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When words reopen wounds: Rahul Gandhi’s ‘traitor’ remark against Ravneet Singh Bittu reflects a Congress pattern

When the Leader of Opposition, Shri Rahul Gandhi, chose to brand a sitting Member of Parliament and a respected Sikh leader, Shri Ravneet Singh Bittu, as a “traitor”, inside the campus of the Indian Parliament, it was not merely a political jibe gone wrong. Such language crosses the boundaries of civility and dignity and strikes at the very identity of a community whose patriotism has been written in blood and sacrifice. For Sikhs, words like “traitor” are not casual insults, they echo a long and painful history of state-backed persecution under Congress rule.

This incident is not an aberration. It is a reminder of a pattern. For decades, the Indian National Congress has oscillated between using Sikh identity for electoral arithmetic and vilifying Sikh assertion when it challenged Congress power. Punjab’s history with the Congress party is scarred by repression, betrayal, and delayed justice. The casual slur of today draws its moral lineage from the brutal actions of yesterday.

Emergency: The first great betrayal

During the Emergency imposed between 1975 and 1977, civil liberties across India were suspended, but Punjab and the Sikh community faced a particularly harsh crackdown. More than 40,000 Sikhs, including prominent Akali leaders and grassroots workers, were imprisoned. Torture, arbitrary detention, and forced sterilisation were not excesses; they were policy tools. Sikh political mobilisation was deliberately broken because it represented a challenge to Congress’s centralisation. The message was unmistakable, dissent from Congress would be crushed, even if it meant trampling on constitutional rights and human dignity.

1984 anti-Sikh pogrom: Organised, not spontaneous

What followed Indira Gandhi’s assassination later that year was even darker. The anti-Sikh violence of 1984 was not a spontaneous outburst of grief. It was an organised pogrom. Senior Congress leaders, including Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish Tytler, H K L Bhagat, Kamal Nath, Balwant Khokkar, and Mahender Yadav, were repeatedly named by survivors. Sikh homes were marked. Voter lists were used to identify targets. Mobs were supplied with iron rods, clubs, petrol, and diesel. Over three days, thousands of Sikhs were butchered in the national capital and beyond.

Journalist Sanjay Suri later confirmed that Kamal Nath was seen leading a mob at Rakab Ganj Sahib, where two Sikh men were burnt alive. Witnesses recalled that a single signal from Nath either incited or restrained the mob. This was power exercised over life and death, in full public view.

State complicity and institutional cover-up

Investigations later revealed what victims had long known. The Central Bureau of Investigation found that the violence was backed by both the Congress government and sections of the police. Law enforcement looked away or actively assisted rioters. Transport and logistical support were arranged. Curfews were selectively enforced. Justice was not merely delayed; it was deliberately derailed.

Congress governments perfected the art of postponement and obfuscation. Inquiry commissions were set up late, under-resourced, and politically constrained. The Misra Commission, instead of delivering accountability, shielded Congress leaders, destroyed crucial evidence, and effectively exonerated the Rajiv Gandhi government. Each delay ensured that witnesses aged, memories faded, and perpetrators remained protected.

Truth acknowledged, justice denied

Even leaders within Congress could not entirely suppress the truth. Captain Amarinder Singh, while serving as a Congress Chief Minister, publicly named Sajjan Kumar and others, acknowledging that victims consistently identified Congress leaders as responsible. Yet institutional accountability never followed.

It took over three decades for a measure of justice to arrive. Sajjan Kumar was convicted only in 2018, more than 34 years after the crimes. Jagdish Tytler’s trial began as late as 2024. Many accused died without ever facing a courtroom. The Nanavati Commission in 2005 confirmed organised violence and the involvement of Congress leaders but noted that years of delay and evasion had foreclosed meaningful justice.

The Delhi High Court went further, describing the 1984 pogrom as a “crime against humanity” and observing that the accused enjoyed political patronage and escaped trial. Yet as an institution, the Congress party has never accepted responsibility. No formal apology. No accountability. Only periodic amnesia.

From violence to verbal vilification

Against this backdrop, Rahul Gandhi’s slur is not merely offensive; it is revealing. To call a Sikh leader a “traitor” without basis is to trivialise the sacrifices of a community whose Gurus laid down their lives to protect faith and freedom. Sikh valour in India’s armed forces, their role in nation-building, and their unshakeable patriotism stand in stark contrast to Congress’s historical record in Punjab.

Words matter because they carry memory. For Sikhs, Congress’s words have too often preceded violence, and its silence has followed injustice. The remark highlighted in the image is thus not an isolated lapse. It is part of a continuum that stretches from the Emergency to the streets of 1984 to the corridors of delayed justice.

A call for accountability, not amnesia

India’s democracy demands that political debate be fierce but fair. It also demands that parties confront their past honestly. The Bharatiya Janata Party believes that reconciliation begins with truth, accountability, and respect. Congress, by contrast, continues to evade institutional responsibility while allowing its leaders to demean communities it once brutalised.

Punjab and the Sikh community do not seek privilege. They seek dignity and justice. Calling a Sikh a “traitor” is not just an insult to one individual; it is an affront to a community that has repeatedly proven its loyalty to the nation, even when the nation failed it. Until Congress acknowledges its historical sins and reforms its political culture, such incidents will continue to reopen wounds that have never truly healed.

Why is Leftist media rattled over India-US trade deal: Read how some International media portals are fearmongering, and spreading falsehoods over the interim FTA framework

Within hours had passed after India and the United States announced a framework for an interim trade agreement and a familiar pattern started to set in. The Indian Left leaning media ecosystem rushed to declare the trade deal a problematic step by Prime Minister Narendra Modi led government and now international commentators and media have also stepped in.

They are portraying a preliminary negotiating outline as a finalised act of national surrender. From Bloomberg to The Hindu to The Wire, the language was not of analysis but of alarm. It is designed less to inform than to provoke political anxiety, particularly among farmers.

What is interesting in their cunningly worded narrative is that it is not about disagreement with the government but a deliberate attempt to mischaracterise the announcements that have been made. The joint statement issued on 6th February is not a signed free trade agreement.

As OpIndia detailed earlier, it is a framework, an outline meant to guide negotiations. Yet, it has been repeatedly described as a done deal. The narrative of the Left leaning Indian and international media is directed towards making the framework look as if it is completely filled with irreversible concessions, binding commitments and permanent losses to sovereignty.

From framework to fiction in a single news cycle

The op-ed authored by Andy Mukherjee and published by Bloomberg likened the India-US trade framework to an IMF bailout, complete with metaphors of parole, tourniquets and strategic submissions. The problem with this analogy is not its drama but its factual looseness. IMF bailouts involve legally binding conditionalities tied to the disbursement of funds. What India has agreed to here is neither a bailout nor a binding purchase order. It is a pathway to restore market access lost to punitive tariffs imposed by Donald Trump led US government.

Similarly, Prasenjit Bose, who is a Congress leader, in The Hindu declared the framework a blow to India’s strategic autonomy. He asserted that India had already committed to zero tariffs on all American industrial and agricultural goods. The joint statement does not say this. It refers to discussions on tariff rationalisation in areas where India already has import dependencies, not a blanket opening of markets.

