Home Blog Page 117

Canada: Federal Court rejects Sikh man’s asylum bid, finds no proof of persecution for being pro-Khalistan or homosexual

Anurag
-
0
Canada: Federal Court rejects Sikh man’s asylum bid, finds no proof of persecution for being pro-Khalistan or homosexual

On 20th November, a Canadian Federal Court dismissed the asylum plea of a Sikh man from Punjab who claimed he faced persecution in India because of alleged support for the Khalistan movement and his sexual orientation. The applicant has been identified as Gagandeep Singh from Jaito Sarja in Gurdaspur district of Punjab.

Justice Denis Gascon upheld an earlier decision of the Refugee Appeal Division that rejected Gagandeep’s claim and found that he had a safe internal flight alternative in Mumbai or New Delhi.

Claim of romance, police torture and Khalistan activism

In his plea, Gagandeep told the Canadian authorities that he was in a romantic relationship with a man who was the son of an influential Hindu family in Batala, Punjab. In the court documents, the Hindu man has been identified as “DS”. According to Gagandeep, DS’s father discovered the homosexual relationship in 2017 and beat him. Later, he used his influence with the Punjab Police to raid Gagandeep’s house, arrest him, torture him, and falsely brand him a Sikh militant.

Gagandeep further claimed that “radical Sikhs” assaulted him in December 2017 and called him a stain on the Sikh religion as he was indulging in homosexuality. Before flying to Canada, Gagandeep claimed to have fled to Jalandhar and then to Chandigarh to save himself from persecution. Once he arrived in Canada, he also claimed to have supported Khalistan referendums and feared that Indian authorities would target him as a pro Khalistan activist if he went back.

Refugee board finds story vague and delay unexplained

The Refugee Protection Division (RPD), however, found his testimony vague and unconvincing. The RPD held that Gagandeep failed to credibly establish that he was in a same sex relationship, or even that his relationship with DS was romantic in nature. The RPD noted that the answers he gave about DS and the relationship were vague and lacked detail outside what was written in his initial claim form.

On the law and order side, the RPD found that there was no evidence of persecution as he failed to provide any First Investigation Report that had been filed against him in Punjab or any proof that he was subjected to a genuine police investigation. The RPD further noted that he was able to leave India without difficulty and no charges were placed on record. The claims of links with Sikh militants were also implausible.

Gagandeep attempted to rely on pro Khalistan activities in Canada which also backfired. The RPD noted that he had not mentioned any such activities in his original paperwork, which drew a negative inference from that omission, and found that his understanding of the Khalistan movement was unreasonably shallow. His profile as a “genuine” Khalistan supporter was hence rejected.

Notably, Gagandeep went to Canada on a student visa. However, he did not pursue studies there. He stayed for 4.5 years, breaching the study permit, and did not enrol in any course after 2018. The RPD stated that the 4.5 year delay in claiming refugee protection seriously undermined his claim that he had been in fear from the moment he arrived in Canada.

Appeal body found no credible evidence of persecution

After the RPD rejected his refugee claims, Gagandeep filed an appeal in the Federal Court. The RPD issued a notice that it would examine whether Gagandeep had a viable internal flight alternative in Mumbai or New Delhi and whether state protection was available. Neither Gagandeep nor his counsel filed any submissions in response. The Federal Court described the actions on Gagandeep’s side as essentially fatal.

For the sake of argument, the appeal body assumed he was telling the truth about being a homosexual and even accepted he was a genuine pro Khalistan supporter in Canada. However, the appeal body concluded that DS’s family and local Punjab Police had neither the means nor the motivation to hunt him down in distant Indian metros.

Furthermore, the appeal body did not find any proof that his name had been entered into any national database. There were no arrest warrants or summons in his name and there was no indication that airport authorities would have flagged him as a security threat. It also relied on country documentation noting that same sex couples find greater acceptance in large cities such as Mumbai, where LGBTQ groups have been active for decades, and that sizeable Sikh communities exist across India, including in Mumbai and New Delhi.

Federal Court backs tribunal, flags weak asylum strategy

In the final judgment on 20th November, Justice Gascon held that Gagandeep’s challenge did not meet the threshold set out in the Supreme Court’s Vavilov framework. The court said that Gagandeep failed to make basic submissions on the internal flight issue when asked and could not introduce new evidence, including media reports and police statements etc.

The court found the Refugee Appeal Division’s reasoning to be coherent and anchored in the evidentiary record, noting that Singh had not shown that his alleged persecutors would be both able and motivated to pursue him in Mumbai or New Delhi, nor that relocation there would be unreasonable in his personal circumstances. Hence, his appeal was rejected.

The infamous ‘Khalistan card’ to seek asylum

In recent years, there have been several reports of Sikhs using the Khalistan card to get asylum in countries like the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and Australia. It has become an easy route to get citizenship in these countries as the regular path takes years with no guarantee. In such cases, even if these individuals have no link to the Khalistan movement, they claim that they fear the Indian authorities would persecute them for being pro Khalistani.

Recently, in September, a 73-year-old “granny”, Harjit Kaur, was deported to India after three decades. Kaur, who landed in the US in the 1990s, lived there undocumented for three decades. While mainstream media in India and the US painted her story as a tragedy, it was revealed that she tried to use the Khalistan card to seek asylum when she landed in the US with her two sons.

Harjit Kaur went to the US in the early 1990s with her two sons. In the US, she made an asylum claim to get citizenship. For almost a decade, she fought with the system in the US to get her application accepted but all the available legal remedies were exhausted by 2005 when a US court ordered her deportation. In 2012, another set of appeals was rejected, and she was bound to be sent back after illegally living in the US for around two decades.

It took US authorities another 13 years to deport Harjit Kaur, who is now 73. Her story must not be seen as some tragedy, but it is a classic case to examine how asylum processes are manipulated, immigrant burdens tolerated, and political narratives exploited.

In August, following the deadly Florida crash, accused Harjinder Singh was found to be an illegal immigrant who entered the US via the dunky route. Harjinder reportedly made an illegal U-turn on the Florida Turnpike leading to a minivan crashing into the truck and killing the passengers. Harjinder fled the scene and was later caught. Twenty eight year old Harjinder possibly used the “Khalistan card”, though there were no asylum documents available publicly, as he had claimed he might face persecution if deported to India. The belief got stronger by going through his TikTok account which connects him directly to Sikhs for Justice (SFJ). The connection was first discovered by an independent journalist who goes by “OnTheNewsBeat” on social media platform X. More details about the case can be read here.

Notably, tens of thousands of Punjabi youth have played the same trick. They apply for asylum by citing fear of persecution in India on religious or political grounds, even if they have no connection with separatist movements.

Former Sangrur MP Simranjit Singh Mann himself once boasted of issuing nearly 50,000 letters supporting such asylum pleas in exchange for money. These letters claimed that the applicants faced possible persecution in India as sympathisers of the Khalistan movement. For many, it was nothing more than a ticket to bypass the legal immigration process.

The fake asylum applications, especially those built on the ‘Khalistan card’, not only overshadow genuine cases of individuals facing real persecution but also damage India’s reputation on the global stage. When fabricated stories are used to exploit foreign systems, they undermine credible applicants, burden host countries, and strengthen organised networks that profit from such fraud.

RJD realises songs reminding people of Jungle Raj didn’t help in elections, issues legal notice to several pro-RJD singers over ‘unauthorised’ songs glorifying violence

OpIndia Staff
-
0
RJD realises songs reminding people of Jungle Raj didn’t help in elections, issues legal notice to several pro-RJD singers over ‘unauthorised’ songs glorifying violence

Ahead of Bihar assembly elections, several Bhojpuri singers had released songs in support of RJD, or such old song had resurfaced and went viral. While supporters releasing songs in favour of their political parties is no uncommon, what was striking was that these singers were hinting at return of jungle raj if RJD-Congress alliance wins the elections. After the crushing defeat in the elections, the RJD has now decided that these songs didn’t help the party.

As per reports, RJD has issued legal notice to such singers on the orders of Tejashwi Yadav, saying that the songs mentioned the name of the party and party leaders without authorisation. Reportedly, such legal notices have been issued to 32 singers from Bihar and other states, while other reports say that 12 Bhojpuri singers have been served the notices.

The legal notice asks the singers to provide proof that they had permission to use the name of RJD or RJD leaders. If they can’t furnish such evidence, FIR will be issued against them, the party threatens. Moreover, RJD will also file defamation suits against the singers, who are actually RJD supporters and released the songs in support of the party.

