed to block its IMEI number, which disables the phone on all networks. If someone attempts to use the blocked phone anywhere in the country, law enforcement agencies can trace its location. This mechanism severely restricts the resale of stolen devices and helps police crack theft networks.
Sanchar Saathi also includes a fraud-reporting feature called Chakshu. This facility allows users to report suspicious calls, phishing SMS, scam WhatsApp messages and fraudulent links. The reports help authorities identify high-risk numbers and patterns of criminal activity, enabling proactive blocking or investigation by telecom and law enforcement agencies.
Another valuable function of the app is the ability to verify all mobile numbers registered under an individual’s identity. Many users remain unaware of how many SIM cards have been issued in their name, often leading to cases of impersonation, SIM misuse or financial fraud. Sanchar Saathi displays these linked numbers and allows users to raise complaints against those they do not recognise, helping prevent identity theft or illicit use of their documents.
The app also assists users in verifying the authenticity of their mobile devices through the Know Your Mobile (KYM) feature. KYM enables users to check whether their handset’s IMEI is genuine, whether the device was reported stolen earlier or if it might be a counterfeit or cloned phone. This protects consumers from unknowingly purchasing blacklisted or illegally altered devices, especially from the grey market.
Why the government wants Sanchar Saathi pre-installed
The government’s mandate for pre-installing Sanchar Saathi stems from concerns over the growing threat posed by duplicate and spoofed IMEI numbers. The confidential order describes this as a “serious endangerment” to telecom cybersecurity. Criminal networks often clone or spoof IMEIs to evade tracking, commit fraud or resell stolen phones. This manipulation of a device’s identity undermines law enforcement efforts and enables large-scale telecom scams.
By ensuring Sanchar Saathi is present on every smartphone and cannot be disabled, the government aims to create a universal detection layer against IMEI tampering. A non-removable app guarantees that the system’s fraud-reporting and verification features remain active across all devices, strengthening India’s ability to monitor misuse and intervene quickly when needed.
The government’s confidence in mandating the app also stems from its track record. Since its launch, Sanchar Saathi has helped block more than 3.7 million stolen or lost phones and recover over 700,000 devices. October alone accounted for 50,000 recoveries. Additionally, the app has led to the termination of more than 30 million fraudulent mobile connections, demonstrating its impact on curbing widespread telecom misuse. With more than 5 million downloads already, the app has proven effective as a public-security tool in a country with over 1.2 billion mobile subscribers.
The push for pre-installation is also driven by the need to bolster national security and counter cybercrime. India has witnessed a sharp increase in online financial fraud, SIM-based scams, WhatsApp impersonation cases and international criminal syndicates operating via Indian telecom infrastructure. By integrating IMEI blocking, fraud reporting, number verification and device authenticity checks into a single ecosystem, the government hopes to create a centralised cyber-security grid capable of detecting suspicious patterns across networks in real time.
Another advantage of universal installation is improved coordination among telecom companies, law enforcement agencies and cybercrime units. Sanchar Saathi allows immediate sharing of device and fraud-related information, enabling faster investigation and quicker recovery of stolen phones. With the app present on all devices, authorities expect a more seamless and standardised reporting process.
Why smartphone companies are concerned
Despite its security potential, the directive has raised industry concerns. Apple, in particular, faces a direct policy conflict. The company’s global rules prohibit pre-installing third-party or government apps before sale, setting the stage for a possible standoff similar to its earlier clash with Indian regulators over the TRAI anti-spam app.
Privacy advocates have also flagged potential issues, arguing that a mandatory government app could raise fears of excessive data access, surveillance or overreach. Although the government asserts that Sanchar Saathi only collects essential information related to device identity, fraud reporting and IMEI verification, the challenge will be to maintain transparency and reassure users about data protection.
Sanchar Saathi represents one of India’s most ambitious efforts to secure its sprawling telecom ecosystem. Its success in reducing fraud and phone theft has convinced the government that universal deployment is necessary.
How smartphone companies respond in the coming months, and how the government balances security with user autonomy, will determine whether Sanchar Saathi becomes a widely accepted safeguard or a point of contention in India’s evolving digital landscape.
Note: The report was updated on 2 December 2026 with Union Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia’s statement.
The probe into the fatal blast near Delhi’s Red Fort on 10 November has now unraveled one of the most disturbing terror networks unearthed in recent years. What initially appeared to be an isolated car explosion killing at least 15 people and injuring about 2 dozen others has now unfolded into a detailed, multi-state terror plot linked to Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM).
As investigators dug deeper, the trail led back to mid-October, weeks before the attack, when posters praising JeM surfaced in a Srinagar neighbourhood. Those posters, which many then dismissed as routine propaganda, became the first big clue that helped piece together the chain of events behind the blast.
The bomber was later identified as Dr Umar Un Nabi, 36-year-old doctor-turned-terrorist from Pulwama who was employed with Al-Falah University in Faridabad. His role of a suicide bomber shocked the investigators, particularly when they found that at least three other members of the module were also doctors or medical interns at the same university.
Over the next few weeks, arrests, raids and forensic tests revealed how young, educated professionals had been radicalised and turned into a tightly coordinated terror cell that operated between Kashmir, Haryana and Delhi, and maintained links with foreign handlers in Afghanistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.
Prelude: Posters that sparked the investigation
October 18: The first indications of what would later become the Red Fort blast investigation cropped up in mid-October. On the night of 18th October, Jammu and Kashmir Police received information about posters pasted on the walls of houses in Nowgam, a middle-class neighbourhood on the outskirts of Srinagar. These posters were in Urdu and carried threats of imminent “spectacular attacks” on security forces and “outsiders” (non-locals) in Kashmir.
October 19: The next morning, the police came across the same posters again in the Bunpora Nowgam area. These posters openly praised the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) terror group and carried warnings that anyone “sheltering Indian predators” would face strict action. They were signed by a man identifying himself as Commander Hanzala Bhai, dated 17th October.
The posters might have been dismissed as another attempt at fearmongering, but their content and timing raised suspicion. The police filed an FIR under the Unlawful Activities Prevention) Act (UAPA) and started an investigation in detail. CCTV footage was scanned and three young men were picked up. Upon interrogation, they confessed to having put up the posters on the directions of a local cleric from Srinagar’s Chanpora area, Moulvi Irfan.
This interrogation marked the beginning of the unraveling of the larger network behind the Delhi blast.
Confronted with evidence, cleric Moulvi Irfan identified one of the main brains behind the poster campaign as Dr Adeel Ahmed Rather, a doctor from the south Kashmir district of Kulgam. A resident doctor at GMC Anantnag before shifting to Al-Falah Medical College in Faridabad, Rather was arrested in October.