Pushparaj Deshpande’s piece in The Wire goes a step further and repeatedly cited statements attributed to US officials as proof of Indian capitulation. At the same time, he admitted that no final text or signed agreement exists. This contradiction runs through much of the criticism. Claims are treated as facts, speculation as policy, and a negotiating posture as a settled outcome.

Russian oil and the art of selective outrage

A major portion of the fearmongering revolves around Russian oil. International media has insisted that India has agreed to abandon discounted Russian crude under American pressure. This claim does not appear in the joint statement issued by India and the US. It appears in a separate executive order issued by the White House, which reflects an American position and not an Indian commitment.

As OpIndia pointed out earlier, India has never relied exclusively on Russian oil. Purchases increased after the Russia Ukraine war because of steep discounts. Those discounts are already narrowing, and Russian oil imports have begun falling in the current financial year. To present this as a sudden collapse of energy sovereignty is to ignore both market dynamics and historical precedent.

India has previously reduced imports from Iran and Venezuela under sanctions pressure without economic collapse. That reality is inconvenient for those attempting to frame the present moment as unprecedented surrender.

Agriculture, GM panic and the return of protest politics

Fearmongering has also revolved around the agriculture sector. Farmer unions, led by groups such as the Sanyukt Kisan Morcha and All India Kisan Sabha, have announced nationwide protests on 12th February. They have accused the government of handing Indian agriculture to American multinationals. Effigies of the US President and PM Modi are to be burnt, even though no agricultural free trade agreement exists.

The claim that soybean oil imports amount to backdoor entry of genetically modified crops has been repeatedly debunked. As OpIndia noted in its reports, India already imports large quantities of soybean oil because domestic production does not meet demand. Importing oil is not the same as importing the crop itself, let alone permitting its cultivation.

Furthermore, the assertion that India does not import farm products and is now being forced to do so is highly misleading. India imported agricultural products worth around 38 billion dollars in 2024 to 25, which included edible oils, pulses, fruits and nuts. These imports plug domestic shortages and support food security. They have not destroyed Indian agriculture so far, nor is there evidence that limited tariff adjustments will suddenly do so now.

Opposition narratives and manufactured panic

The issue is that political actors in India have amplified these distortions with remarkable speed. AAP leader Sanjay Singh accused the government of lying to farmers. Similarly, Yogendra Yadav warned of maize and soy flooding Indian markets through the so called back door. None of these claims are supported by the joint statement or any official clarification from either government.

What is being attempted is not scrutiny but mobilisation. By presenting a framework as a finished agreement, the opposition and its media allies create urgency, anger and fear, the essential ingredients of street politics. The aim is not to understand the deal but to delegitimise the government before negotiations even begin.

What the framework actually does and does not do

The interim framework primarily restores tariff relief to Indian exporters who were facing duties as high as 50 percent. It reduces these to 18 percent, easing pressure on labour intensive sectors such as textiles, gems and jewellery. It opens talks on issues like pharmaceuticals, aircraft parts and standards alignment, none of which are resolved yet.

India has not signed away the agriculture sector. The framework does not mandate zero tariffs across the board. It does not commit India to a fixed 500 billion dollar purchase obligation. These are negotiating aspirations, not binding clauses.

To conflate a starting point with an end state is either analytical incompetence or political mischief.

Fear first, facts later

The pace at which international and domestic Left leaning media declared disaster reveals more about their worldview than about the trade framework itself. Any engagement with the US is framed as subjugation, any negotiation as surrender, and any compromise as betrayal. It simply does not fit their script that India might negotiate from a position of interest rather than ideology.

Trade negotiations are messy, incremental and often opaque. They are not decided in op ed columns or protest calls. India has not signed away its future. It has opened talks. Those talks deserve scrutiny, not hysteria. Media houses’ and political actors’ real story is not of a one-sided deal but of a coordinated attempt to convert a framework into a fear campaign. And that, more than any tariff line, should concern anyone serious about public discourse and national interest.

‘Upliftment of poor and backward students’: CM Yogi’s dream project makes the path to PCS, NEET and JEE easier. Here’s how the UP govt is shaping talent through free coaching

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Education has always been not only a means of knowledge but also a powerful tool for social change. This becomes even more important in a large and socially diverse state like Uttar Pradesh. Preparing for major competitive exams and subsequently bringing about social change is the dream of many students, but the reality is that millions of poor and rural students, regardless of their talent, are left behind because they cannot afford expensive coaching.

In cities like Delhi and Kota, preparing for UPSC, PCS, NEET, or JEE requires spending lakhs of rupees, which is nearly impossible for a typical farmer, labourer, or lower-middle-class family. To address this social inequality, the Uttar Pradesh government, under the leadership of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, took a historic step and launched the ‘Mukhyamantri Abhyudaya Yojana’ for free coaching. This scheme became not just a government program but a new beginning of hope for millions of youth who had dreams but lacked the means.

What is the Mukhyamantri Abhyudaya Yojana?

The “Chief Minister Abhyudaya Yojana” was launched on 16th February, 2021, on the auspicious occasion of Basant Panchami, under the guidance of CM Yogi Adityanath. Its purpose is to provide free coaching to talented students who are unable to attend private coaching institutes due to financial constraints or lack of resources. The government operates eight free residential and 150 Chief Minister Abhyudaya coaching institutes for youth in the state. A few days ago, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath also recounted an anecdote related to the establishment of these coaching institutes.

The Chief Minister’s Abhyudaya Yojana provides preparation for several major competitive exams. This includes preparation for the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) and Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission (UPPSC) preliminary and main exams, as well as interview preparation. Training is also provided for engineering and medical entrance exams like JEE and NEET. Preparation for defence services exams like the NDA and CDS is also available under this scheme.

Under the scheme, students are provided with a variety of free educational facilities. Both offline and online classes are offered, allowing students to study at their convenience. An e-learning platform is also provided. Government officials and subject matter experts provide guidance and resolve their concerns. Career counselling, library access, and inspirational classes are also provided.

The scheme is supported by a large team of experienced officers and subject experts. This team includes over 500 IAS officers, over 450 PCS officers, over 300 IFS officers, and experts from various disciplines. These officials and experts prepare study materials for students and guide offline classes and online sessions to provide students preparing for competitive exams with the right direction and quality education.

Furthermore, students are also provided with mock interviews to prepare for interviews, enabling them to confidently approach the exam. The government states that this scheme provides opportunities for talented students from underprivileged backgrounds to advance and is helping them achieve success in various fields, including administrative services.

How to register for the scheme

The Mukhyamantri Abhyudaya Yojana is now available in all 75 districts of Uttar Pradesh. Students from poor and rural backgrounds can apply either online or offline.

Students can register online by visiting the websites abhyuday.up.gov.in, abhyudayup.in, and Yuvasathi.in. Offline registration is typically provided at the Social Welfare Officer’s office located in the district’s Vikas Bhawan. After registration, students are added to a WhatsApp group through which they receive updates about classes, schedules, and other important information.

Certain documents are required during registration. These include an Aadhaar card, Uttar Pradesh domicile certificate, income certificate, educational certificates such as 10th, 12th, or graduation mark sheets, and a passport-size photo. These documents are used to verify students’ identity, residence, and financial status.