RJD spokesperson Priyanka Bharti said, “The RJD will send notices to all singers who have used party flags or party symbols, or taken the names of leaders without consulting the party leadership. Additionally, the RJD will send notices to those who have used leadership names to spread casteism or demean specific communities.”

However, Priyanka Bharti alleged that BJP was behind the resurfacing of the songs to defame RJD. She alleged that most of these singers have direct ties with BJP. She said that the songs defamed RJD and Tejaswhi Yadav, and sang negative songs about the Yadav community.

The songs contained violent and threatening lyrics, glorifying guns, kidnapping and violence, and promoted Yadav supremacy. While some songs threatened kidnapping after RJD wins, others offered people to become mafia dons. Such songs were released not only by RJD supporters, but also by RJD members. One such was actor and RJD candidate from Chhapra, Khesari Lal Yadav, who featured in a casteist song promoting ‘Yadav supremacy’.

During election rallies in Bihar, PM Modi mentioned this phenomenon of RJD playing songs about theft, pistols, and double-barrel guns in election rallies. In a rally in Bhabua, PM Modi had mentioned a song ‘Marab sixer ke, chah goli chati me’, talking about the ‘sixer of shooting six bullets in the chest’.

“This is their way. This is their plan,” PM Modi had said, adding that if anyone questions RJD, they will be shot at.

While a large number of such songs were released by several singers ahead of the elections, the list of singers who have been served legal notices by RJD is not known yet. However, one of them could be singer Tuntun Yadav, the singer of the song ‘Marab sixer ke’ mentioned by PM Modi in his speech. Although the song was released in 2022, it was widely used during the election campaign.

Tuntun Yadav acknowledged that his song is now being targeted by RJD, and said that if ‘his party’ wants, he is ready to delete the song. Talking to media, he said, “I never sang any song against the party. But if the government, if our party levels allegations against us, I will accept that willingly, and I will correct myself. If required I will delete my song. If I should not sing such song, I will not sing.”

Importantly, Tuntun Yadav identified RJD as ‘my party’, making it clear that he is a supporter or member of the party.

Some other singers who sang such Bhojpuri songs promoting RJD and violence include Deepak Raj Yadav, Gandhi Lal Yadav, Saurav Yadav, Gautam Yadav, Khushi Kakkar, Khushbu Raj and others.

RJD finally realises the songs reminded people of Jungle Raj?

The infamous ‘jungle raj’ of RJD and Lalu family ended in 2005, when Rabri Devi was defeated by Nitish Kumar’s JD(U). RJD leaders were perhaps hoping that people have forgotten the dark days of Bihar, and it was a good idea to entice the voters with lures of open use of guns, kidnapping and other forms of violence. The songs went viral on social media, were played on the streets and even in election rallies, which means RJD had no objection to them before the elections.

While the songs were not officially commissioned by RJD, they were made by the singers themselves, the fact that the songs were played at party gatherings, and party supporters had shared of the reels of songs extensively, ties the party closely with the songs.

However, by issuing the legal notices to singers after the defeat in the polls, the party has acknowledged that the songs hurt them. They have now realised that the songs remined people, including the Dalits and people from economically backward class, about the jungle raj, when kidnapping and looting was institutionalised during the days of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Yadav.

The party’s allegation these songs were actually planted by BJP to harm RJD does not stand, as most of the singers are self-declared supporters of RJD. Khesari Lal Yadav, who acted in such a song, was RJD candidate from Chhapra, while Tuntun Yadav referred to RJD as ‘my party’. Deepak Raj Yadav has made several songs glorifying RJD and the Lalu family. Similarly, almost all singers who made such songs sang in support of RJD. Official videos of many such songs also included the symbol of RJD, leaving no doubt about the political affiliations of people behind the songs.

Moreover, the fact remains that songs were played at gatherings of RJD workers, and were widely shared by RJD supporters on social media.

Proposed 131st Amendment sparks political storm in Punjab as parties oppose moving Chandigarh’s administration to centre, centre clarifies no final decision taken and it won’t change the UT’s governance

Shriti Sagar
-
0
Proposed 131st Amendment sparks political storm in Punjab as parties oppose moving Chandigarh’s administration to centre, centre clarifies no final decision taken and it won’t change the UT’s governance

A major political storm has broken out in Punjab after the Centre signalled that it plans to bring a constitutional amendment that could change how Chandigarh is governed. The state’s political parties including the rulling AAP have reacted sharply, accusing the Union government of trying to “weaken” Punjab’s claim over Chandigarh. The criticism is over the proposed 131st Amendment to the Constitution of India, which will bring the Union Territory of Chandigarh under the direct administration of the centrat govt.

The loudest criticism has come from Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, who said the move is an attack on Punjab’s rights. In a strongly worded post on X, he warned that Punjab “will not allow this conspiracy to succeed” and claimed that Chandigarh “belongs solely to Punjab” because the city was built on land taken from Punjab’s villages. He said his government would take all necessary steps to protect the state’s rights. He further said, “This amendment is against the interests of Punjab. We will not allow the conspiracy being hatched by the Central Government against Punjab to succeed. Chandigarh, built by razing our Punjab’s villages, belongs solely to Punjab. We will not let our right slip away just like that. For this, we will take whatever steps are necessary.”

Other leaders from both the Congress and Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) have also echoed similar concerns, calling the proposed amendment an attempt to reduce Punjab’s role in the administration of Chandigarh. Even the Punjab BJP, despite being the state unit of the ruling party at the Centre, has expressed discomfort and insisted that Punjab’s interests must be protected.

Centre lists the 131st Amendment bill for the Winter session

According to bulletins issued by both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, the Union government plans to introduce the 131st Amendment Bill, 2025, in the upcoming winter session of Parliament, which begins on 1st December.

This Bill proposes to bring Chandigarh under the ambit of Article 240 of the Constitution. Article 240 gives the President the power to make regulations for certain Union Territories that do not have legislative assemblies.

Article 240 applies to Union territories without legislatures. It says that when a body is created under Article 239A to function as a legislature for a Union territory (as is the case in Puducherry), the president shall not make any regulation with effect from the day of the first meeting of the legislature.

Right now, Chandigarh is jointly the capital of Punjab and Haryana, and unlike several other UTs, it does not have its own legislature. Its administrative structure is unique, the Punjab Governor also serves as the Administrator of Chandigarh. If the new amendment is passed, this arrangement is likely to change.

What the 131st Amendment bill seeks to do

The proposed amendment aims to include Chandigarh in Article 240 along with other UTs such as the Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Lakshadweep, Dadra & Nagar Haveli and Daman & Diu, and also Puducherry (when its Assembly is dissolved).

This change will give the President the legal authority to directly make laws and regulations for Chandigarh, without requiring the involvement of the Punjab Governor or any state machinery. Most importantly, it will open the door for appointing a separate independent Administrator or a Lieutenant Governor for Chandigarh, someone who will not automatically be the Governor of Punjab.

For Punjab’s political parties, this is the biggest concern. They believe that once Chandigarh gets its own independent Administrator, Punjab’s symbolic and historical claim over the city will weaken even further. Punjab has been demanding inclusion of Chandigarh, saying Haryana should be given a different capital. Now the parties in Punjab believe the amendment will weaken that demand.

Chandigarh’s administrative journey

After the state of Punjab was reorganised on 1st November 1966, two new states, Punjab and Haryana, were created, and Chandigarh became their shared capital.

At that time, Chandigarh had no direct administrative link with the Punjab Governor. The city was managed independently by its Chief Secretary. But this changed dramatically on 1st June, 1984. That year, the Centre altered the administrative structure and placed Chandigarh under the control of the Punjab Governor, who has since been functioning as the Administrator of the Union Territory.

This arrangement has continued for decades, even though the Centre attempted to change it once earlier. In August 2016, the government appointed former IAS officer K. J. Alphons as an independent Administrator of Chandigarh. 

The decision, however, faced widespread resistance. It was opposed not just by the Congress and AAP, but also by the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), which at that time was part of the NDA government at the Centre. Because of this strong pushback, the earlier system of the Punjab Governor holding the Administrator’s charge continued.

The latest move by the Centre comes just days after the Northern Zonal Council meeting in Faridabad, where Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann strongly reiterated Punjab’s claim over Chandigarh and demanded its immediate transfer to the state.