October 30: Adeel disclosed during interrogation the name of another doctor in the network: Dr Muzammil Shakeel Ganai, a GMC Srinagar resident doctor who subsequently shifted to Al-Falah University. Muzammil was arrested on 30th October.
Muzammil’s confession proved to be a turning point. He led the police to another young doctor at Al-Falah University, namely Dr Umar Un Nabi-who would eventually prove to be the suicide bomber. Muzammil also confessed to keeping an illegal AK-47 rifle, which he claimed was kept in the car of his colleague, another doctor at Al-Falah University, Dr Shaheen Shahid.
Several leads that pointed to Faridabad resulted in coordination between the Jammu and Kashmir Police and Haryana Police in conducting a series of crucial raids in November.
Chain of events: From posters to blast
November 8: Based on the interrogation of Muzammil, the Jammu and Kashmir Police informed Haryana Police that weapons and explosives might be hidden in Faridabad. A search operation was launched inside the Al-Falah University campus and nearby areas like Dhauj and Khandawali.
The police recovered an AK-47 rifle, a pistol, 83 rounds, three rifle magazines, two pistol magazines, and seven live cartridges from a Swift car on campus. The vehicle was seized, and 12 crime branch teams were assigned to sweep the surrounding areas.
November 9: The breakthrough got bigger the next day when police recovered 358 kg of ready-to-use explosives stored in 12 suitcases inside a room in a building in Dhauj village. Timers, cutters, batteries, detonators, face masks, disguises and IED-making material were also recovered. A bomb squad collected the material and handed it over to the J&K Police.
Indeed, this confirmed that the group had been stockpiling explosives on a large scale and was preparing multiple attacks.
November 10: On the morning of 10th November, searches continued and led to the seizure of 2,553 kg of ammonium nitrate from the home of a man named Imam Ishtiyaq in Fatehpur Taga, Haryana. This chemical is widely used in IEDs.
Investigators noted that the material found in Dhauj was only “one step away” from becoming a complete bomb.
At 6:52 pm, the terror plot turned deadly.
A car exploded near Red Fort in Delhi’s Chandni Chowk area, killing at least 15 people. CCTV footage later showed that the bomber, Dr Umar Un Nabi, had travelled through multiple parts of Delhi earlier that day. He was last seen entering the Red Fort area moments before the explosion.
Initially, his body was too badly damaged to be identified. Only a DNA match from samples collected from his family in Pulwama confirmed that Umar was the suicide bomber.
Authorities also discovered that the blast car, a Hyundai i20, had been sold by a man named Sonu from Royal Car Dealers who was arrested on 12th November.
November 12: Intelligence reports suggested that a red Ford EcoSport carrying explosives might travel from Faridabad’s Khandawali village. Although the car was intercepted, no explosives were found initially. Forensic tests were ordered to detect residue.
Meanwhile, during interrogation, Dr Shaheen Shahid confessed that she and the other doctors had been collecting explosives for nearly two years and were planning attacks across India.
CCTV footage showed the i20 visiting multiple parts of Delhi, including Connaught Place, before heading to the Red Fort.
November 13: The Ford EcoSport was seized, and a man named Wasib from Dhauj was arrested. Wasib, who worked as a computer operator at Al-Falah University, had parked the EcoSport and was in touch with Umar before the attack.
A Brezza SUV belonging to Dr Shaheen was also seized. The National Security Guard (NSG) reached the campus for forensic testing, although no suspicious items were found in the Brezza.
DNA tests by this date had fully confirmed Umar’s identity as the suicide bomber.
November 14: Another suspect named Mustaqil, an MBBS graduate from China and an intern at Al-Falah University, was detained from Rajasthan’s Mewat. He was reportedly in touch with Umar.
On the same day, Umar’s house in Pulwama was demolished in a controlled explosion using an IED. This was done as part of the crackdown on the module.
VIDEO | Delhi terror blast: The residence of Dr Umar Nabi, accused in the Red Fort blast, has been demolished in Pulwama, Jammu and Kashmir.#Delhiblast#Pulwama#Terror
Investigators also traced the purchase of explosives to Basai Meo village in Nuh and surrounding regions, confirming that the entire blast was planned and executed using locally procured material.
November 15: The National Medical Commission cancelled the medical licences of four doctors linked to the terror plot, Dr Muzaffar Ahmad, Dr Adeel Rather, Dr Muzammil Shakeel and Dr Shaheen Saeed. Their names were removed from the national medical registers.
In view of the FIR registered under relevant Sections of the UAPA, the National Medical Commission has removed the names of:
• Dr. Muzaffar Ahmad (Reg. No. 14680/2017) • Dr. Adeel Ahmad Rather (Reg. No. 15892/2019) • Dr. Muzamil Shakeel (Reg. No. 15130/2018) • Dr. Shaheen… pic.twitter.com/SdPF8p1wkR
November 16: Dr Priyanka Sharma, a woman doctor from Haryana, was detained at GMC Anantnag for questioning as she was suspected to be connected with the “white-collar” terror network. Later that night, she was released after questioning. Her family confirms that she has returned home safely.
November 17: The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has arrested a Kashmiri assistant of Red fort bomber Dr Umar Un Nabi in its first arrest in the Delhi bomb investigation. According to the agency, Amir Rashid Ali was the registered owner of the Hyundai i20 that was used in the assault.
Investigations also reached Mhow in Madhya Pradesh, where Hamood Siddiqui, the younger brother of the Al-Falah University Chancellor, was arrested from Hyderabad.
November 18: Forensic reports revealed that Umar hid the bomb trigger in his shoe, making him a “shoe bomber.” Metal fragments from the shoe and traces of TATP (a high-power explosive) were recovered.
That same day, Jasir Bilal Wani, a technical aide to the terror module, was sent to judicial custody.
November 19: The Enforcement Directorate arrested Jawad Ahmed Siddiqui, the founder of the Al-Falah Group, for money laundering. His arrest came after searches at 25 locations.
Investigators also found over 70 radicalisation videos, including 12 recorded by Umar himself, which he had been sending to young recruits. Some targets were from Kashmir, while others were from Uttar Pradesh, Kerala and Karnataka.
November 20: The investigative agencies had identified three foreign handlers, Faisal Ishfaq Bhat, Hashim, and Dr Ukasha, operating from Afghanistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Bank accounts with more than ₹2 lakh were frozen, and financial trails were examined.
November 23: Investigators discovered that Muzammil had purchased a Russian rifle worth ₹5 lakh through a contact linked to Dr Shaheen. The rifle was later found in a locker belonging to Dr Adeel.
November 26: The NIA arrested Soyab, a resident of Dhauj, for sheltering Umar shortly before the blast and providing logistical support.
The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has arrested a Faridabad resident for harbouring terrorist Umar Un Nabi immediately before the Delhi terror bomb blast.