Eligibility and selection process

Eligibility for admission to the scheme is determined by the exam. Science students who are in or have passed grade 11 or 12 are eligible for JEE and NEET preparation. Final-year undergraduate students or those who have already completed their graduation can apply for training for civil service exams like the IAS and PCS. Eligibility for defence services exams like the NDA and CDS is determined by the relevant exam rules.

The process for selecting students has also been established. Coaching sessions typically run from 1st July to 30th April. The selection process for the respective course is determined each year according to the established dates. Students are selected based on an entrance exam, merit list, or interview. This entire process is determined by a district-level committee to ensure that eligible students receive the benefits of the scheme.

Avinash, who served as a course coordinator for the scheme in Ghaziabad district, described the initiative as a major opportunity for economically weaker students. Speaking to OpIndia, he said the scheme has proved to be a blessing for talented students who could not afford expensive private coaching. He added that the combination of offline and online classes allows students from remote villages to participate easily. However, he also suggested that strengthening digital infrastructure in every district could help benefit even more students.

Hundreds of students wrote success stories

This scheme is proving to be an effective platform for students. The free coaching and guidance provided under this scheme have helped students succeed in major competitive exams. A total of 75 students associated with the Abhyudaya Scheme have succeeded in the Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission’s PCS Main Examination 2024. Of these, the highest number of 40 students were selected from Bhagidari Bhawan, Lucknow. Additionally, 18 students from the Adarsh ​​Pre-Examination Training Centre in Lucknow and 17 from the IAS/PCS Coaching Centre in Hapur have succeeded in the main examination.

Earlier, in the UPSC 2023 examination, 23 students linked with the scheme were selected. In UPPCS 2023, 30 students cleared the exam. Similarly, in JEE Mains 2024, 35 students associated with the scheme qualified, showing that the initiative is helping not only civil services aspirants but also engineering candidates.

According to government data, around 27,000 students have registered for the upcoming session to prepare for various competitive exams under the scheme. The growing number of registrations indicates increasing trust among students, especially those from rural and economically weaker backgrounds who earlier struggled due to a lack of proper guidance and resources.

The Yogi govt’s bold step towards social change

Previously, the dream of becoming a civil servant, a doctor or an engineer was limited to children from large cities and the affluent. Now, children from villages and poor families are also entering these fields. When a student from a small village clears UPSC or PCS, it does not just change one life; it inspires an entire community. It sends a message that talent can come from anywhere, and with the right support, it can shine.

This initiative by the Yogi government deserves praise because it recognises education as a government responsibility, rather than leaving it solely to private institutions. Today, the coaching industry in India has become a multi-billion-dollar business, with limited opportunities for poor students. In such a scenario, the state government’s decision to provide free coaching is a bold one.

Like any large government scheme, the Abhyudaya Yojana has also faced challenges. There have been occasional complaints regarding the lack of resources, the quality of teaching at some centres, and infrastructural gaps. Digital access in certain districts also needs improvement to ensure equal benefit for all students. The Yogi government views this program not just as a government announcement but as a long-term educational reform.

(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)

Controversy surrounding arrest of Shamik Adhikary in West Bengal: Was it politically motivated? All we know about arrest of influencer who made anti-TMC reel

Kolkata Police have arrested Shamik Adhikary, a 25-year-old social media influencer from the city, on charges of alleged sexual assault. Adhikary, who is popularly known by his online name “Nonsane,” was picked up from Dum Dum, Kolkata, on Thursday evening, 5th February. Adhikary was first booked on charges of wrongful confinement, assault, and outrage to the modesty of a woman, but later, police framed him on the charge of rape based on the statement given by the 22-year-old victim.

He was presented in a court on Friday, 6th February, and has now been remanded to police custody until 16th February. According to the police, the woman had complained that Adhikary had forcibly confined her at his Behala residence from around 9:30 pm on February 2 until 5 pm the following day. 

During this time, the woman alleged, she was subjected to physical assault, beaten, and threatened. She, in addition, alleged that Adhikary had touched the woman inappropriately, pulled her clothes, and then subjected her to penetratory sexual assault.

The police added that the medico-legal examination of the complainant was conducted at MR Bangur hospital, and a lady police officer recorded her statement, and the section of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita concerning rape was added to the FIR. The injury marks were found on the body of the victim, and she was visibly traumatised, hence the reason she took her time to file the police report, the police told the court.

The police further told the court that Adhikary allegedly threatened the woman by sending her pictures of her in a compromising position. The police investigators said that location data collected from tower signals confirmed the presence of both the complainant and the accused at the crime scene during the time mentioned in the complaint.

The defence, however, argued that the two were old friends and had known each other for a long time. They claimed there was a misunderstanding that night, but denied that any force was used. The defence also questioned why police custody was required if there was nothing substantial left to investigate.

The viral reel that sparked political debate

Shamik Adhikary is not just any influencer. With around 420k followers on Instagram and over 400k followers on Facebook, he had built a strong presence online. But what brought him into the political spotlight was a reel he posted from his Instagram account ‘@yournonsane’ on 21st January, just 2 months before the upcoming West Bengal elections.

The reel, which went viral and crossed 3 million views with more than 350k likes, sharply criticised the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) government in the state. In the video, Adhikary portrayed himself as a common man going to cast his vote. He showed a scene where a local TMC “goon” was pressuring voters to vote only for the ruling party and threatening consequences otherwise.

As the video continued, flashbacks of incidents that, according to him, reflected the state’s condition followed. Scenes included the 26,000 government teachers who lost their jobs and the emotional toll, as well as the scene depicting a woman walking alone in the middle of the night and being followed by some men.

The reel also referred to the RG Kar rape-murder case of a 34-year-old doctor. In that case, a Kolkata court sentenced the convict Sanjay Roy to imprisonment for life and ordered the state government to pay ₹17 lakh as compensation to the victim’s parents, though the victim’s parents claimed that they were seeking justice and not compensation.

The video directly targeted the ruling government and came barely two months before elections; many saw its timing as politically sensitive. Soon after it went viral, political reactions started pouring in.

TMC claims political links

Soon after the reel of Adhikary became viral, several TMC leaders and supporters started propagating that Adhikary was affiliated with the BJP. They claimed that he was not just a content creator, but he was politically motivated.

TMC spokesperson Riju Dutta shared a strong statement on social media, calling Adhikary a “BJP YouTuber.” In his post, Dutta said that the same person who had accused the West Bengal government of failing to protect women was now himself booked for outraging the modesty of a woman and physical assault.

Dutta detailed the sections under which the case was registered and highlighted that the complainant had alleged confinement for nearly 12 hours, physical assault and threats. In a controversial remark, he also linked Adhikary to BJP IT Cell chief Amit Malviya and stated that people misusing women join the BJP.”

Now, the TMC’s narrative has been that the case is a straightforward criminal matter, and political colour is unnecessarily being given by the opposition.

Questions over timing and false allegations

On the other hand, BJP supporters and several influencers have questioned the timing of the arrest. Many of them have hinted that the case could be politically motivated, especially since Adhikary’s reel had sharply criticised the state government.

Some social media users have gone as far as suggesting that the sexual assault complaint is fabricated to silence him. They argue that the arrest happened soon after his viral video and just before the elections, raising suspicion.

Amit Malviya, BJP’s IT Cell chief, strongly criticised the Mamata Banerjee-led government. In a social media post, he said that West Bengal had turned into a “dictatorial regime” where critics were targeted with fake and malicious FIRs.