Political outrage across the state

Across Punjab’s political spectrum, parties have reacted sharply, saying the proposed amendment undermines Punjab’s constitutional and emotional claim over Chandigarh.

AAP leaders say the amendment directly attacks Punjab’s rights. Rajya Sabha MP Vikramjit Singh Sahney said that if the President begins making laws for Chandigarh and an independent Administrator is appointed, the city will be governed like other UTs such as Lakshadweep, which would dilute Punjab’s position.

He also said that Chandigarh has always been historically associated with Punjab. After Partition, when the old capital Lahore became part of Pakistan, Chandigarh was created as Punjab’s new capital. Even after Haryana was carved out in 1966, he said, the Centre had promised several times, under different accords, that Chandigarh would eventually become exclusively Punjab’s capital.

Punjab Congress president Amrinder Singh Raja Warring warned that “any attempt to snatch Chandigarh away from Punjab will have serious repercussions.” He urged Chief Minister Mann to act quickly and raise the issue with the Centre before any irreversible step is taken.

SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal called the proposed amendment “an assault on Punjab’s rights” and said it goes against the spirit of federalism. Badal also reminded that Punjabis have played a key role in the freedom struggle, in defending India’s borders, and in making India food-secure through the Green Revolution. According to him, reducing Punjab’s role in Chandigarh’s administration is akin to disrespecting that legacy.

In a surprising move, Punjab BJP president Sunil Jakhar also criticised the proposed amendment. He said Chandigarh is an “integral part of Punjab” and assured that the Punjab BJP stands with the state on this issue. He added that any confusion should be resolved only after discussions with the government and reassured people that “Punjab always comes first.”

However, Jakhar also added that no final decision has been taken, saying “Whatever confusion has arisen regarding Chandigarh will be resolved by discussing it with the government.” He added, “As a Punjabi myself, I assure you that for us, Punjab always comes first,” indicating that he will oppose the move.

Home Ministry issues clarification amid growing anger

As criticism intensified, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) issued an important clarification through a post on X. The statement said the proposal is only under consideration and no final decision has been taken.

The proposal in no way seeks to alter Chandigarh’s governance or administrative structure, nor does it aim to change the traditional arrangements between Chandigarh and the States of Punjab or Haryana. The Central Government has no intention of introducing any Bill to this effect in the upcoming Winter Session of Parliament.

Haryana: Kurukshetra sees 3,300+ dog bite incidents involving children between 2020 and July 2025; RTI reveals

Anurag
-
0
Haryana: Kurukshetra sees 3,300+ dog bite incidents involving children between 2020 and July 2025; RTI reveals

On 23rd November, OpIndia received a reply from District Civil Hospital, Kurukshetra, Haryana, in response to an RTI filed a few months ago. In the reply, disturbing details about the scale of child dog bite cases in the district came to the fore. According to the data provided by DCH Kurukshetra, 3,355 children have been bitten by dogs between 2020 and 31st July 2025. It highlights the grim reality of the stray dog menace in the country.

Rising child dog bite cases in Kurukshetra

The year-wise data on child dog bites is scary. In 2020, the district recorded 335 child dog bite cases. In 2021, there were 251 such cases reported. The lower number of dog bite cases might be due to COVID-19 restrictions imposed across the country. Schools were closed, children were not going out to play and were staying inside during that period.

Source: DCH Kurukshetra

By 2022, when the restrictions were lifted, the incidents of child dog bites saw a rise. In that year, there were 831 cases reported. In 2023, the number again fell to 387 but climbed in 2024 when 693 cases were reported.

The worst year so far is 2025. In just seven months, 858 children have already suffered dog bites, forming 9.62% of all recorded cases this year. Kurukshetra reported on average 120 child attacks per month and if the trend continued, the district could end 2025 with around 1,450 child victims, the highest recorded since 2020.

Kurukshetra’s overall dog bite burden compared to Haryana’s state-wide load

Notably, OpIndia received data from 2001 to 2025 for Kurukshetra. There have been a total of 70,109 dog bite cases in 25 years in the district. Between 2020 and 31st July 2025, Kurukshetra recorded 44,133 total dog bite cases. OpIndia recieved state-wise data in a seperate RTI. Details about it can be seen in this report.

In 2020, Haryana registered 1,04,111 dog bite cases despite ongoing COVID-19 restrictions. In Kurukshetra, the number of dog bite cases stood at 6,301 (6.05%) of the total state burden. In 2021, the state recorded 94,522 cases while Kurukshetra reported 4,844 (5.12%) cases.

Source: DCH Kurukshtra

In 2022, the numbers dramatically dropped to 35,836 in the state, pointing towards under-reporting or administrative changes. However, Kurukshetra continued to report a high number of dog bite cases and recorded 6,951 (19.38%) of the total state burden.

In 2023, Haryana reported 42,690 cases and the district reported 6,519 (15.27%) cases. In 2024, the state saw 60,415 dog bite cases and Kurukshetra alone reported 10,602 cases (17.54%) of the total state burden. In 2025, Haryana reported 48,792 dog bite cases and the district reported 8,916 (18.28%) cases till 31st July.

The broader crisis, Supreme Court case and resistance from self-styled dog lovers

These rising numbers are being reported at a time when the Supreme Court is hearing a suo motu case on the growing dog menace. The court has already ordered the removal of dogs from schools, colleges, hospitals, railway stations and bus stands.

However, despite the escalating attacks, particularly on minors, self-styled dog lovers and certain NGOs continue to resist even basic safety measures. These groups and individuals have been pushing a narrative that the dog bite data is fudged and the Supreme Court should withdraw the directions to remove dogs from public and private institutions. The ideological and emotion-driven narrative of these individuals and NGOs is whitewashing the scale of the stray dog menace in the country.

Families in India have been bearing the physical, financial and emotional burden of dog attacks for years. Anti-rabies injections, hospital visits, school interruptions and psychological trauma have become recurring realities for hundreds of children. However, these so-called activists are not stepping back from spreading the propaganda that the apex court, the central and state governments and those who are seeking safe streets are against animal welfare.

The 3,355 child victims of dog bites reported in Kurukshetra between 2020 and mid-2025 show the magnitude of the crisis. Without decisive action, the risk to children will continue to grow, and districts like Kurukshetra will remain vulnerable to the rising dog menace in the country.

OpIndia is doing a series on stray dog menace that can be checked here.

Amit in India talking about Dalit rights may turn out to be Abdul from Pakistan. X’s ‘account based in’ label is exposing foreign-run ‘Indian’ handles

Anurag
-
0
Amit in India talking about Dalit rights may turn out to be Abdul from Pakistan. X’s ‘account based in’ label is exposing foreign-run ‘Indian’ handles

On 22nd November, social media platform X rolled out a major update which is being described as one of the most significant changes in recent years, especially after billionaire Elon Musk took over. The platform now displays a country label for every user account across the world based on the device location and the app store it is connected to.

Source: X

The feature allows users to see where an account is based simply by clicking on the date the profile joined X. It will help users identify accounts used for propaganda or coordinated influence. Notably, there is also an option to hide the country of origin and show the region instead.

X claims that this switch will help accounts stay “anonymous” in regions where there are strict restrictions on speech on social media. In a post on X, platform’s Head of Product, Nikita Beir said, “And for those in countries where speech has penalties, we’ve included privacy toggles to only show your region.” While several users have embraced the feature, others have raised concern that the feature may lead to regional targeting or new forms of online abuse.

The information is visible once a user clicks on any profile’s date of joining the platform. For example, if the device location is “India”, it will show the country of origin as India. Also, if an account is connected via the Android Play Store based in India, it will show the information in “Connected via”. However, in case the account has been connected via VPN or proxy in the past, the location might not be accurate.

Source: X

Until now, anyone could claim any identity, geography or background and participate in political conversation without even the faintest disclosure of where the account originated. This opacity allowed anonymous networks and politically charged handles to enjoy protection while posting anti-India content. This protection has now become a feature of the past as anyone can check and verify if the user should have a say in political or regional discussions or not.

A feature that immediately exposes origins of political voices

The disclosure has made something very clear. Several accounts that have dominated Indian political discourse for years are not based in India at all. The same goes for other countries as well. The country label may not prove where someone physically lives today, but it shows where the account was set up or where its digital footprint was established. For a country that has long suspected foreign involvement in domestic narratives, the confirmation has opened fresh discussions.