Soyab of Dhauj, Faridabad (Haryana) is the 7th accused to be arrested in the case. NIA investigations have revealed…
November 29: Delhi Police issued notices to all private hospitals seeking details of doctors who completed their MBBS in Pakistan, Bangladesh, UAE and China. This was done to prevent similar terror networks from forming within medical institutions.
December 1: The National Investigation Agency (NIA) conducted raids at several places in the districts of Pulwama, Shopian and Kulgam of Kashmir in relation to the Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terror module responsible for the car explosion near Delhi’s Red Fort.
A terror network hiding in plain sight
The Red Fort blast exposed something more than a terror strike; it revealed how a clutch of highly educated people, many working as doctors, established a deeply entrenched network across Kashmir, Haryana and Delhi. The poster incident in mid-October turned out to be the thread that guided investigators through weapons caches, massive explosive stockpiles, foreign handlers, financial trails and ideological radicalisation.
The NIA has so far arrested 7 terror suspects in connection with the Red Fort blast, namely Dr Muzammil Shakeel Ganai of Pulwama, Dr Adeel Ahmed Rather of Anantnag, Mufti Irfan Ahmad Wagay of Shopian, all residents of Jammu and Kashmir, and Dr Shaheen Saeed of Lucknow in UP, Amir Rashid Ali, in whose name the car used in the blast was registered, Jasir Bilal Wani alias Danish, who had provided technical assistance to the terrorist involved in the attack, Soyab of Dhauj who provided shelter to terrorist Umar Un Nabi shortly before the November 10th blast near Red Fort in Delhi. Out of all the terror suspects arrested in connection with the case, three are doctors.
Not too long ago, a group of Urban Naxals staged ‘anti-pollution’ protests in New Delhi wherein they raised banners and slogans in support of slain Naxal terrorist Madvi Hidma. These pro-Naxal protests were spearheaded by left-leaning student organisations Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (bsCEM) and The Himkhand.
OpIndia reported earlier that bsCEM is one of the 40+ organisations that formed a collective called “Campaign Against State Repression” or CASR. Among those who participated in or supported the pro-Naxal protests was Saurav Das, a self-declared ‘investigative journalist’.
Saurav Das, who often writes propaganda pieces on notorious leftist media outlets like The Caravan, Article 14, The Wire, and The Hindu’s Frontline, among others.
On 25th November, Saurav Das published an X post supporting ‘kids’ who raised ‘Tum Kitne Hidma Maaroge, Har Ghar Se Hidma Niklega’ slogans similar to those raised by the infamous ‘Azadi’ gang for terrorist Afzal Guru, as “kids”. He also criticised the police for the national security charges against Urban Naxals for using pollution protests as a ruse to stage pro-Naxal agitation.
“High-handed action. Can nation’s security be threatened by a couple of kids sloganeering? Must give it to Indian police for frivolizing such serious provisions,” he wrote.
Das is also supporting another Congress’s student wing, NSUI-backed anti-pollution protest scheduled to be held on 3rd December. It remains to be seen if this protest will be a genuine anti-pollution demonstration or yet another pro-Naxal gimmick.
Source: X
Saurav Das wrote a hit piece against former CJI DY Chandrachud
Left liberals have a knack for lionising anyone who slanders the Modi government or whoever they deem ideological detractors, before turning on them for perceived ‘deviations’. Former Chief Justice of India (CJI) DY Chandrachud, whose perception arc went from being a blue-eyed liberal hero to a sophisticated subscriber of ‘Hindu right-wing ideology’. When Chandrachud retired, the same liberal lobby that once hailed him a hero came out to slander him.
Last year, Saurav Das also jumped on the bandwagon and wrote a hit job against the former CJI in the leftist propaganda outlet, The Caravan. The article titled “Performative Justice: The equivocations of DY Chandrachud”, relied primarily on anonymous sources to reach the same conclusion. To lend credence to the elaborate ‘character sketch’ of the outgoing CJI, 2 alleged Supreme Court judges and their supposed comments were also incorporated.
In an attempt to draw a ‘character sketch’ of ex-CJI Chandrachud, Saurav Das ended up writing a long rant, rather, a complaint letter. As Chandrachud attended Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Ganesh Chaturthi pooja last year, Saurav Das framed it as a ‘betrayal’ of constitutional ethos and evidence of India’s slide towards ‘Hindu Rashtra’.
Das further lamented how the left-liberal ecosystem expected former CJIs and outgoing DY Chandrachud to toe their line but was let down by their verdict. The Caravan columnist alluded that DY Chandrachud facilitated judgments in favour of the Centre by handling cases to ‘pro-Modi’ Judges. He further suggested that the outgoing CJI got an easy entry to the Supreme Court owing to nepotism and engaged in ‘bench-fixing’ by handling important cases to judges not aligned with its ideology.
In his article, Saurav Das also cried hoarse over the Ram Janmabhoomi verdict of 2019 and the decision to kick open the Gyanvapi mosque to the Archaeological Survey of India and the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid’s prolonged incarceration.
Saurav Das’s earlier hit job on Justice Bela Trivedi
Before Saurav Das launched his hit job on former CJI DY Chandrachud, he had already test-fired the formula on Justice Bela M Trivedi through a December 2023 piece on the propaganda website Article 14. The piece was dressed up as a “roster investigation” in which he claimed that eight politically sensitive cases, including Umar Khalid’s bail, UAPA challenges, DK Shivakumar’s disproportionate assets case, Chandrababu Naidu’s skill-development matter and others, were “moved” to Justice Trivedi in violation of Supreme Court convention.
Source: Article 14
Routine administrative listing under the CJI’s roster powers was projected as a conspiracy, aided by insinuations about her past service in the Gujarat government to suggest she was somehow aligned with the ruling establishment. Das relied on selective quotes from the usual left-liberal voices to manufacture concern, weaponised technical rules like “first coram” and “similar matters” while conveniently ignoring that these rules operate under the CJI’s overriding administrative authority and framed normal case-tagging as a crisis of judicial independence.
His intention was clear. Saurav Das wanted to delegitimise the judge in advance so that any adverse order against the Islamo-leftist ecosystem could be dismissed as compromised. This hit job on Justice Trivedi set the narrative template that Das later recycled, with even greater hostility, against former CJI Chandrachud.
‘Independent journalist’ Saurav Das received dubious funding from the Thakur Family Foundation
Unsurprisingly, Saurav Das is not an ‘independent’ journalist as he claimed to be. Das received grants from the controversial Thakur Family Foundation in 2021. As per the information published on the Foundation’s website, Das received a grant “to report issues related to public health in India.”
However, despite receiving funding for reporting on issues related to public healthcare, Das wrote articles targeting the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh and peddled propaganda on the Pegasus spyware.
The TFF’s website included links to two of Das’ works, one of which is apparently removed, and the other is an article published in Article 14, about the Pegasus spyware controversy.