Malviya claimed that activists and voices who embarrassed the ruling party were being subjected to character assassination and police action. Referring to Adhikary’s case, he questioned why details of the alleged incident were not publicly known and why the complainant had not spoken earlier.

“This is the TMC’s model of governance: Muzzle free speech, intimidate critics, weaponise the police and destroy reputations to stay in power.”

“But Bengal is watching. And Bengal will not stay silent. BJP will stand with every individual victimised by Mamata Banerjee‘s regime.”

“Together with the people of West Bengal, we will defeat fear, expose abuse of power, and restore democracy. This is not justice. This is political persecution. And it will end,” he added.

Support from fellow influencers

Adhikary has also received support from some fellow content creators and social media users. One X user questioned why influencers who speak about social and political matters in West Bengal are facing cases. He asked why there was no public outrage when such actions were taken against them.

Supporters argue that raising concerns about governance and women’s safety is part of democratic rights and should not lead to legal harassment. However, others say that the criminal allegations must be treated seriously and investigated independently of political debates.

The matter has clearly gone beyond a criminal case and entered the political arena. With elections approaching, every development is being viewed through a political lens.

For now, Shamik Adhikary has not made any public statement. The developments in the court proceedings over the coming days, and also the investigation findings, will have a major role to play in this issue.

While the case began as a complaint against a crime, it’s turned into a political debate, questioning not just the charges against the accused, but also freedom of expression, political rivalry, and the role of social media at the time of the election.

Mirzapur Christian conversion: Allahabad HC grants bail to Indian Missionaries Society-linked accused who converted 70 Hindus. Read exclusive details of Sessions Court’s scathing observations

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On 28th January, the Allahabad High Court granted bail to Dev Sahayam Deniyal Raj, a Tamil Nadu resident accused of coercing Hindus to convert to Christianity. He was involved in a conversion racket in the Ahraura police station area of Mirzapur, Uttar Pradesh, and was booked under Sections 3 and 5(1) of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act. OpIndia accessed relevant court documents in the matter.

In its judgment, the High Court recorded that Deniyal Raj had been in jail since 30th September 2025. The court granted bail after noting the nature of accusations, the severity of punishment in the event of conviction, the nature of supporting evidence, and a reasonable apprehension of witness tampering. The court clarified that bail was granted without going into the merits of the case.

The court directed his release on personal bonds and sureties, subject to standard conditions such as not tampering with evidence, not intimidating witnesses, and appearing before the trial court on all dates.

The key observation in the judgment was a legal objection to the very initiation of proceedings. The court relied on a recent Supreme Court ruling interpreting who is authorised to set the law in motion under the unamended statutory scheme. During the hearing, counsel for the accused argued that the FIR was lodged on the complaint of a person who was neither the aggrieved individual nor an immediate family member or blood relative. Thus, the prosecution itself was unsustainable.

The Mirzapur FIR and what it says

The FIR in the matter was registered on 28th September 2025 at Ahraura police station in Mirzapur based on the complaint of Indrasan. In his complaint, he stated that he received information around 12:30 pm from a church referred to in the FIR as Sariya Chak Jata Church. When he went there, he found Hindus from different villages seated inside. Dev Sahayam Deniyal Raj, the main accused, was holding the prayer meeting, and another accused, Mithilesh Kumar, was assisting him during the programme.

Source: UP police

During the prayer meeting, Hindus present in the church were asked to accept Christianity, claiming that it would bring financial benefits and assistance, including claims relating to children’s education, marriage, and medical treatment.

He further stated that an attempt was made to persuade those present to accept Jesus and that a baptism related process was being spoken about. After observing the meeting, the complainant left and approached the police to file a complaint.

Source: UP Police

Based on his complaint, police registered an FIR and swung into action. Deniyal Raj and his four associates were arrested by the police. According to media reports, he was involved in the conversion of 50–70 Hindus to Christianity. Furthermore, he had made a list of 500 Hindus whom he wanted to convert. He had eight associates working for him. Notably, during questioning, he revealed that he was appointed as field incharge of Indian Missionaries Society, Tamil Nadu.

According to police, they started surveying the region in 2012. In 2023, they came to the area and by 2024, they started converting people to Christianity.

Why the Sessions Court rejected bail and what it recorded

On 30th October 2025, the Sessions Court in Mirzapur rejected Deniyal Raj’s bail plea. The court noted that the prosecution opposed bail, stating that the accused and his associates committed the offence by offering inducements and allurements to convert Hindus to Christianity. The court noted the gravity of the offence and declined to grant bail.

The Sessions Court’s judgment was crucial because the court noted that the prosecution placed on record that the accused was linked to three other cases, all related to unlawful religious conversions. It was not a casual detail but a critical factor when assessing bail in offences that are alleged to be organised, repeat, and network driven.

The Sessions Court therefore rejected bail after considering the case diary and available documents, holding that sufficient grounds for bail were not made out.

The High Court order and the gap that raises concern

The High Court judgment stated that the applicant argued that he had no criminal antecedents and that nothing incriminating was recovered from his possession, along with the argument about the informant not being an aggrieved person or relative. It also records that the State opposed bail. Despite this, the High Court allowed the bail plea. This is where the bail grant becomes controversial and, from a public interest perspective, problematic.

The Sessions Court order is on record, and it specifically recorded that there were similar cases against the accused, making him a person of interest with criminal history relating to unlawful conversions. The High Court order, on the other hand, recorded the applicant’s plea that he had no antecedents, but does not reflect engagement with the Sessions Court’s finding on repeat involvement.

That gap matters because bail decisions are not purely about time spent in custody. They are also about the likelihood of repetition, tampering, influence, and the broader pattern behind the offence.

When a trial court records that an accused is connected to multiple similar cases, it strengthens the prosecution’s argument that the offence is part of a continuing pattern rather than an isolated incident. Ignoring that dimension at the bail stage undermines the very rationale behind stricter bail conditions in special statutes.

Why courts must treat organised conversion cases with stricter scrutiny

The key issue in such cases is inducement-based conversions. When such conversions are executed through organised networks, they are not spontaneous acts. They are operational exercises that involve recruitment, persuasion, repeated contact, resource flow, and on ground mobilisation.

The FIR and the Sessions Court record both point towards inducements, including money, education support, marriage related help, and medical assistance being used as persuasion tools. Where courts have material suggesting repeat involvement, the bail stage becomes critical.

It has to be noted that bail is not an acquittal, but it does shape ground reality. It gives room for networks to regroup, influence witnesses, change local dynamics, and continue outreach under different covers.

The matter is even more sensitive as demographic change is not an abstract discussion point. It is a real outcome when targeted conversion activity focuses on poor, economically weak, and socially vulnerable communities.

The ideological messaging may be packaged as healing or welfare, but the end result is a change in religious composition in micro pockets over time. The law exists precisely because the State considers inducement-based conversions a public order and social harmony issue, not merely a private faith choice question.

The bottom line

This bail order is not just about one case. It is about whether courts will treat organised inducement-based conversion cases with the seriousness that the statute demands. The Sessions Court rejected bail after recording the statutory threshold and the fact that the accused was linked to three other similar cases. The High Court granted bail while noting the legal objections relating to who can initiate prosecution and after recording standard bail considerations.