In October this year, X’s Head of Product, Nikita Bier, explained the purpose behind the update. According to Bier, when someone reads content on X, they should be aware of the origin of the account so that they can judge the authenticity of the viewpoint being propagated by the account.

Alt News listed as ‘based in the United States’

Alt News is one of the most controversial accounts on social media in the context of India. While the company claims to be a fact-checking initiative, it is well known that the founders of Alt News, Mohammed Zubair and Pratik Sinha, are highly biased. Zubair has been caught multiple times posting fake news on social media and then quietly deleting it.

Source: X

Alt News has been central to many of India’s political flashpoints. The account’s information shows that it is “based in United States”. This revelation has caused debate on social media. Alt News has always presented itself as a rooted, homegrown Indian entity deeply embedded in the country’s political environment. Its criticism, activism and fact-checking claims are all framed as being local responses to local issues.

While the label might not be the actual location of the account, the disclosure weakens the claim that all domestic activism on the platform is truly domestic.

Regional labels and the art of selective ambiguity

Another account that caught the eye was “Indian Muslim Archieve” that has the handle “Rustum_0”. The account shows “South Asia” as origin and is known for posting misleading history content.

Source: X

Furthermore, several social media users claimed that the account “Nimo Yadav” showed “Account Based in South Asia” and posted screenshots. However, when OpIndia checked, it showed India. OpIndia could not verify of the screenshots shared by users were genuine or not.

Another propaganda account, The Dalit Voice, also shows that it is based in “South Asia”.

Source: X

The argument is simple. If someone is indeed based in India, why not simply choose India. The ability to pick a region is a legitimate privacy option, but it also becomes a tool for avoiding disclosure. In political conversations where authenticity and location matter, such selective ambiguity creates more suspicion than clarity.

Politically charged accounts comment on India but are based outside

The new feature has also brought attention to accounts that have played an outsized role in agitation narratives. The handle commonly known as Tractor2twitr_P, which frequently comments on Punjab, Sikh identity, farmers’ protests and alleged discrimination, shows “Account based in Australasia.”

Source: X

On profile, the account owner claims to be from Ludhiana.

Source: X

The account has repeatedly pushed anti-India content and encouraged agitation in Punjab. During farmer protests, there were many such accounts that were loudest online. A similar-sounding account, tractor2twitr, was withheld in India for its anti-India content during the protests. This specific account seems to be either run by the same set of people or at least share similar ideology and agenda.

Source: X

The account has been extensively publushing narrative-setting posts about Panjab University protest.

Source: X

Another fine example is of X handle “haraappan” which regularly pushes North vs South narrative, talks about caste and more. According to X’s new ‘account based in’ feature, the handle originated in Bangladesh.

Source: X

Several other handles that push North vs South narrative turned out to be based in Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States.

Source: X

The curious case of ‘Diya’ and ‘Yashita’ from Pakistan

Yet another case is of “Diya Sharma” and “Yashita Nagpal” that turned out to be Pakistani accounts.

Source: X

Both accounts were seen promoting Congress’s narrative.

Source: X

Furthermore, they were interacting with each other and reposting each other’s posts on X.

Source: X

Shaping discourse from thousands of kilometres away

The conversation is now shifting towards legitimacy and accountability. When an account positions itself as a participant in Indian social or political life but turns out to be based abroad, users naturally reassess its credibility. Online narratives about caste conflicts, communal tensions, Punjab issues and political grievances have often been driven by people who remain completely outside the Indian environment. Their distance from the consequences of their messaging gives them a freedom that domestic voices simply do not have.

The new labels give the audience a tool to distinguish between those who truly reflect ground realities and those who speak from another continent while projecting themselves as local witnesses.

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) IT Cell Chief Amit Malviya pointed out how large number of pro-Congress, anti-Hindu and divisive caste-based handles are not even operating from India. In a post on X, he said, “After X enabled location details, an interesting pattern has emerged. A large number of pro-Congress, anti-Hindu, and divisive caste-based handles are not even operating from India. Many are being run from Pakistan, Bangladesh, and other parts of Asia and the world. Almost all of them have changed their usernames multiple times to mask their identity. What does this show? A coordinated global operation to influence India’s social discourse, spread misinformation, and deepen internal divisions. This conspiracy against India now stands exposed.”

Source: X

Raising the question of why so many hide their location

The emergence of region-level labels has created a new form of curiosity. Not every foreign-based handle is suspicious. Many Indians live abroad and engage with events back home. The concern arises only when politically aggressive accounts, which often act as catalysts during tense situations, choose to hide their origins or mask them through vague region labels. If transparency were harmless to their influence, they would not avoid revealing their actual country.

This leads to reasonable questions about coordination, funding and deliberate interference. It also raises a broader issue. Who benefits when misinformation or agitation is powered by voices outside the country, especially during moments of crisis.

A feature that inadvertently vindicates the government

The Indian government had said at the time that many handles amplifying the protest were operated from abroad. These warnings were dismissed by activists and commentators. The new country labels now give credibility to what the government had insisted all along. Pro-farmer protest individuals and groups claimed that the accounts were purely organic voices from Punjab and other regions. The new country labels now confirm that at least some prominent agitation-related accounts were not in India at all. For the first time, a platform itself is revealing the digital origins of accounts that shaped the narrative during those protests.

In doing so, X has unintentionally validated the Indian government’s concerns.

Transparency is unsettling only for those who depended on opacity

The intention behind the feature was simple. Users should have enough information to judge the authenticity of the voices influencing them. In India, the impact has been far more dramatic than expected. The labels are already showing that a significant portion of India-focused activism, agitation and political commentary is rooted outside the country. Many who positioned themselves as representatives of local communities are now being revealed as foreign-based digital actors.

The discomfort is loudest among those who relied on opacity. The feature has stripped away that convenience. For the first time, Indian users can identify the location of the one who is speaking. The new transparency feature is going to have severe consequences for those who came to social media with an anti-India agenda, at least for those who are sitting abroad and trying to shape the narrative.

There are several Indian media accounts showing foreign origin which might be a bug. Beir, in a recent post, said there are a “few rough edged” that will be resolved by Tuesday. If any data is incorrect, it will be updated periodically based on best available information. This happens on a delayed and randomized schedule to preserve privacy,” he added.

Himanta Biswa Sarma signs loan agreement with British Museum for Vrindavani Vastra: Read about Assam’s 16th century spiritual and cultural legacy, and how it is coming back

Shriti Sagar
-
0
Himanta Biswa Sarma signs loan agreement with British Museum for Vrindavani Vastra: Read about Assam’s 16th century spiritual and cultural legacy, and how it is coming back

In a major cultural milestone for Assam, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma on Monday, 17th November, signed a historic agreement with the Victoria and Albert Museum in London to bring the sacred Vrindavani Vastra to the state on loan. The document, which was signed during Sarma’s ongoing visit to the UK for the purpose, will allow the centuries-old tapestry to be exhibited in Assam for the first time in history.

The CM described the moment as deeply emotional for the people of the state. “It feels like the homecoming of an ancestor,” Sarma said during the signing ceremony. Calling the Vastra a part of Assam’s “collective memory,” he said that generations of Assamese people had heard stories about it in their homes and temples but never seen it in person. 

“The return of the Vrindavani Vastra, although for a short time, signifies the return of a beloved about whom we have read only in books and scriptures. Every Assamese, irrespective of religion and ethnicity, feels that they have a stake in this heritage,” the CM said.

Sarma also thanked Prime Minister Narendra Modi for encouraging him to pursue the effort to bring the Vastra back. “Grateful to Adarniya Shri Narendra Modi Ji for his guidance that inspired us to bring the Vrindavani Vastra home,” he posted on ?. He added that a state-of-the-art museum is already being planned in Guwahati to house the sacred textile during the period it will remain in Assam for exhibition.

According to Sarma, the JDW Foundation, an arm of the JSW Group, has agreed to fund the construction of this upcoming museum. The British Museum has set strict preservation conditions for the delicate fabric, and once the facility is ready, the Vastra is expected to be displayed in Assam sometime in 2027. The loan will be for 18 months, after which the textile will return to the UK.

Himanta Biswa Sarma shares video on Vrindavani Vastra’s Journey

A few days after the agreement, on Friday, 21st November, Chief Minister Sarma posted a video on his X account (formerly Twitter) explaining the historical journey of the Vrindavani Vastra. The video traces how the textile travelled from Assam to Bhutan, then to Tibet, and eventually ended up in Europe.