Not to forget, the opposition parties and their supportive ecosystem had made a huge hue and cry over the Israeli spyware allegedly being used by the Modi government to snoop on opposition leaders; however, the Supreme Court-appointed committee concluded that the Israeli spyware was not found in the 29 mobile phones it examined.
Source: Thakur Foundation
Saurav Das also received another grant under the ‘public health’ category from the Thakur Family Foundation in 2023.
Source: Thakur Foundation
Notably, the Thakur Family Foundation Inc. is a United States 501 (c)(3) organisation founded by Dinesh Thakur. It claims to work in the areas of public health and civil liberties. Based in St. Petersburg, Florida, the Foundation invests in capacity building for an empowered society through participative, socially-just governance. The so-called public health activist, Dinesh Thakur, has been allegedly targeting the Indian pharmaceutical sector for years, spreading and amplifying negative news about the industry.
Interestingly, the Thakur Family Foundation also funds the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), a so-called electoral reform NGO that also received funding from known Modi detractor and regime change specialist George Soros. The Thakur Family Foundation also funds The Wire, the propaganda portal that has been forced to remove fake stories against the BJP and the Modi government after they were exposed. It also backs The Caravan, the ultra-left portal Saurav Das often writes propaganda pieces for. The Foundation further funds several journalists who have written multiple negative stories on India, particularly on the handling of COVID-19.
Saurav Das supported Pakistan-linked anti-Hindu X handle ‘Hindutva Watch’
Saurav Das’s outrageous activities are not confined to peddling anti-India propaganda and supporting Naxals but extend to backing Pakistan-linked anti-Hindu propagandists. In 2024, when the Indian government banned the X handle ‘Hindutva Watch’, Saurav Das came out in its support, and asked if the X handle was targeted because “they document cases of hate speech and how the far right in India is posing a threat to a secular, peaceful society?”
Source: X
However, Saurav Das did not mention that the Hindutva Watch handle was operated by a man named Raqib Hameed Naik and had direct links with Pakistan’s ruling party, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Naik was reportedly found to have links with one Sardar Adil Kayani, the same man who ran PML-N’s propaganda in Pakistan.
The account was withheld in India after gaining notoriety for its lopsided coverage of events in India, including its practice of distorting facts and maligning Hindu leaders who unabashedly wear their Hindu identity on their sleeves, most notably leaders such as T Raja Singh, Kajal Hindustani, and several others who have been championing the cause of Hindus.
In 2023, the Maharashtra Police filed an FIR against ‘Hindutva Watch’ for spreading fake news and attempting to incite riots during the violence that erupted in Kolhapur city over controversial social media stories hailing Islamic tyrants like Aurangzeb and Tipu Sultan when the state celebrated the 350th Rajyabhishek Day of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.
The account often used ambiguous expressions such as “extreme hate speech” without bothering to explain how spitting facts is the dissemination of hatred, was routinely quoted by usual suspects, including ‘fact-checker’ Mohammed Zubair and members of the leftwing ecosystem, for whom projecting India in a bad light has been a constant exercise ever since PM Modi came to power in 2014 general elections.
Das also wrote an article for Article 14, another Thakur Family Foundation-funded propaganda outlet, accusing the Modi government of censoring critical voices, including journalists, foreign news reports, media websites and investigative documentaries like BBC’s anti-Modi documentary and ‘hate trackers’ like Hindutva Watch.
Source: Article 14
Saurav Das labelled the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots as ‘Hindutva game plan’
In February 2020, when Islamists and their leftist cheerleaders staged massive protests in Delhi against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and unleashed riots, Saurav Das dubbed the Islamist-orchestrated violence as ‘Hindutva game plan’.
“This is the new Hindutva gameplan. Raise militants through hatred. Order them to create violence and possibly kill the other non-violent group. Then when they clash, ask the pliable Police force to stand down. Then watch the show. Modi-Shah Model of New India,” he wrote.
Source: X
Saurav Das’s heart bleeds for Umar Khalid
No wonder, Saurav Das, who called the Islamist-orchestrated 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots a ‘Hindutva gameplan’, has consistently been supporting the accused mastermind of the riots, Umar Khalid.
In one of the many X posts supporting Umar Khalid, Das wrote, “Almost 1500 days since Umar Khalid was jailed. Many other political prisoners, too. The manner in which the judiciary is treating their cases deserves scrutiny. Accountability of judges is the need of the hour. The Members of Parliament need to step in.”
Source: X
Notably, Islamo-leftists have long been peddling propaganda that Umar Khalid is ‘a political prisoner’ who has been ‘unfairly incarcerated’ for the last five years, for voicing dissent and somehow for religious identity. However, contrary to the false narrative peddled by Islamo-leftists to garner support and sympathy for Umar Khalid, OpIndia has reported earlier that out of the 14 adjournments in 2023 and 2024, 7 delays and adjournments were sought by Umar Khalid himself.
It therefore becomes evident that the withdrawal was certainly not because of the famed “delay” in hearing. While the Islamo-leftist ecosystem continues to cry ‘injustice’, it is the alleged failed forum shopping attempts of the accused’s lawyer that have Khalid rotting in jail for so long.
In fact, former Chief Justice of India, DY Chandrachud, had also said earlier this year that the real problem lies in the mindset of some lawyers and political groups who want their cases heard only by certain judges. Highlighting what OpIndia has reported multiple times, the former CJI said that court records showed that Khalid’s legal team, led by Sibal, had sought at least seven adjournments before finally withdrawing the bail plea in February 2024, citing “a change in circumstances.”
Das has also been downplaying Umar Khalid’s role in planning and inciting the anti-Hindu riots in 2020, often by throwing shade on judges involved in hearing his case.
Source:X
Saurav Das backed Gulfisha Fatima
In addition to supporting Umar Khalid, Saurav Das has also backed Gulfisha Fatima, another accused in the Delhi Riots case. In one of the social media posts, Das highlighted the number of days she has been incarcerated.
While the Islamo-leftists often call Gulfisha Fatima a ‘political prisoner’ and hail her a hero, Fatima is no political prisoner but is accused of gathering around 300 women at Seelampur, Jafrabad and mobilising them to block the road at Jafrabad Metro Station during the Delhi riots in 2020. She is accused of inciting them to attack the police using chilli powder, stones, sticks and other dangerous articles, which were allegedly provided by Fatima and the co-accused persons.
Source: X
On directions of Umar Khalid, Gulfisha Fatima stockpiled red chilli powder, acid, bottles, and sticks, which were to be used when the planned riots began. The prosecution also alleged that Fatima, along with co-accused persons, organised violent protests against the CAA/NRC and, on 22nd February 2020, blocked the road under the Jafrabad Metro Station after instigating women to attack the Police. She was arrested by the Jafrabad Police in this case. She is also accused of involvement in receiving funds from the co-accused AAP councillor at that time, Tahir Hussain, for utilising them in the riots. The defence, however, contended that the allegations of Tahir Hussain giving money to Fatima for illegal purposes are “uncorroborated”.