For a law framed to curb inducement driven conversions, judicial scrutiny at the bail stage becomes the first real test. When repeat conduct is recorded on the trial court record, bail orders need to reflect deeper engagement with that reality. Otherwise, the signal that goes out is not about safeguarding liberty. In reality, it directly affects social stability and demographic balance over time, even if bail is not granted on the merits.

Gaurav Gogoi’s wife Elizabeth reported to Pakistani boss while working in India, sent confidential reports advocating low visibility strategies: Read explosive details revealed by Assam Police SIT

The Special Investigation Team (SIT) formed by the Assam government to probe the Pakistan link of Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi and his wife Elizabeth Colburn Gogoi has concluded. In a press conference today, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma presented the findings of the probe, levelling serious allegations against the Deputy Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha and his wife.

The CM said that the state government has forwarded the findings of the SIT probe to the Union Ministry of Home Affairs for further probe, as Assam Police does not have jurisdiction over many matters linked to the case. He said these links pose a significant threat to national security and require further detailed probe.

The Chief Minister described the findings as “damning and damaging,” emphasising that the involvement of a sitting MP elevates the matter to one of “extreme seriousness.” He alleged that Gogoi “attempted to legitimise Pakistan” through various actions, including leading a youth delegation to the Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi in 2015, where he met with then-High Commissioner Abdul Basit.

As per the CM, Elizabeth previously served as an aide to former US Senator Tom Udall, who is linked to anti-India billionaire George Soros, who wants to topple nationalist governments across the world, including the Modi government.

Sarma pointed to a viral photograph from this meeting, which he initially suspected was photoshopped but later confirmed as authentic after endorsements from Congress leaders.  Following the photo’s circulation, Basit reportedly visited Assam, which Sarma suggested was not coincidental.

The main allegations are regarding Elizabeth Colburn Gogoi and her links with Pakistani national Ali Tauqeer Sheikh. As per the probe, Elizabeth worked in Pakistan from March 18, 2011, to March 17, 2012, under a Pakistan-based organisation called LEAD Pakistan. During this period, she allegedly developed close ties with Ali Tauqeer Sheikh, whom CM Sarma described as a “Pakistani agent” with connections to the Pakistan Army, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), and the country’s Planning Commission.

Sheikh, according to Sarma, was no mere environmentalist but a figure who promoted anti-India narratives on global platforms, particularly regarding the Indus Water Treaty and other bilateral conflicts. Sheikh visited India at least 13 times between 2010 and 2013, raising concerns about his role in anti-India activities. CM Sarma said that he was allowed to visit India by the UPA govt despite his anti-India comments being known.

Sarma revealed explosive details from the SIT report, claiming Elizabeth was transferred to India but continued to receive her salary from the Pakistani firm even after her relocation. Moreover, an appointment letter placing her in India was issued a year before her transfer. As per the SIT probe, LEAD India was brought under LEAD Pakistan so that Elizabeth’s salary could be transferred from Pakistan to India, bypassing FCRA regulations.

The CM said that LEAD Pakistan could not send the salary directly to Elizabeth, as a fund transfer under FCRA is only for Indians, and she is not an Indian citizen. Therefore, the fund was diverted to LEAD India, an Indian organisation, to pay her salary.

Elizabeth Colburn Gogoi worked under Bhawana Luthra in Lead India, who was questioned by the SIT in connection with the case. As per the financial records of Lead India checked by the investigators, LEAD India received funds from LEAD Pakistan in the name of organisational work, but actually the money was for Gogoi’s salary.

Sarma stated that Elizabeth maintained active bank accounts in Pakistan, where she received payments, but she refused disclose details of the accounts to the SIT. Another shocking fact was that her salary was much higher than that of her superior in India. While she received ₹2,50,000, Bhawana Luthra’s salary was ₹50,000.

As per the probe, Gogoi received a total of ₹82.41 lakhs from Pakistan through FCRA. LEAD India received ₹63.48 lakh from LEAD Pakistan, while in total it received ₹91.27 lakh from September 2012 to November 2014. Out of this, 90% amount was received by Gaurav Gogoi’s wife alone.

Moreover, while Gogoi was under Bhawana Luthra in LEAD India, she actually reported to Asian Regional Director Ali Tauqeer Sheikh in Islamabad. The agreement appointing Elizabeth in LEAD India said, “CDKN’s programme in India is part of the overall Asia programme managed and directed by Lead Pakistan as a core partner of the CDKN delivery alliance. As such, the personnel in this statement of work (namely Elizabeth Gogoi) are line managed, and their work overseen and approved, by the Asia Regional Director and Asia Regional Manager in Islamabad.

It further states that, “The Asit. Regional Director, together with the CDKN outcome leads and Head of Country Support in London have joint strategic and budgetary control over the programme in India. The Lead Pakistan office will administer this contract on behalf of CDKN including setting monthly work plans, approving budgets and travel expenses and all other technical, strategic and budgetary decisions.”

This makes it clear that LEAD India was completely under LEAD Pakistan, an unusual arrangement as, in general, country units of international organisations have equal rank and status, and are governed by regional/global heads. But in this case, the wife of a Lok Sabha MP worked under an organisation under direct control of Pakistan, and CM Sarma called it a very serious issue.

The agreement was collected by the SIT during the probe. As per CM Sarma, while Elizabeth transferred from Pakistan to India, she remained a ‘shadow employee’ of LEAD Pakistan working in India. He said that the SIT has confiscated documents showing the flow of money from Pakistan to India from the LEAD India office, and Bhawana Luthra has also confirmed the same.

In another explosive allegation, the CM alleged she collected sensitive information on activities surrounding India and sent reports back to Pakistan, including a 50-page confidential document to Sheikh that referenced Intelligence Bureau (IB) sources. The report was marked as confidential, and it prima facie violates Section 2 of the Official Secrets Act, 1923.

During questioning, Elizabeth agreed that she authored the report. As per the CM, the report stated, “no risk, no visibility strategy recommended”. It further advocated that the Pakistan-based actor maintain a covert operational strategy in India to avoid detection and scrutiny, as per the SIT.

Elizabeth had also recommended bypassing the central government in India and working directly with state governments and other regional agencies. She had written that the tension between the centre and states will increase under PM Modi.

When she was working in LEAD India, she visited Islamabad six times, and after she left LEAD India and joined Oxford Policy Management, she visited three more times. Each time, she used the land route through the Atari border, instead of taking flights, the CM said. As per SIT, LEAD India head Bhawana Luthra said that she does not know why Elizabeth visited Pakistan.