“From the sacred hands of Mahapurush Srimanta Sankardev to different parts across the world and BACK to Assam! This video traces the remarkable journey of the sacred Vrindavani Vastra. Its return is not just the homecoming of a textile, but the revival of Assam’s cultural soul,” he wrote.

The post received widespread attention, with many people expressing pride that an important symbol of Assam’s cultural and religious identity would finally be exhibited in the state.

What is the Vrindavani Vastra?

The Vrindavani Vastra is one of the most treasured pieces of Assamese heritage and a unique creation in India’s cultural history. It is a large silk tapestry woven between 1567 and 1569, during the time of the Vaishnav saint and reformer Srimanta Sankardev. The Vastra was woven as a gift for Koch King Nara Narayan, the last ruler of the undivided Koch dynasty. Notably, Nara Narayan had sheltered Sankardeva after the Vaishnav saint was targeted by the Ahom kingdom on the instigation of Brahmin priests in the state.

Image via JSW

The Vastra is famous for its artistic, spiritual and historical importance. It depicts scenes from the Mahabharata, the Bhagavata Purana, and especially the childhood stories of Lord Krishna during his days in Vrindavan. Each section of the textile is woven with intricate detail, showing various episodes from Krishna’s life, him playing with friends, dancing with gopis, and performing various acts, including the triumph over the serpent demon Kaliya Naag.

The most remarkable aspect of the Vrindavani Vastra is that it was not painted but woven, which makes it one of the finest examples of textile art in India. The weaving technique and visual storytelling represent the core values of the neo-Vaishnavite movement led by Sankardev, which shaped large parts of Assam’s culture. It was created by 12 weavers under the supervision of Mathura Das Burha Ata, a disciple of Sankardev.

Over the centuries, the Vastra travelled far from its home. It was first taken from Cooch Behar to Bhutan and later to Tibet. European collectors eventually acquired pieces of it, leading to fragments being stored in museums across London, Paris, and Philadelphia. The most prominent section is preserved at the Victoria and Albert Museum (V&A) in London, which once displayed it as part of the popular exhibition titled “Krishna in the Garden of Assam.” Another major fragment is in the Guimet Museum in Paris.

The vastra was very large, to accomodate the stories of Krishna in Vrindavana, however it has been cut into pieces over time. The part of the fabric kept at the London museum is approximately 9.5 meters in length and two meters in width, making it one of the largest surviving devotional silk textiles of its era.

On the other hand, the piece kept at Musée Guimet in Paris is approximately 2.34 metres long and 1 meter wide. It is exhibited at L’Association pour l’étude et la documentation des textiles d’Asie at Musee Guimet. Around 20 fragments of Vrindavani Vastra survive today, some stitched together into larger pieces.

The Paris museum has another piece of such vastra woven much later. Several such vastras were woven after the first one during the Sankardev, and these fabrics are on display at various museums across the world, as they were collected and sold by European collectors during the British Raj.

Some of these vastra pieces were used to make textile items, like the Chepstow Coat on display at the Chepstow Museum in Wales. The lining of this garment was made from strips of Vrindavani Vastra textile. Notably, as the vastra was made to make linings for this coat which has remained closed over time, the colours are remarkably vibrant.

Today, due to its fragile condition, the London portion of the Vastra is kept in a restricted, climate-controlled environment, and people can view it only by taking a prior appointment with the museum. Its age, over 450 years, and its delicate silk fabric make it extremely sensitive to humidity, temperature fluctuations and light exposure.

The Assam government had previously tried to bring the Vastra to the state, including in 2013, but the British Museum had declined due to concerns about Assam’s hot and humid weather. However, after fresh negotiations led by CM Himanta Biswa Sarma, the museum has now agreed to loan the Vastra for 18 months in 2027, provided a world-class museum with specific climate-control standards is built.

CM highlights the Vastra’s significance 

On Wednesday, 19th November, Chief Minister Sarma posted another update on X, providing a brief explanation of the Vrindavani Vastra’s cultural importance. He wrote, “From Assam to the world and back! The Vrindavani Vastra is a sacred textile depicting Lord Krishna’s life. Crafted under the guidance of Mahapurush Srimanta Sankardev, reflecting our rich heritage & devotion.”

The post basically highlighted how the Assam government’s renewed efforts helped break the long diplomatic deadlock, leading to the signing of the Letter of Intent in London to bring the Vastra home.

A new Museum in Assam: Preparing for the Vastras’s arrival

After agreeing to loan the fabric to Assam for a temporary duration, Representatives of the museum London visited two existing museums in Guwahati, the Sankardev Kalakshetra Museum and the Assam State Museum. However, they concluded both lacked facilities needed to protect the Vastra from Assam’s climate, and said that a new museum with their set standards must be built for it.

Another condition is that the Union government of India will have to give a sovereign guarantee that the Vrindavani Vastra will be return to London after the contacted period of 18 months. The President of India will have to sign that guarantee.

To ensure that the Vrindavani Vastra can be safely displayed in Assam, the state government and the JSW Foundation will build a world-class museum in Guwahati. According to an official statement issued on 11th November, the museum will be constructed on a 45,000-square-foot site at the location of sericulture farm in Khanapara. The land has been allotted by the state government, while the JSW Group will take full responsibility for funding and constructing the entire facility. JSW Group is building it as part of their CSR activity, and they will hand over the museum to Assam govt once it is ready.

The upcoming museum is expected to become a major cultural landmark in the Northeast. It will serve not only as a space to exhibit the Vrindavani Vastra but also as a centre for cultural exchange, hosting national and international artefacts, travelling exhibitions, cultural shows and heritage displays, after the Vastra’s exhibition concludes.

Its first major exhibition will be the display of the Vrindavani Vastra in 2027, once the textile is brought from the British Museum. After that, the Assam government will attempt to bring the piece of the Vastra kept at Musée Guimet in Paris.

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said the project would be a matter of great pride for Assam. “The museum will not only bring the sacred Vrindavani Vastra home but also provide a world-class facility to showcase Assamese art, history, and heritage alongside global cultural exhibits,” he said.

Sangita Jindal, Chairperson of the JSW Foundation, said her organisation was honoured to support Assam in building a museum that would celebrate India’s artistic legacy. “This museum will stand as a testament to our shared history and artistic devotion. We believe in the power of art and culture to inspire communities,” she said.

The museum will include advanced climate-control and security systems as demanded by the British Museum. These include 24×7 humidity and temperature management, restricted lighting, special storage cases, and trained conservators who can monitor the condition of delicate artefacts. Apart from these specific conditions, standards rules for touring exhibitions of museum artifacts will also apply to the arrangement. The aim is to create a facility that meets international museum standards and can safely house fragile textiles like the Vrindavani Vastra.

Trump turns the Leftist media’s ‘fascist’ jibe into a joke, tells Zohran Mamdani ‘it is ok’ to call him that

Aditi
-
0
Trump turns the Leftist media’s ‘fascist’ jibe into a joke, tells Zohran Mamdani ‘it is ok’ to call him that

A recent meeting between US President Donald Trump and New York’s Mayor-elect, Zohran Mamdani, has been in the news for unexpected reasons. Political rivals Mamdani and Trump had a customary meeting in the Oval Office on Friday (21st November). Quite contrary to popular expectations, both leaders displayed surprising warmth and cordiality toward each other after the meeting.

However, one particular moment from the media interaction post the much-publicised meeting, which stood out, was when President Donald Trump chose to defend Mamdani, who was confronted by the media about his past remarks against Trump.

Trump jokingly dismisses Mamdani’s ‘fascist’ label for him

Notably, during his election campaign, Mamdani had called Trump “despot” and a “fascist”, a favourite jibe of the Left politicians and the Leftist media against all conservative leaders. In the run-up to the New York mayoral election campaign, both Mamdani and Trump had traded political barbs against each other.

When the two leaders were responding to media queries after their first meeting after Mamdani’s victory, a media person brought up Mamdani’s past remarks against Trump and asked him whether he still stood by his statement wherein he labelled Trump as a fascist. As Mamdani began to answer the question, he was cut off by Donald Trump, who dismissed the question with a light-hearted response, thus defending Mamdani from a question he might have found difficult to answer. “That’s ok, you can just say yes. It’s easier than explaining,” Trump said, interjecting Mamdani and tapping lightly at his arm.