Saurav Das’s meltdown over Ayodhya Ram Mandir
January 2024 came as a month marked by a huge civilisational and Dharmic victory for the Hindus as a 500-year-long battle of resistance and reclamation of the birthplace of Lord Ram in Ayodhya came to its end. While the Hindus rejoiced, Islamists and their docile leftist supporters cried ‘India’s social fabric ripped apart’, ‘collapse of democracy’, ‘not the India I grew up in’ and whatnot.
Saurav Das also expressed his thoughts. He asked Hindus not to look for “new temples” under every other mosque and advised against asking Muslims to “repay” for something that happened in the past, before chanting Jai Shri Ram. Das asked Hindus not to use history to destroy today’s social fabric; however, he did not advise Muslims, who are essentially the descendants of Hindus, who were forcibly converted to Islam, not to glorify Islamic tyrants and identify them as their ancestors.
Also, Hindus have not been on the quest of finding “new temples” underneath mosques. Be it the Ram Mandir, the Krishan Janmabhoomi in Mathura, Gyanvapi-Kashi Vishwanath in Varanasi or Harihar Mandir in Sambha, Hindus are seeking legal remedy only to reclaim temples which were destroyed and/or encroached upon by Islamic tyrants and later on, by Muslims.
Saurav Das against the prosecution of ‘finest intellectual’ Arundhati Roy
Islamo-leftists support and glorify even anti-national voices, as long as they subscribe to their core ideological principles. In June 2024, when the Delhi Lieutenant Governor Vinai Kumar Saxena granted permission to prosecute author Arundhati Roy under the stringent Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) for her provocative speech at a 2010 event, Saurav Das opposed it and said, ““Mother of Democracy” sanctioning prosecution against its finest intellectuals under a terrorism law. Shame.”
Source: X
Notably, in the 2010 event, alongside Arundhati Roy, Sheikh Showkat Hussain and late Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani, SAR Geelani (the anchor of the conference and a prime accused in the Parliament attack case), and Varavara Rao were also present.
It was alleged that Geelani and Arundhati Roy strongly asserted that Kashmir was never part of India, was forcibly occupied by the Indian Armed Forces, and that every effort should be made for the independence of Jammu and Kashmir from India.
Clearly, Saurav Das supports ‘finest intellectuals’ who seek to separate Kashmir from India.
Saurav Das hailed Naxal ideologue GN Saibaba a ‘hero’
In the past, Saurav Das has also extended support to GN Saibaba, a convicted Naxal ideologue. In one such post supporting Saibaba last year, Das wrote, “Unfortunately, no one. Saibaba has been a victim of a vindictive system that was determined to ensure he dies early. Yet, little did the system realise that his ideas, his resistance, his courage were immortal. They will be remembered for decades to come.”
Source: X
Notably, GN Saibaba, a professor of English in Ram Lal Anand College of the Delhi University, was sentenced to life imprisonment by a Gadhchiroli sessions court in 2017 for waging war against India for his Maoist links and involvement in anti-national activities. He was convicted under sections 13, 18, 20, 38 and 39 of the UAPA.
G N Saibaba was first arrested in May 2014 on charges of being a member of the banned CPI-Maoists plus providing logistics and carrying out recruitment for them. He was then provided bail for three months on 30th June 2015 in view of his worsening health. He was given bail again in August 2016, this time by the Supreme Court against the wishes of the Maharashtra Government, which thought freeing Saibaba would render him free to propagate his views and brainwash students.
Conclusion
Saurav Das is neither independent nor a journalist. He is simply a leftist propagandist pushing the Islamo-leftist agenda and backing anti-India elements in the name of fighting for the constitution, democracy, the social fabric of India, and whatnot.
The recent “anti-pollution” protests in Delhi have highlighted how the Urban Naxals have resorted to the exploitation of significant climate issues to advance their sinister agenda. Notably, Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (bsCEM) and The Himkhand were behind the demonstration, which not only showcased the glorification of the red terror, including the lionisation of commander Madvi Hidma, but also involved a grave assault on the police personnel.
Notably, bsCEM alongside over 40 similar outfits form “Campaign Against State Repression” (CASR), which is focused on venerating left-wing terrorism, while continually denouncing the Indian state and security agencies for their remarkable initiative to achieve a Naxal-free country by 31st March 2026.
The collective has consistently advocated for the release of the overground workers of the Maoists, the “protesters” who assaulted police officers in the national capital using chili spray, Khurram Parvej and Irfan Mehraj, who faced charges of financing terrorism in Kashmir, and Anuradha Bhasin, the managing editor of Kashmir Times. Notably, 14 AK-47 cartridges, several pistol rounds, and three grenade safety levers were uncovered in the office of the newspaper.
These individuals have been charged with serious offenses due to their heinous actions, however, CASR portrayed these cases as a “conspiracy” as it fundamentally supports every anti-India element under the guise of activism, human rights, and other dubious justifications.
Exalting Hidma and anti-India propaganda
As expected, the radical group also mourned the neutralisation of the dreaded Communist Party of India (Maoist) commander Hidma, referring to it as an “extra-judicial killing.” It also criticised “Operation Kagaar” as a tool of the “Brahmanical Hindutva Fascist Indian state,” and described Naxalism as “armed and unarmed mass movements resisting the corporate exploitation of natural resources and displacement in Central India.”
In addition to the misleading claims and the use of such blase terminology, CASR invoked law and order, ironically for the outlawed CPI(M), which neither acknowledges the Indian constitution nor its democracy and has taken up arms against the country. Moreover, the manner in which the violent “people’s governments” of the Maoists wield the power of the gun to oppress the locals and tribals, not only keeping them underdeveloped but also forcing them to live in fear, is well documented.
However, the shackles have at last been broken due to the efforts of the government and security forces. These areas and their residents are now being assimilated into the mainstream as the violent movement counts its last days, with several surrenders and the elimination of its fragile leadership. This significant development has profoundly disturbed these urban naxals, resulting in outrage.
Facilitating Islamists, unrelenting hostility towards India
Rejaz M Sheeba Sydeek, who not only condemned “Operation Sindoor” and actions against Naxalities but also shared visuals of himself with a firearm on social media, received support from CASR, which demanded an end to his incarceration. Similar sentiments were conveyed regarding Delhi University Professor Hany Babu (son of Kunhu Mohammad), who has been implicated in the Bheema Koregaon violence.
Support was also extended to the infamous “Nazariya: A Queer Feminist Resource Group,” which advertised a vulgar colouring book to students that featured images of naked women wearing dildos and engaged in extremely inappropriate sexual imagery.