The SIT made the following major observations regarding Elizabeth Colburn Gogoi

  • Links to George Soros via Senator Tom Udall
  • Employment with LEAD Pakistan under Ali Tauqeer Sheikh
  • Refused to disclose Pakistani bank account details
  • Pre-determined employment contract with LEAD India (issued 18 months before joining)
  • Shadow employment arrangement to facilitate entry into India
  • Salary 500% higher than reporting manager – FCRA violation
  • Concealed funding source from Pakistan
  • Primary beneficiary of Rs. 82.41 lakhs from Pakistani FCRA funds
  • No oversight from LEAD India management-reported directly to Pakistan
  • Transmission of CONFIDENTIAL report to Pakistan (August 5, 2014)
  • Report contained reference to secret IB communication
  • Advocated “Low Risk Low Visibility” strategy for Pakistani actors
  • Recommended bypassing Central Government via State-level engagement
  • Exploited Centre-State political tensions in intelligence report
  • Joint pre-employment travel with Ali Tauqeer Sheikh (3 occasions)
  • 6 unauthorized visits to Pakistan while at LEAD India
  • 3 additional Pakistan visits after joining Oxford Policy Management

The Chief Minister also talked about Gaurav Gogoi, saying that in 2013, five months before his first Lok Sabha election win, Gogoi visited Pakistan via the land border after losing his passport during a trip to Israel. CM Sarma questioned the upgrade of Gogoi’s single-entry visa to multiple-entry upon arrival in Pakistan and his access to ISI strongholds in Pakistani cities amid ongoing border skirmishes.

As per the CM, while Gogoi’s visa was only for Lahore, after he reached Pakistan, his visa was extended to include visits to Islamabad and Karachi. This extension was granted based on a letter written by Pakistan’s interior ministry. CM Sarma said that the SIT has obtained the passport showing the endorsement for extending the visa locations.

As per the CM, Gogoi’s personality completely changed after visiting Pakistan, and raised parliamentary questions related to confidential matters, like Nuclear power plants, uranium reserves, border security, defence hardware and software, air power, domestic weapons manufacturing, espionage at the Pakistan High Commission in Delhi. He also asked questions on national water mission strategies, a matter linked to Elizabeth’s area of work.

The CM also showed a video clip from an interview, where Gaurav Gogoi had said that he visited Pakistan because his wife was working there. But the CM pointed out that his wife was transferred to LEAD India a year before his visit.

While Gaurav Gogoi’s daughter is a British citizen, as she was born in London, CM Sarma revealed that he had surrendered the Indian passport of his India-born son. He displayed the surrender certificate issued by the Regional Passport in Delhi, stating that the passport was surrendered on 12 May 2022. CM Sarma called it very regrettable that the son of former Assam CM Tarun Gogoi surrendered his son’s Indian passport.

Another serious allegation the CM made was that when son Kabir Gogoi had an Indian passport, his religion was mentioned as Hindu, but no religion is mentioned in his British passport. On the other hand, the British passport of daughter Maya Gogoi mentions her religion as Christian.

CM Sarma said that his son is being converted to Christianity, and Gaurav Gogoi is now a religious minority in his own family.

Himanta Sarma underscored the national security implications of these facts, stating, “The SIT has given proof that three persons have a direct link with Pakistan—Ali Tauqeer Sheikh, Elizabeth Gogoi, and Gaurav Gogoi. After seeing the SIT report, our cabinet ministers were shocked.”

He added that the probe, initially handled by Assam Police’s CID, revealed information requiring Interpol assistance and access to classified data out of the jurisdiction of Assam Police. The cabinet discussed the report on February 7 and authorised its partial disclosure today, excluding confidential elements. The cabinet has decided to refer the report to the Union Home Ministry for further investigation.

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has also questioned why Elizabeth Colburn Gogoi retains her UK visa even so many years after her marriage with Gaurav Gogoi. He has also questioned why their children are also British citizens and why no application has been made for Indian citizenship.

Artist TM Krishna spews venom against Vande Mataram, calls it ‘unfit’ as national anthem, labels Anandmath anti-Muslim; Read how he reveals deep hostility towards Hindu identity

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Carnatic music artist TM Krishna, who is notorious for holding extreme political views, recently spewed venom against the national song ‘Vande Mataram’ and the Hindus. In a recent interview with the YouTube channel The Deshbhakt, where he was promoting his book, Krishna expressed his disdain for Vande Mataram, Anandmath and also the Hindu identity.

Vande Mataram was written by the renowned Indian author and novelist Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and was introduced by him in his famous novel ‘Anandmath’. The novel is set against the backdrop of the Indian freedom struggle and the famine situation in Bengal.

The words ‘Vande Mataram’ became a popular slogan among freedom fighters, who drew motivation and strength from it at a time when the country was reeling under British rule. The song captures the passion of the Indian freedom fighters for their country, which they revere as ‘mother’, and their resolve to free it from the clutches of slavery.

Vande Mataram portrays Bharat Mata as a Hindu Goddess: Krishna

However, Krishna, completely failing to appreciate the song’s devotional undertones, describes it as “complex” and claims it was not fit to become the country’s national anthem. “There is no way Vande Mataram could have been the national anthem of India, let me very simply say. Because Vande Mataram is a complex song…” Krishna asserted. He, then, goes on to justify his critical opinion by finding fault with the structure of the song and points out how the song was not written by Chatterjee in one stretch but in phases, as if that is a disqualifier for the song to be accepted as the national anthem.

He compares the song ‘Jana Gana Mana’, the Indian national anthem written by Nobel Prize-winning Rabindranath Tagore, with Vande Mataram. While both songs celebrate India with different viewpoints, Krishna claims that Jana Gana Mana is more fit to be the national anthem than Vande Mataram, which he associates and restricts to the Hindu identity, which he clearly abhors. Furthermore, he points out a shift in the “tonality” in the last couple of stanzas of Vande Mataram and says that in these stanzas, Mother India has been portrayed as a “Hindu Goddess”, which is another grievance he carries with the song.

Anandmath is an anti-Muslim book: Krishna

He does not stop there with his Hindu hatred and goes on to peddle lies about the book ‘Anandmath’ by also making misleading claims about it. Krishna, who claims to have read two translations of Anandmath, declares the book to be not just anti-establishment (British and Muslim establishment at that time) but also anti-Muslim. “In the book, it is a song that is sung by Hindu Sanyasis, while they are attacking villages where Muslims live. It is a book that is establishing the superiority of the Hindu community and the need for their control coming back,” Krishna said.

One might say that being an ‘artist’, Krishna is entitled to his opinion regarding the ‘structure’ or the ‘tone’ of the song. From criticising the structure of the song, he shifts to making sweeping generalisations about the song and creates a cult out of people who praise and support the song, and states, “And the fascinating thing is, all those who subscribe to ‘Vande Mataram’, in general, also said ‘Uniform Civil Code,’ also said ‘one language.’ Some of them also said there should be a mention of God in the Preamble (of the Constitution), and also said ‘anti-conversion.’

TM Krishna and his Hindu hatred

As he keeps on critically talking about the song, it becomes clear that it is not the song that has deeply bothered him, but something bigger that he believes the song symbolises. “So, if you see, Vande Mataram symbolises an entire ecology of what they believe is India, which is a Hindu India, a dominant Hindu India, in which others can be accommodated if they agree to be emotionally subservient or they say (accept) that our forefathers were Hindu.”

It becomes obvious from the above-quoted statements of Krishna that Anandmath or Vande Mataram are not the actual subjects of his vitriol, but it is actually the Hindu identity that he associates with them. Krishna tries to package his Hindu hatred as a genuine concern for the “secular” ethos of the country by insinuating that Hindu identity intrinsically contrasts with an egalitarian society.