The unfascist-like manner in which Trump neutralised the question with his humorous reply and brought the focus back to the positive aspects of the meeting came as a surprise. In contrast to his outspoken attitude towards his political rivals, Trump displayed political flexibility and adaptability in his response to the question. He prevented the media interaction from straying into a political hit job and shifted the conversation to his discussion with Mamdani and their shared common grounds.

Trump’s response also indicated what he thinks of the Left’s verbal attacks against him. Leftist media outlets and leaders have been using heavy terms like ‘Fascist’, ‘Nazi’, and ‘Dictator’ without any factual basis, and often for the slightest of disagreements over opinions. Conservative leaders all over the world, like Trump, Modi, Georgia Meloni and others, are usually at the receiving end of unfriendly terms thrown by the Leftist press. Trump’s jovial dismissal has displayed how these terms are worthless and not to be taken seriously.

Trump praises Mamdani, says that he would be a great mayor

Exhibiting political maturity, Trump kept his political differences with Mamdani aside and praised his vision for New York. Calling Mamdani a “rational person”, Trump said that he hoped that Mamdani would be a “really great mayor” and that he was “confident that he can do a very good job”. “I met with a man who really wants to see New York be great again,” Trump said, praising Mamdani. “I think you’re going to have, hopefully, a really great mayor. The better he does, the happier I am. I will say there’s no difference in party, there’s no difference in anything, and we’re going to be helping him to make everybody’s dream come true, having a strong and very safe New York,” Trump added. The US President said that he agreed on a lot of things with Mamdani, such as affordable housing and public safety. “We have one thing in common, we want this city of ours that we love to do very well,” Trump stated, adding that he would offer all support and work in collaboration with Mamdani in the execution of his vision for the city.

Negative G forces, engine seizures, or bird strike: What may have caused the Tejas crash at Dubai air show, and why such tragedies are not unprecedented

Jinit Jain
-
0
Negative G forces, engine seizures, or bird strike: What may have caused the Tejas crash at Dubai air show, and why such tragedies are not unprecedented

The tragic crash of an Indian Air Force (IAF) Tejas fighter jet during an aerial display at the Dubai Air Show has once again brought into focus the extreme risks associated with demonstration flying. The loss of a trained combat pilot is not just a statistic, but a deeply personal national tragedy.

Yet, amid the shock, grief and social media speculation, it is crucial to separate emotion from aviation reality. Airshow accidents, while rare, are not abnormal in military aviation across the world, even among the most technologically advanced air forces.

Unlike routine operational missions, airshow performances are meant to push aircraft to their visual and aerodynamic limits. These flights are not merely about flying from point A to point B but about executing tightly choreographed, high-stress manoeuvres at low altitudes and critical speeds. The margins for recovery during such performances are razor thin.

This makes demonstration flying one of the most dangerous tasks a military pilot can undertake, often riskier than actual combat sorties, because the aircraft is flown in deliberately unstable flight regimes to showcase its agility and capabilities. And such daredevilry can often lead to tragic fatalities as evidenced during one such airshows in Dubai on Friday, November 21, 2025.

Preliminary video footage and expert assessments indicate that the Tejas was performing a demanding aerobatic sequence when it began to lose altitude rapidly. While only a formal inquiry can establish the exact sequence of events, aviation experts have highlighted several plausible explanations based on visual evidence and known aerodynamic and physiological risks.

It must also be stated unequivocally that no individual, media outlet, or self-styled expert can claim with full authority to know the real cause of the crash until the Indian Air Force’s court of inquiry completes its investigation and formally presents its findings. Aircraft accidents, particularly those involving advanced fighter jets performing extreme aerobatic manoeuvres, are complex events that often result from a chain of mechanical, human, environmental, and procedural factors rather than a single obvious failure.

But it has brought to the fore the dangerous life an aviation professional lives, and the level of complexity their job involves, which could often lead to disastrous consequences, sometimes leading to their unfortunate deaths. 

Negative G manoeuvre and pilot physiological limits

One of the most discussed possibilities is the physiological impact of a Negative G manoeuvre. Under normal flight, gravity pulls blood away from the brain. Negative G conditions do the opposite, forcing blood towards the head. This can lead to a phenomenon known as “red-out,” where vision becomes heavily distorted, or in extreme cases, a brief loss of consciousness.

During aerobatic loops and inverted segments, the human body can experience disorientation, delayed reflexes and momentary cognitive impairment. Even with advanced training and anti-G conditioning, no pilot is immune to these biological limits. In a high-speed, low-altitude environment, even a split second of incapacitation is enough to make recovery impossible. This explanation does not imply pilot error, but reflects the brutal reality that the aircraft may perform beyond what the human body can reliably tolerate.

Engine seizure or momentary power loss

Another possible technical factor could be engine seizure or transient power loss during the manoeuvre. Earlier, in the March 2024 Tejas crash near Jaisalmer, investigators traced the cause to an oil pump malfunction that led to engine seizure. While there is no evidence that the Dubai crash involved the same defect, the precedent shows how aggressively flown fighter engines can be vulnerable to lubrication or fuel system disruptions.

During Negative G or near-zero gravity phases, fuel and lubricating oil do not behave as they do in straight and level flight. Any momentary interruption in oil pressure or fuel feed can cause brief flameout or thrust loss. In typical operational flying, pilots have altitude and time to attempt relights or emergency procedures. In an airshow, where aircraft are flown deliberately close to the ground to maximise visual impact, there is often no margin to recover if thrust drops unexpectedly.

Fly-by-wire and control system sensitivity

The Tejas is a digitally controlled, fly-by-wire aircraft, meaning that the pilot’s inputs are interpreted and executed by flight control computers rather than direct mechanical linkages. This architecture allows the aircraft to fly in aerodynamically unstable regimes, dramatically improving agility and performance.

However, such systems rely on precise, real-time input from dozens of sensors. A rare sensor glitch, software logic conflict or data misinterpretation under extreme manoeuvring conditions can theoretically lead to unexpected control responses. These systems are heavily tested and certified, but airshow flying often explores the very edges of the flight envelope. At very low altitudes, even a fractionally delayed or incorrect control response can prove catastrophic. This is not unique to Tejas and has been seen in other advanced fighters worldwide.

Bird strike or foreign object ingestion

Environmental factors must also be considered. Airshows often take place near coastlines or urban areas, which naturally attract bird activity. A bird strike or foreign object ingestion into the engine can cause immediate and severe disruption to airflow, combustion stability or turbine operation.

Such incidents have historically caused crashes and serious incidents in aircraft belonging to some of the world’s most advanced air forces. A bird strike at cruising altitude may be survivable; the same event during a low-level aerobatic sequence can be unrecoverable due to time and height constraints.

Why airshow crashes or mishaps during military exercises are not unprecedented

It is critical to understand that airshow crashes are not unique to India or the Tejas programme. The United States, Russia, France, China and several European nations have all suffered fatal accidents involving frontline fighters during demonstration flights. Aircraft such as the F-16, Su-27, Mirage 2000 and MiG-29 have crashed during airshows despite decades of proven operational reliability.

These accidents occur not because the aircraft are unsafe, but because airshows deliberately compress safety margins to deliver tight, visually dramatic manoeuvres. Risk is an inherent part of such performances.

Recent global examples show that even the most technologically advanced militaries are not immune to mid-air and deck-related accidents. In October 2025, the United States Navy witnessed a rare twin-accident episode over the South China Sea, when an MH-60R Seahawk helicopter and an F/A-18F Super Hornet fighter jet crashed within half an hour of each other while operating from the aircraft carrier USS Nimitz.

A separate tragedy in the United States further illustrated how fragile aviation safety can be even in controlled airspace. A mid-air collision near Washington DC between an American Airlines regional jet and a US Army Black Hawk helicopter ended in disaster near Reagan National Airport. The civilian aircraft, carrying 60 passengers and four crew members, was on approach when it collided with the military helicopter, which was on a training mission.

Both aircraft plunged into the icy Potomac River, with authorities confirming that all 64 civilian occupants and the three soldiers on board were killed. Despite the US having among the most advanced air traffic management systems in the world, the cause was not immediately established, prompting a full National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) investigation. The airport was shut down, flights diverted and rescue teams battled freezing, low-visibility waters for days, demonstrating that even the most sophisticated civilian and military aviation ecosystems remain vulnerable to human, technical and environmental failures.