When CASR is not shedding tears over the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) or the National Investigation Agency (NIA) and advocating for every entity engaged in actions or plots against the nation, it arranges programs for the same and offers platforms to Islamists such as Sharjeel Usmani and others under the pretext of “World Press Freedom Day.”
Another event was conducted to declare that universities were also under siege, with similar propaganda being disseminated to attack the government and promote leftist agendas.
CASR also persistently urged the center to retract “Operation Kagaar” and foster an environment suitable for peace negotiations with the banned CPI(M). Interestingly, it attempted to establish a false equivalence between a legitimate government and an illegal gun-toting group that has been responsible for multiple attacks on security forces, politicians, and civilians.
The cabal even sought to instruct the government to terminate all action and meet the demands of Naxals, accountable for immeasurable death and devastation, who have only been brought to submission due to the assertive policies.
Support for devious minds behind anti-Hindu Delhi riots and SDPI and more
Gulfisha Fatima, who has been consistently denied bail owing to her serious participation in the anti-Hindu Delhi riots, has also found an ally in CASR. She had received female demonstrators in Seelampur and Jafrabad and joined WhatsApp groups that planned how the riot plot would be implemented.
Gulfisha also started two of these groups to organise Muslim women and their kids for rallies that were intended to turn violent. Mehmood Paracha, Umar Khalid and Apoorvanand were among those who joined the agitations planned by Gulfisha close to Nadima Masjid and incited people with provocative statements.
CASR also supprted Moideen Kutty K, also known as MK Faizy, president of Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), which is the political wing of the banned Popular Front of India’s (PFI). He was booked under the provisions of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA).
“Investigation revealed that the office bearers, members and cadres of PFI, were conspiring and raising/collecting funds from within India and abroad through banking channels, Hawala, donations for committing and financing terrorist acts across India,” the Enforcement Directorate (ED) had disclosed.
The group also made a post regarding Khalid Saifi, another individual accused in the Delhi violence, who operated the “Shaheen Bagh control room” to instigate, organise and perpetuate the unrest. He even participated in the Shahen Bagh protests and coordinated meetings between Umar Khalid and Tahir Hussain, who is reportedly responsible for the murder of Intelligence Bureau (IB) officer Ankit Sharma.
bsCEM vandalised Delhi University’s walls with graffiti urging people not to cast ballots prior to last year’s general elections. They wrote, “Ek hi raasta Naxalbari” (the only way is Naxalbari), “Boycott elections, join new democracy,” and other slogans on the walls of Delhi University after which police took action against the offenders which was predictably denounced by CASR.
The outfit also demanded an end to the imprisonment of Sharjeel Imam, a significant conspirator in the Delhi riots, who sought to sever the Siliguri Corridor “chicken’s neck” from India, which would effectively balkanise the country.
CASR hosted another event to assist the Urban Naxals apprehended by the authorities for their involvement in anti-India activities and invited Safoora Zargar to speak at the event. She was charged under the UAPA for her part in the plot that resulted in the riots in Delhi.
Safoora was involved in a scheme to “destroy, destabilise and disintegrate the Government of India to compel it to withdraw the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the alleged National Register of Citizens,” according to the Delhi Police. She was granted bail by the Delhi High Court on humanitarian grounds in the June 2020 Delhi Riots case.
CASR also held a memorial gathering in honor of GN Saibaba. He was a professor of English at the University of Delhi, and was given a life sentence due to his ties to Maoists. He was later found not guilty and the Bombay High Court judge who delivered the ruling, Rohit B. Deo, left his position in 2023 for personal reasons.
A mass email drive regarding the key conspirator of the anti-Hindu Delhi riots of 2020, Umar Khalid, and other so-called “political prisoners” was also started by the organisation. His speeches, along with the meticulous pre-planning to execute the violence, have been the reason behind his constant incarceration.
It is important to note that the turmoil in Delhi was not just a premeditated conspiracy, but in fact, a regime change operation, as demonstrated by the prosecution in the Supreme Court, which even presented videos of Sharjeel as evidence.
Conclusion
This is just a small insight into the infamous activities of CASR. The group, which consists of Urban Naxals and various anti-Hindu factions, has extended support to every individual from Kashmir to Kerala who has been accused of serious crimes against the Republic of India.
Likewise, its previous account also provided a glimpse into the dubious propaganda, showcasing foreign individuals attempting to interfere in India’s internal matters and even peddling false narratives concerning Kashmir.
Hence, it is not surprising that bsCEM took to the streets to “protest” the rising pollution in the national capital but soon began to commend Hidma and the oppressive Naxal authority in the red corridor regions. Their goal is to impose their warped ideology while trying to present it as a viable alternative to democracy.
CASR’s campaign to represent the accused, who are confronted with serious charges, as victims of a ruthless state and conceal their dreadful offences to generate sympathy in the public’s perception, while also appealing to international audiences.
CASR essentially cries victimhood in the name of journalists, social activists, and others who, in fact, attempt to undermine the Constitution, laws and democratic institutions of the country, support Maoist movements and jihadis. It desires India to submit to every extremist movement, otherwise, it will be branded as “fascist”.
Media and social media are abuzz with alarmist headlines, claiming that a major part of India is now a great risk of massive earthquakes and that crores of people might die. Some videos and social media posts are making it sound as if the Himalayas are suddenly going to blow up beneath our feet and over our heads, swallowing the north and north-eastern India and killing the majority of the Indian population that lives in the foothills of the mountain range and the plains of the rivers that originate from it.
The reality, however, is slightly less dramatic.
On November 28, India released an updated, new seismic zonation map, as part of the revised Earthquake Design Code, by the Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS). The new map places the entire Himalayan region under Zone VI, the highest risk zone, for the first time. This also means that around 75% of the Indian population now lives in seismically active zones, and 61% of India’s landmass is now under seismic risk.
But even that is not as alarming as it sounds. Because, for Indonesia, almost the whole nation, 100% of their landmass is ‘seismically active’. They are literally sitting above the Ring of Fire. They had 2212 earthquakes in 2023 and 1872 in 2024. Every week, some volcano starts hissing and puffing, throwing lava around. They have around 130 active volcanoes and are happily living with them. The same is the case with Japan, and even China has 65% of its landmass that comes under the ‘seismically active’ classification.
However, the devil is in the details. The tectonic realities of the Indian subcontinent have been the same for millions of years. The news is that we are now changing how we classify our landmass as per seismic activity, using the latest scientific data and ensuring the best possible preparedness.
India’s seismic map was first drawn in 1962.
The new map marks a radical shift in India’s seismic hazard assessment because, now 61% of the nation comes under the moderate to high hazard zones. The new Zone VI now spans from Jammu & Kashmir in the west to Arunachal Pradesh in the east. Though it was well known that the Himalayan region is a generally seismically active zone, the previous classification divided this region into a mix of Zone IV and Zone V.