He presents his idea of India as one which accommodates people from all communities and does not discriminate against anyone based on religion or ideology. However, in saying so, Krishna exposes his hypocrisy and double standards. Years ago, in 2018, TM Krishna had openly admitted that he feels no empathy when RSS members are killed by communists or Islamists in places like Kerala. Not just that, he blatantly blamed the BJP for making him this “crass” and “inhuman”. Krishna, who lends lip service to the idea of giving space to all ideologies, has himself displayed intolerance towards the ideologies he is not pleased with, including the Hindu ideology.

‘Reconsider blanket prohibition on non-Hindus in Hindu temples’ – Kerala High Court calls for ‘harmonious’ interpretation; read why this is problematic

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On 30th January, the Kerala High Court held that the rule imposing a blanket ban on the entry of non-Hindus into Hindu temples may require reconsideration to align with constitutional principles. The court observed that statutory provisions that govern religious spaces should not become instruments of “social discord or disharmony”.

The judgment was pronounced by a Division Bench comprising Justice Raja Vijayaraghavan V and Justice K V Jayakumar. The court dismissed a writ petition that challenged the entry of Christian priests into a temple during a Hindu festival. While dismissing the petition, the court asked the State government to examine whether Rule 3(a) of the Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship Rules, 1965 should be retained in its present form or amended after consultation with religious stakeholders.

OpIndia accessed judgment in the matter.

Background of the dispute

The case stemmed from events on 7th September 2023 during Sreekrishna Jayanthi celebrations at the Adoor Sree Parthasarathi Temple in Pathanamthitta district. The temple authorities had invited two Christian priests, including Dr Zacharias Mar Aprem, to attend a public programme held within the temple compound as part of the celebrations.

Following the event, the priests were taken near the Sreekovil, the inner sanctum area, and were presented with gifts. As the Christian priests were in their priestly robes, Hindu devotees raised objections and contended that non-Hindus were not permitted to enter the temple precincts as per the Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship (Authorisation of Entry) Act, 1965 and the Rules framed thereunder.

Sanil Narayanan Nampoothiri, a devotee of the temple, approached the Kerala High Court and accused the temple authorities of violating statutory provisions by permitting the entry of Christian priests. He sought disciplinary action against members of the Temple Advisory Committee, including their termination. Furthermore, he sought directions to bar all non-Hindus from entering the temple, and the performance of curative rituals to restore the sanctity of the premises.

Clear prohibition on entry of non-Hindus

The petitioner argued that Rule 3(a) of the 1965 Rules clearly prohibits the entry of non-Hindus into temples. He argued that the entry of Christian priests, especially in religious attire, amounted to a direct violation of the law. It was contended that temple authorities had no discretion to override the statutory embargo, regardless of whether permission was granted by the Thanthri.

It was further asserted that allowing such entry undermined established customs and religious practices, thereby diluting the sanctity of the temple. The petitioner maintained that the issue was not about hospitality or courtesy but about strict adherence to statutory and religious norms governing Hindu places of worship.

Stand of the Devaswom Board and temple authorities

In its counter affidavit, the Travancore Devaswom Board admitted that the Christian priest had been invited by the Temple Advisory Committee to inaugurate the Shobha Yatra connected with Sreekrishna Jayanthi celebrations. It stated that after the programme, the priests sought permission to enter the temple and such permission was granted by the Thanthri.

The Board contended that the entry was ceremonial and permissive, not as a matter of right, and did not violate temple rituals, rites, or customs. It was also stated that the maximum consequence under the Rules, even if violated, was removal of the person from the premises, and not punitive action against temple authorities.

Members of the Temple Advisory Committee echoed this position and asserted that the entry was authorised by the Thanthri. The committee further contended that no devotees objected at the time, and that the petition amounted to an abuse of the legal process.

Observations of the Court

The Kerala High Court noted that the Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship (Authorisation of Entry) Act, 1965 was enacted to ensure the entry of all sections and classes of Hindus into temples and to eliminate caste-based exclusions.

The Bench pointed out that while Rule 3(a) of the 1965 Rules bars non-Hindus from entering temples, the parent Act itself does not contain any explicit prohibition on the entry of non-Hindus. The Court emphasised that subordinate legislation cannot introduce restrictions that are not included in the parent Act.

The Court reiterated that delegated legislation must supplement, not supplant, the Act under which it is framed.

Findings and conclusions of the Court

In its judgment, the Court drew a distinction between entry claimed as a matter of right and entry permitted by the Thanthri as a guest or invitee. The Court held that the Thanthri occupies a central and authoritative position in the spiritual hierarchy of the temple. A permissive entry authorised by him cannot be equated with a statutory violation.

The Court further observed that the object of the law is to promote social harmony. The statutes should evolve with changing societal realities, the court said. It further cautioned that rigid interpretations of subordinate rules should not result in religious disharmony.

The Court, however, refrained from striking down the rule and left it to the government to decide whether it should be amended after due consultation with Devaswom Boards, Thanthris, religious scholars, and other stakeholders.

Why this judgment is fundamentally flawed and unfair to Hindus

The judgment is being presented as a defence of constitutional harmony. However, it exposes a deeper and recurring problem in the legal landscape, that is, judicial overreach into Hindu religious spaces under the selective banner of secularism and harmony.

Across India and the world, places of worship impose faith-based restrictions without controversy. Non-Muslims are prohibited from entering the inner precincts of Mecca and Medina. The Vatican enforces strict access controls based on religious authority and protocol. Even several churches and synagogues restrict participation in core religious ceremonies to adherents alone. None of these practices are framed as unconstitutional or socially divisive.

However, when it comes to Hindu temples, they are subjected to relentless judicial scrutiny, reinterpretation, and moral policing. The Kerala High Court’s suggestion that a rule barring non-Hindus may be inconsistent with constitutional values ignores the basic principle that religious institutions have the right to preserve their spiritual character. They cannot be turned into tourist spots.

The argument that Hinduism is merely a way of life and therefore open to universal access has been repeatedly weaponised to dilute Hindu religious autonomy. This reasoning conveniently overlooks the fact that Hindu temples are not public parks or cultural halls, but consecrated ritual spaces governed by Agamas, customs, and centuries-old practices.

What is more troubling is that the Court showed readiness to question a rule framed specifically to protect Hindu temple sanctity, despite the Act itself being a product of state intervention into Hindu religious affairs. Hindu temples are already under government control through Devaswom Boards, unlike churches and mosques which retain autonomy. Asking Hindus to now surrender even the authority to decide who may enter their sacred spaces amounts to an unequal application of secularism.

Secularism does not mean that Hindus must endlessly accommodate everyone and everything for the sake of it, that too when other faiths enforce exclusivity without question. Hindus are not the sole custodians of secularism. Their temples are not laboratories for social experimentation.

Read the judgment here.

Opposition trying to provoke farmer protests by lying about India-US trade deal: Read how it is only interim framework, no tariff cut on major crops, and India already imports farm products

The United States and India on Saturday unveiled a new joint framework for an Interim Trade Agreement, a major step toward a full Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA). The White House said that the US is dropping the punitive 25% tariff on India for purchasing Russian Oil immediately, and the reciprocal tariff of 25% will come down to 18% once the trade deal is finalised and signed.

After US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the move as a big breakthrough that could open the door to deeper economic cooperation between the two countries, opposition leaders have started to attack the Modi government over the framework. Some of them have started to claim that PM Modi has already signed the trade deal with the United States, reducing tariffs on farm products to zero, and that it will flood the domestic market with cheap American agricultural products, leading to the ruin of local producers. However, these allegations are completely false and misleading.