Even within purely military environments, the United States Navy has suffered a series of serious incidents in recent years, underlining how operational intensity increases the risk of accidents. In April 2025, an F/A-18 Super Hornet, valued at nearly $60 million, fell off the deck of the aircraft carrier USS Harry S. Truman in the Red Sea along with its towing tractor while the vessel was executing an evasive manoeuvre. At the time, the carrier air wing was conducting active strike operations against Houthi targets, regularly facing hostile drones and missile threats.

Beyond the United States, China has also experienced fatal accidents during demonstration flying, such as the 2016 Danxia airshow crash in which aerobatic champion Michel Leusch was killed when he failed to recover from a vertical dive. Together, these incidents illustrate a sobering reality: high-performance aviation, whether in peacetime displays or combat-adjacent operations, operates permanently at the edge of human and mechanical limits, and no nation, however advanced, is immune to tragedy.

Tejas’ operational track record

The Tejas has been in IAF service since 2016 and has accumulated thousands of safe flying hours across operational patrols, exercises and training missions. The previous 2024 crash near Jaisalmer was traced to a specific, identifiable fault, an engine oil pump malfunction. The corrective process that followed demonstrated that India’s military aviation safety mechanisms are both active and transparent.

It is also significant that the Dubai crash occurred a day after viral claims about oil leaks were officially dismissed by the government. Prematurely linking unrelated claims to an active investigation distorts public understanding and undermines the professionalism of the inquiry process.

A tragedy, not a verdict

While this crash marks the ninth IAF aircraft loss since March 2024 and the second involving Tejas, raw numbers without operational context can mislead. The IAF operates in one of the most demanding flight environments in the world. Accidents, though heartbreaking, are an unfortunate reality of high-performance military aviation.

A Court of Inquiry has been ordered, and only its findings will provide definitive answers. Until then, speculation should be balanced with perspective and restraint.

It is worth noting that human tendency, by its very nature, wants to zero in on the exact cause of a failure, more so when it is as tragic as witnessed on the grim Friday afternoon at the Dubai airshow this week. But, often tragedies don’t have a single failure point and are the result of a combination of unknown factors, some of which may or may not be established even after the highest levels of inquiry by the most competent and experienced professionals.

As Siddaramaiah vs Shivakumar power tussle intensifies, here’s a timeline of the infighting within the Congress party in Karnataka

Shraddha Pandey
-
0
As Siddaramaiah vs Shivakumar power tussle intensifies, here’s a timeline of the infighting within the Congress party in Karnataka

In Karnataka, a political storm is brewing as the ongoing power tussle between Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and Deputy CM DK Shivakumar has intensified. A group of Shivakumar loyalists is reportedly heading to New Delhi to urge the Congress high command to fulfil its ‘promise’ of sharing the CM post.

The imperative to remind Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge of the supposed power-sharing promise arose as the Congress government completes 2.5 years under Siddaramiah.

While CM Siddaramaiah has dismissed the reports of an internal power tussle in the party, saying that he will present the budget, around 10 Shivakumar loyalist MLAs arrived in New Delhi on 20th November, while several others are reaching there on Friday. The Shivakumar loyalist MLAs are likely to meet Mallikarjun Kharge and demand that the Congress party implement the 2.5-year-each power-sharing arrangement decided upon in 2023 between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar factions.

So far, Minister N Chaluvarayaswamy, MLAs Iqbal Hussain, HC Balakrishna, SR Srinivas, Ravi Ganiga, Gubbi Vasu, Dinesh Gooligowda and others have arrived in the national capital. Meanwhile,  Anekal Shivanna, Nelamangala Srinivas, Kunigal Ranganath, Shivaganga Basavaraju, and Balakrishna are also reportedly heading to New Delhi.

Siddaramaiah, though playing it cool, gets anxious when asked about the possibility of him having to step aside for Shivakumar to become Chief Minister. During a recent media interaction, Siddaramaiah said that the chatter around the supposed ‘power-sharing arrangement’ is just an “unnecessary debate”.

“It is only after it was said that the cabinet can be reshuffled after two and a half years, that the issue of changing the Chief Minister has come to the fore. The party leaders need to take a decision on the cabinet reshuffle. There is a total of 34 ministerial posts, out of which two posts are vacant. These vacant ministerial positions will be filled during the cabinet reshuffle,” the Karnataka Chief Minister said.

On one hand, Siddaramaiah is asserting his claim to the throne during his media interactions, social media posts and through his loyalist MLAs; on the other, Shivakumar is distancing himself from the movement of his loyalist MLAs to Delhi to press the demand of his ‘promised’ coronation.

An interesting point to notice here is that on Siddaramaiah’s side, the CM himself is playing on the front foot and asserting his five-year term, on Shivakumar’s side, his loyalists are doing the ‘needful’ while he claims to repeat the standard “whatever the party asks me to do I will do” response to media queries. Clearly, Shivakumar wants to become Chief Minister but is avoiding opening a front against Siddaramaiah publicly to avoid bad optics, while Siddaramaiah is asserting his five-year term to bolster his claim to the CM post and also send out an ‘all is well’ message to the public.

One openly asserting authority, the other bolsters claims to power covertly, the ‘game of thrones’ ongoing between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar for months

It is obvious that neither Siddaramaiah nor Shivakumar will openly and absolutely deny or accept their ambitions about the Chief Minister’s post; however, to say that there is no power tussle at all is to think of the public as too naïve.

In just the last four months, four Congress leaders, including three sitting MLAs and a former MP from Mandya, have been issued notices by the party for openly backing Deputy Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar as the next Chief Minister.

The notices, sent by the party’s disciplinary committee, accuse them of “causing embarrassment” and going against the instructions of the Congress high command.

Shivakumar loyalists are repeatedly raising demands for replacing Siddaramaiah with their leader. In addition,  DK Shivakumar loyalist leaders are also, apparently as a pressure-building tactic, asserting that he will be promoted to the post before the end of the year.

In October, Kunigal MLA H.D. Ranganath and former Mandya MP L.R. Shivarame Gowda. Just a couple of months ago, Channagiri MLA Shivaganga V. Basavaraj and Ramanagara MLA Iqbal Hussain were issued notices for making similar remarks.

On 1st July, Iqbal Hussain, a close aide of Shivakumar and Ramanagara Congress MLA, had openly said that Siddaramaiah had already been given enough chances as Chief Minister, five plus two and a half years.

“D.K. Shivakumar has worked hard for the party and got the party 140 seats. He needs to be given a chance to ensure Congress comes back to power in 2028,” Hussain said.

Hussain went on to reveal that he has conveyed these views to Congress General Secretary Randeep Singh Surjewala, despite being told by the high command not to discuss leadership changes publicly.

Congress MLA from Mandya, Ravi Kumar Gowda, said the deputy CM deserves to be the Chief Minister, and when the time is right, he will definitely become the CM. “DK Shivakumar will become Chief Minister when the time comes. 138 MLAs support both DK Shivakumar and Siddaramaiah. When the time is right, DK Shivakumar too will become Chief Minister. When time and circumstance align, good things will happen. He definitely deserves to become Chief Minister, and he will become Chief Minister,” Gowda said.

Congress MLA Tanveer Sait not only hinted at a possible change in leadership but also backed DK Shivakumar. “I feel leadership can’t be stagnant. New leadership has to come and grow. Whenever the opportunity is given, it’ll happen. But individual giving out statements shouldn’t be considered as a protest,” Sait said.

Earlier, Congress MLA CP Yogeshwar from Channapatna also voiced his support for Shivakumar as Karnataka CM and said, “All our district MLAs are united that DK should become Chief Minister. There are no discrepancies about it. High command should decide on it.”

Basavaraj, a first-time MLA, followed in August by predicting that a “change of guard” was coming by December and that Shivakumar would become CM. His remarks were quickly dismissed by Shivakumar, who also promised disciplinary action against those speaking out of turn.

Similarly, Ranganath described Shivakumar as his “political guru” and credited him for Congress’s win in the 2023 Assembly polls. Just as fans of many South-Indian actors hype their favourites by highlighting their ‘pan-India’ appeal, Ranganath called DK Shivakumar a “rising star” and a “pan-India leader”. He said that Shivakumar deserved to be the Chief Minister one day.

Going a step ahead, Shivarame Gowda stated that Shivakumar’s elevation had already been decided and suggested that a decision would come as soon as November. He also claimed that a power-sharing deal of two-and-a-half years each for Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar had been assured by the party high command.