What is the classification, and what does Zone VI (highest risk) mean?
In the seismic zoning system, zones indicate the expected intensity of ground shaking during an earthquake, based on factors like peak ground acceleration (PGA). Higher risk zones demand stricter safety measures and design rules to minimise property damage and loss of life. Basically, this means more steel, and deeper foundations, apart from stricter planning standards in a larger area of the country.
The updated map takes into account major earthquakes that have occured in the larger region, like Nepal in 2015, and the Turkey-Syria earthquake in 2023. The updated design rules factor in geological aspects, like the Himalayan Frontal Thrust (HFT), locked fault segments accumulating stress for 200+ years, especially in the central Himalayas, and seismic gaps and the possibilities of ruptures spreading from central to outer regions.
The new map also automatically classifies boundary towns between seismic zones into a higher risk zone, contrary to the earlier system that depended on administrative borders.
The zone classification is as follows:
Seismic Zone
Hazard Level
Meaning
Regions (Typical Examples)
Zone II
Low
Light shaking expected
Central India, parts of South India, MP, Rajasthan
The new Zone VI classification means that the entire Himalayan region is capable of major earthquakes, with the magnitude of 8 and above on the Richter scale. The possibility of magnitude 9 events are also not ruled out in this zone.
The new seismic map zones, image via Vision IAS
New Earthquake Design Standard: What does it mean?
The Zone VI classification means new building and planning standards will have to be followed in these regions, confirming with the highest earthquake-resistance requirements in India’s building code (updated IS 1893).
1. All new constructions (houses, bridges, hospitals, schools) in Zone VI now must use enhanced designs, including higher ductility, better energy dissipation, and limits on structural displacement.
2. Stricter land-use rules in urban planning, like halting development on soft soils or near fault areas, and factoring in population density and earthquake vulnerability before executing constriction projects.
3. Disaster preparedness drills, audits and early warning systems will now be mandatory in states like Haryana, Punjab, Delhi-NCR, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, J&K, Sikkim, and parts of the Northeast, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh
4. Cost of building is going to increase as public infra like schools, bridges, dams, highways and airports will now need better designs and reinforcements that need costlier building materials and engineering oversight.
5. Critical infrastructure like schools and hospitals will now need to be made as per the strictest criteria of earthquake resistance, so that they remain safe and functional during earthquakes for better disaster management
Why is the Himalayan region seismically active?
The Himalayas are, geologically speaking, still forming. The Himalayas are one of the world’s most seismically active zones due to the ongoing tectonic collision forming the mountain range. The Himalayas are the result of the Indian Plate breaking off from the Supercontinent Gondwana and colliding with the Eurasian Plate, and that process is still happening for millions of years. The Indian Plate thrusts upwards to the Eurasian Plate and moves at a speed of around 5 cm/year.
Image via Nature.com
The contact zone between the two plates is a gigantic thrust fault system called the Main Himalayan Thrust (MHT). All that violence and turbulence is dissipated along a series of faults, spanning from Delhi to Tibet.
The problem is, most parts of the Himalayas have not ruptured in a major earthquake for 200–700 years, hence, scientists think that we better be prepared.
Why is this not a panic announcement, but rather a practical, scientific approach to earthquake preparedness
The words like ‘highest risk’, ‘crores of people under earthquake threat’, ‘entire Himalayan region under major earthquake risk’ etc circulating in the media may be nice clickbait headlines, but they are misleading. The new zone classifications are not a panic announcement, but it is the most honest, and updated reflection of risk India has ever published.
Himalaya have been our guardian for millennia. It is the reason for Monsoons, the ground of our civilisational foundation and the creator of our rivers, forests and plains. No matter what the media headlines scream, the mountain range is not going anywhere, and neither are the crores of people in India and Nepal that call the region their home. Earthquakes are a reality of the Earth because beneath the superficial tranquillity of the ground we walk on, the tectonic plates are moving over a lava-filled core, the instruments of the planet’s engine.
The updated map is a testimony of human preparedness, because better equipment, better monitoring and twenty-first-century knowledge has made us more capable of handling disasters.
A disturbing case of coercive conversion has surfaced in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh. A Hindu youth, identified as Shubham Goswami, was compelled to convert to Islam and adopt a Muslim identity as “Aman Khan” after he fell in love with a Muslim girl in 2022. Shubham has now stated that he wants to return to Hinduism and for that he has approached minister Vishwas Kailash Sarang during a public grievance event.
'लव जिहाद से पीड़ित' हिन्दू युवक की कराएंगे घर-वापसी…
Shubham narrated the harrowing experience of coercion, religious pressure and intimidation by the family of the Muslim girl with whom he had once been in a relationship. Speaking to the media, Sarang said that it was heartbreaking to listen to Shubham’s account. He assured that the state government would ensure that Shubham is allowed to reclaim his identity through a proper ghar wapsi. The minister said the case highlighted why it was important for the state to enact a law against forced religious conversions.
Shubham had not merely been pressured to convert but had been pushed to a point where his identity, social standing and mental well-being were systematically undermined. The family that targeted Shubham allegedly filed false cases against him, forced him to convert to Islam and even controlled how he presented himself in society.
OpIndia accessed related FIR and court documents in the case.
Forced to convert to Islam, sent to Jamaat and fed cow meat
On 20th November, Shubham reached Jahangirabad Police Station with two friends and submitted a complaint against Abdul Naim, his son Abdul Nadeem, and his wife Shama. Based on his complaint, an FIR has been registered under Sections 3(5) and 251(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and Sections 3 and 5 of the Madhya Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, 2021.
Source: Madhya Pradesh Police
In his complaint, Shubham said that he is a Hindu Brahmin and that he got into a relationship with a Muslim girl in late 2022. He said the relationship led to severe backlash from the girl’s family and they filed a case against him under charges of abduction and rape, including provisions of the POCSO Act.
As the case was registered under serious sections, he was arrested and remained behind bars for around four months. He was eventually released on bail but the criminal proceedings in the matter have continued and the next hearing in the matter is scheduled on 22nd December in Bhopal District Court.
He emphasised that even after he converted to Islam under their pressure and agreed to marry the girl, the POCSO case was never withdrawn and is still ongoing before the court in Bhopal.
How Shubham was coerced to convert to Islam
In the FIR, Shubham recounted that after his release from jail, his family wanted to marry him to a Hindu girl and preparations for the same began. However, Ilma contacted him and said he had ruined her life and must marry her. During one of his court appearances, he met her parents, Abdul Naim and Shama, who told him that the rape case would be withdrawn only if he permanently abandoned Hinduism and converted to Islam.
Source: Madhya Pradesh Police
Shubham resisted in the beginning but for the next two months, Naim and his son, Abdul Nadeem, repeatedly pressured him to convert. He eventually broke down and converted to Islam at Aam Wali Masjid in March 2023.