The Congress high command took these comments seriously and issued a notice stating, “Your media statements in this regard not only embarrass the party but also violate party discipline. We have taken your unruly statements seriously and seek an explanation. You are required to respond within one week of receiving this notice.”

In April this year, a caste survey report sparked an internal strife within the Congress party in Karnataka and laid bare the leadership aspirations of both Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar. The survey had revealed the actual caste-wise population in Karnataka, sparking anger among powerful communities like Lingayats, Vokkaligas, and even sections of Muslims, who felt the data could alter reservation politics in the state. Several Congress leaders who are close to Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar had publicly argued over the revelations and their political consequences.

Interestingly, while the JD(S) MLAs who left the party and moved to Congress twenty years back have been loyal to Siddaramiah and want him to complete the five-year term, DK Shivakumar, who is credited with having played a key role in bringing Congress back in power in the state, is not ready to relinquish his claim to power. Apparently, this is the reason why his supporting MLAs are freely giving media statements and reaching out to the party high command to stake his claim to the CM post. If there was any truth to Shivakumar’s claim of not having any leadership ambitions, he would have silenced his supporters; however, their open ‘fulfil the promise’ calls indicate Shivakumar’s tacit backing.

Besides, for months, Siddaramaiah loyalists have been pushing for getting DK Shivakumar removed from the post of Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee’s president before the state’s local body elections.

Shivakumar was made KPCC chief in 2020, and after Congress won the assembly election in 2023, he was supposed to step down from the post of KPCC president after one year, as he became deputy CM. However, Shivakumar has held the position till now, apparently to ensure his control within the party. Reports said that Siddaramaiah was personally keen on having Shivakumar removed from the KPCC president post.

In a statement reminiscing Shivakumar’s helpless ‘What option do I have?’ remark, the Karnataka deputy CM said on 20th November, said that “I cannot hold the post permanently” while speaking about him holding the KPCC president post for over five years. While which side the tide will turn remains to be seen, Shivakumar loyalists lobbying for his coronation as Karnataka CM, and his talking about stepping aside from the KPCC president post, hint that Shivakumar may be prepping for replacing Siddaramaiah one step at a time, instead of doing an open rebellion.

Congress blames BJP and media for infighting between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar factions

Playing a convenient blame game, Congress leader Randeep Surjewala, who earlier diffused the tensions between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar factions, accused the BJP and the media of running a ‘maligning campaign’ against the Congress government.

“Had a discussion with Karnataka CM and Deputy CM and they agreed that a decisively defeated and faction ridden Karnataka BJP, alongwith a section of the media, are designedly running a maligning campaign against Karnataka and its Congress Government,” Surjewala wrote.

“The sole idea is to undermine the stellar achievements and 5 Congress Govt Guarantees, which have become an outstanding model of inclusive development and distributive justice. The needless Statements of some Congress leaders and MLA’s has also added to the speculation. INC has sternly warned them from making any public statements on the issue of leadership or falling for the agenda being propagated by the vested interests. The opinion of various party functionaries has been taken note of by the leadership,” he added.

While Congress boasts imaginary success of its ‘guarantee’ schemes, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report published in August this year revealed how the five freebies’ schemes– Gruha Lakshmi, Gruha Jyothi, Anna Bhagya, Shakti, and Yuva Nidhi– run by the Congress government have burdened the state’s economy.

Amusingly, Surjewala’s own statement exposes that his allegations against the BJP and media are bogus and only meant to deflect attention from the genuine infighting ongoing within the Karnataka Congress. For argument’s sake, even if it is assumed that BJP and the media are indeed colluding to malign Congress government, why are Congress party’s own MLAs picking sides between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar and want their leader to be the Chief Minister? Are pro-Siddaramaiah and pro-Shivakumar MLAs also hand-in-glove with the BJP and the media?

Assam govt directs 5 illegal immigrants to leave India within 24 hours under ‘forgotten’ 1950 law brought back by Himanta Biswa Sarma govt

Aditi
-
0
Assam govt directs 5 illegal immigrants to leave India within 24 hours under ‘forgotten’ 1950 law brought back by Himanta Biswa Sarma govt

After issuing an expulsion order on 19th November against five foreigners, the administration of the Sonitpur district in north-central Assam is looking for them, as confirmed by officials on Thursday (20th November). The absconders were declared as foreigners earlier by a Freigners Tribunal, after which they have been asked to remove themselves from India under the Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950, in what is possibly the first known invocation of the law after the 1950s. The expulsion order issued by Ananda Kumar Das, Sonitpur’s District Commissioner, gave a 24-hour deadline to the foreigners to leave the country, but the foreigners disappeared soon after.

The absconders have been identified as Hanufa, Mariyam Nessa, Fatema, Monowara, and Amjad Ali, all from the Dhobokata village of the district.

“…being a declared foreigner, your presence in India/Assam is detrimental to the interest of the general public and also for the internal security of the State,” the orders read, directing them to remove themselves “from the territory of Assam, India, within 24 hours from receiving this order via the Dhubri/Sribhumi/South Salmara-Mankachar route”. The foreigners are said to have entered India illegally through Bangladesh. “Further, you are intimated that in the event of any default in complying with this order, the government would be compelled to take appropriate action to remove you from the territory of the State of Assam, India, under the provisions of the above Act,” the orders read.

“I am expecting a report from the Superintendent of Police, who visited the location but did not find them. The case will continue until they are found,” the Sonitpur District Commissioner said. He added that the authorities have been asked to delete the names of the declared foreigners, in case they were beneficiaries of government schemes. The case of the five foreigners came up before the Sonitpur Foreigners Tribunal in 2006 based on a report filed by the Assam Police’s Border Wing. The Border Wing is tasked with the identification of the individuals suspected to be foreigners, while the tribunal decides their citizenship status.

What is the Act, and why was it invoked?

The Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950, was approved for implementation by the Assam Cabinet headed by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma earlier this year. In September this year, the Assam Cabinet approved the framing of a standard operating procedure (SOP) under the 1950 Act. While the law was passed in 1950, its implementation was stopped soon after on the orders of PM Jawaharlal Nehru, and the law was ‘forgotten’ since then. However, the Supreme Court last year stated that the law still exists and the govt can use it, after which Himanta Biswa Sarma govt decided to use it, and issued the SOPs for its implementation.

Till now, every suspected illegal immigrants were presented before Foreigners Tribunals operating in Assam, and it takes years, even decades, for Tribunals to decide on individual cases. Many suspected illegals continue to be lodged in various detention centres in Assam due to this delay. But the The Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950 empowers the administration to deport illegal immigrants directly and immediately, without the need to approach the tribunals.

CM Sarma said that the SOP largely nullify the role of the Foreigners Tribunal in deciding the status of suspected foreigners. He added that, as per the SOP, if a District Commissioner receives information from the police or any other source that a person is suspected to be an “illegal immigrant”, the official will direct the person to produce evidence of his citizenship within a period of 10 days. “If the District Commissioner finds that the evidence submitted is not satisfactory, he can pass an expulsion order by invoking the Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950, ordering the removal of the undocumented immigrant from Assam by giving 24 hours and by the route so specified,” the Chief Minister said.

Only the cases that require further scrutiny will be sent to Foreigners Tribunals from now on, while the confirmed illegal immigrants will be deported immediately.

The Act was passed in 1950, at a time when the state was facing migration from East Pakistan (present Bangladesh), just like now. However, it was in force for a short period. After reports that many Bengali Muslims who were originally from Assam were also issued notices to leave Assam, Jawaharlal Nehru ordered CM Gopinath Bordoloi to stop all action under the law. The pact signed by Nehru with Pakistani Liaquat Ali Khan for protection of minorities in each other’s countries was another reason for halting the use of the law. After that, as the law as no longer used, it was gradually forgotten.

It is now being invoked by the Assam government to deport illegal immigrants from the state. The Act provides that if the Central Government is of opinion that the presence of any person or persons who come into Assam from outside is detrimental to the interests of the general public of India or of any section of the public or of any Scheduled Tribe in Assam, the Central Government may direct them to leave Assam, and issue orders to remove them from Assam. While the power has been given to the central government, the Act empowers the central govt to delegate the power to any officer of the central government or any officer of the governments of Assam, Meghalaya and Nagaland.

1...116117118...7,611Page 117 of 7,611