Following the conversion, he was immediately sent to a three-day jamaat in Raisen. After that, he was regularly instructed to attend prayers at the mosque and continue engaging in Islamic religious activities. When he asked the girl’s parents that now he should be allowed to get married to the girl, he was sent on a 130-day jamaat to Karnataka. Shubham was forced to eat cow meat during that period.
He stated that he spent almost three years living away from his family, in a Muslim locality, under the identity of Aman Khan. The emotional, social and economic distress he endured during this period left him mentally exhausted.
Accused refused to arrange marriage even after conversion, issued threats if he attempted to return to Hindu identity
Shubham stated that after he converted to Islam, he repeatedly requested the girl’s family to fulfil their promise of allowing him to marry her. Instead, they deferred the matter repeatedly and later told him that they would get him married to another Muslim woman. When he insisted that he would marry only the girl he was in a relationship with, the family began threatening him. He said they warned him that if he attempted to return to Hinduism or resumed contact with members of his community, they would kill him and his relatives.
Source: Madhya Pradesh Police
The pending case against Shubham was consistently used to pressure him, ensuring that he remained under their influence.
Court deny bail to accused family members of the girl
Following the FIR lodged against Naim, Nadeem and Shama, the trio were arrested and presented in the court. They were sent to judicial custody. A bail plea was submitted in Bhoppal District Court on their behalf which was rejected by Justice Pankaj Kumar Jain on 24th November 2025.
In its order, the court noted that the allegations against the accused were grave in nature. The material collected during the preliminary stage of investigation indicated a prima facie role of the accused in forcing Shubham to convert to Islam.
Source: Bhopal District Court
The court observed the case involved acts that, by their very nature, could impact social harmony, as the allegations related directly to religious coercion and threats issued to prevent Shubham from embracing Hinduism again. The judge held that the accusations, which included threats to kill Shubham and his family if he re-embraced Hinduism or interacted with members of his community, raised serious concerns that could not be lightly dismissed at the initial stage of the proceedings.
The judge observed that given the communal sensitivities involved, the case had the potential to disturb peace and social stability. It was further noted that the investigation was still underway and releasing the accused at this stage might lead to interference with witnesses or tampering with evidence. On these grounds, the court held that it was not appropriate to grant bail.
The exhausting three years
During the three-year period where Shubham lived as “Aman Khan”, he was stripped of his identity, community and stability. He lost his job, was left by his family and lived under constant fear that the case against him could be used again to target him. Shubham described living in a Muslim neighbourhood, attending mosques daily and being required to follow practices that he had not willingly chosen. With state machinery on his side, Shubham will soon re-embrace Hinduism and his true identity.
The steep 50% tariffs imposed by the United States from 27th August have forced India to find ‘Aapada mein avsar‘ (opportunity in crisis).
Several sectors that earlier depended heavily on the American market are now quickly redirecting their products to other regions. Items like shrimps, gems and jewellery, auto components, and electrical machinery have found many buyers in Asian and European countries.
A recent report from the Commerce and Industry Ministry shows that while exports to the US have fallen sharply across some categories, overall numbers have not collapsed because exporters are tapping new destinations.
Gems, Jewellery and Auto components find new buyers
One of the clearest examples of this shift can be seen in the gems and jewellery sector. Exports of these items to the US fell by a massive 76% in September compared to last year. Yet, overall gems and jewellery exports dropped only 1.5%. This was possible because shipments to the UAE increased 79%, to Hong Kong by 11%, and to Belgium by 8%.
A similar trend was visible in auto components. Exports to the US dipped 12% in September, but total auto component exports actually grew 8%. Germany, the UAE and Thailand picked up a large part of the redirected shipments, showing how Indian exporters are turning to multiple markets at once.
Marine products are seeing the strongest growth among all categories. Exports rose 25% in September and 11% in October. China, Japan, Thailand and the European Union accounted for most of this rise. Exporters say demand from these countries has helped them deal with the sudden slowdown from the US.
These trends strengthen the idea that India’s strong trade links with countries across Asia and Europe can reduce the immediate shock of losing access to the American market. However, this may not be true for all sectors.
Marine sector expands EU approvals
The government has been pushing for diversification, especially for products like marine items that already have good demand in many regions. Since the US tariffs were imposed, the number of Indian seafood units approved by the European Union has gone up by 25%. At least 102 additional units have now been allowed to supply to the EU, which is India’s second-largest seafood export market.
Image via The Indian Express
Before this, 502 Indian units were listed as eligible exporters to the EU. Many of the latest approvals had been pending for more than five years. Exporters say these new permissions will help increase shipments significantly.
Exporters asked not to slash prices
The government has also asked exporters to explore new markets like Russia. A senior official said around 25 fishery units in India may soon get approval to export to Russia as well. Authorities believe these diversification efforts are useful.
The Commerce Department has advised exporters not to reduce prices too sharply in the search for new buyers. Officials say that slashing prices may harm India’s long-term position in those markets.
Some US shipments are still taking place because buyers need temporary replacement stocks. But these orders are slowly being taken over by countries in East Asia and Central America. Indonesia and Ecuador, where US tariffs are lower at around 19% and 15%, have emerged as major gainers. Interestingly, both these countries have increased their prices too, which still keeps Indian goods competitive in some segments.
Tariffs in the EU may also come down from the current level of around 12% once the India–EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is finalised. This could boost India’s fishery exports to Europe by 20–25%. EU approval is considered an important quality benchmark, and once exporters crack that market, it often becomes easier to enter other regions too.
To support exporters, the government has announced assistance worth Rs 45,060 crore, including Rs 20,000 crore in credit guarantees for bank loans. A special support scheme announced in the Union Budget has also been put into operation.
Data shows diversification is helping
A recent report by SBI’s Ecowrap said India’s export diversification strategy is showing early signs of success. Between April and September this year, India’s total merchandise exports grew by 2.9%. Surprisingly, exports to the US also grew 13% during this period, although this may be because exporters rushed to ship goods before the tariffs took effect.
But by September, US-bound exports fell 12% year-on-year. At the same time, India’s exports to countries like the UAE, China, Vietnam, Japan, Hong Kong, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nigeria increased sharply. This suggests that many goods that once went to the US are now being routed elsewhere.
The report pointed out that the US is now importing many items from Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam, where shipments have risen as exports from India and China have dropped. Container shipments from India to the US fell 18.4% in October 2025 compared to the previous year, while China’s shipments declined 16.3%. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s shipments grew 10.1%, and Thailand and Vietnam grew around 3.6%.
Overall, India has managed to soften the blow of US tariffs by actively shipping goods to other countries. Many sectors, especially those with strong demand in Asia and Europe, have adjusted quickly.