In a post on X, Sanjay Singh of the Aam Aadmi Party claimed that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had “lied to the nation” and “betrayed crores of farmers” by opening India’s agricultural market to the US at zero per cent tax. He also claimed that PM Modi agreed for the deal to save Gautam Adani after he was accused of corruption by US Department of Justice. He accused the government of lying for saying that interests of farmers will be protected in the trade deal with the US.

Sanjay Singh claimed that cheap American grains and fruits would devastate Indian farmers, while the country would be forced to buy costly American oil instead of cheaper Russian supplies, imposing an additional burden of ₹80,000 crore on the public. The AAP leader claimed that while the US will impose 18% tariff on all Indian exports to the US, India will not impose any tariff on imports from the US. He claimed that Narendra Modi signed the death warrant of farmers by allowing 0% tariff on farm products.

Similarly, activist Yogendra Yadav claimed that the deal marked the first time Indian agriculture was being integrated into an international trade agreement. He added that while products will be imported at zero import duties, others like maize and soya will enter the Indian market through the “back door.” He urged farmers to mobilise against what he termed an “attack.”

Yadav claimed that the Modi govt is also ready to relax the ban on the import of genetically modified crops and dairy from animals that consume non-vegetarian feed. But there is no basis to make this claim, and even the Trump administration has not made such a claim.

These comments are completely baseless and untrue, aimed at provoking the farmers to launch yet another protest against the government. The opposition leaders are claiming that the Indian government has already signed a trade deal reducing tariffs on agricultural products to zero, which is completely false.

No Trade Deal Yet

Opposition leaders are claiming that India has already signed the trade deal with the USA, which is completely false. What we have is a joint statement saying that India and the US have reached a framework for an interim trade agreement. The actual Free Trade Agreement is yet to be finalised, let alone signed.

The framework is not a binding pact but a preliminary outline reaffirming commitment to broader US-India Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) talks. It will potentially take months of negotiations to finalise the draft of the deal. The final agreement will depend on these negotiations, and also on the famously unstable mood of Donald Trump.

No Major Farm Products Mentioned

Notably, the Joint statement specifies that India will “eliminate or reduce tariffs” on all US industrial goods and a “wide range” of American food and agricultural products. Notably, it does not say that India will eliminate tariffs across all items, contrary to the claims. Yogendra Yadav, Sanjay Singh and other opposition leaders have chosen to conveniently ignore the term ‘reduce’, which is a blatant misrepresentation of the text of the statement.

The agricultural products on which India will eliminate or reduce tariffs include Dried Distillers’ Grains, red sorghum for animal feed, tree nuts, fresh and processed fruit, soybean oil, wine, spirits, and select others. These are predominantly commodities that India already imports to meet domestic demand gaps. These are not major farm products produced by Indian farmers. Therefore, it does not represent any major threat to Indian farmers.

The joint statement does mention any major staple crop like rice, wheat, maize, etc., most of the products are used for industrial and non-food purposes. These reductions are targeted at industrial and supplementary goods that do not compete with the core productions of Indian farmers.

While the US was demanding that India open up its market for American corn, soybean, fuel ethanol, dairy and poultry products, none of them have been mentioned in the joint statement, and are unlikely to be included in the final agreement.

No Backdoor Entry

Yogendra Yadav claimed India is allowing backdoor import of corn and soyabean by allowing import of Dried Distillers’ Grains (DDG) and soyabean oil, which is not correct. DDG is a byproduct of ethanol manufactured from corn and other cereal grains, and it is used as animal feed. But it does not replace existing feed; it is only added to normal feed, as it is very rich in protein.

Similarly, Red Sorghum mentioned in the statement is also used as animal feed. Amul MD Jayen Mehta has assured that import of these items will not have any major impact on Indian farmers, as dairy farmers do not use more then 3%-4% of DDG in animal feed. He said that though DDG has high energy, it leads to fat separation in the cattle, and hence it is kept limited to around 3% to 4% only.

DDG is only a byproduct of corn that India has agreed to purchase; there will be no import of corn or other corn products like ethanol and corn syrup. And as DDG made from corn is cheaper compared to DDG made from other crops like rice or other sources of protein, Indian dairy farmers will actually benefit from it.

Contrary to Yadav’s claim, importing soyabean oil does not mean backdoor import of soyabean, and India already imports a large quantity of soyabean oil as domestic production is not sufficient to meet demand.

Union ministers, including Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal and Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhab have repeatedly emphasised that farmers’ interests will be safeguarded, and the joint statement reflects that commitment by not referring to not mentioning any major Indian farm products. It only shows that tariff adjustments are limited to products where India has import dependencies.

US imposed 25% reciprocal tariff on India, claiming that India was charging a very high import duty. Therefore, it was only expected that the Indian govt will reduce some tariffs as part of the deal. In exchange, the US has committed to slashing tariffs on Indian goods from 50 per cent to 18 per cent, removing punitive duties linked to India’s prior Russian oil purchases, and easing barriers on items like generic pharmaceuticals, gems, diamonds, and aircraft parts.

Russian Oil

Referring to the claim that India will replace cheap Russian Oil with costly American oil, it needs to be noted that this remains only a claim by the US, and the Indian govt has not made any comment on it. The claim that India has agreed to stop buying Russian Oil is not even mentioned in the India-US joint statement. It was mentioned in a separate presidential order issued by the White House, eliminating the 25% punitive tariff on India.

The Executive Order states, “India has committed to stop directly or indirectly importing Russian Federation oil, has represented that it will purchase United States energy products from the United States, and has recently committed to a framework with the United States to expand defense cooperation over the next 10 years.”

India never imported oil only from Russia; the country imported petroleum products from various countries depending on market conditions. India started to buy Russian oil in significant quantities only after the Russia-Ukraine conflict resulted in EU imposed discount on Russian oil. Before that, India was buying oil at prevailing market rates.

Therefore, the claim that replacing discounted Russian oil with oil at market rates will destroy the economy is completely baseless and wrong. Discount on Russian oil is anyway coming down, and once the war is ended, sanctions on Russian oil and gas will also go away, as the country is a major producer and exporter of energy in the world. Once that discount is removed, India will have to buy all its imported oil at market prices only. That will not destroy the economy, but will only remove the additional benefit oil companies are enjoying.

India Already Imports Farm Products

A key misconception fuelling the claims regarding the import of agricultural products is the notion that India does not import farm products, and is now being coerced into doing so under US pressure. In reality, India has long been a major importer of agricultural commodities to meet its vast domestic demand. A country does not and can not produce all the agricultural products, and has to depend on imports.

For example, an interesting trivia is that India is simultaneously the largest producer, largest consumer and largest importer of pulses. India’s domestic demand for pulses is so high that, despite being the largest producer, it needs to import substantial quantities from various countries, including the USA and Canada.

Similarly, India imports substantial quantities of vegetable oils like palm oil, soybean oil, sunflower oil, etc. India needs to import edible oils because domestic oilseed production, like mustard, groundnut, soybean, etc., doesn’t meet the high demand for cooking and industrial use.

Similarly, Indian markets already import a variety of fruits and nuts in large quantities. This includes apples, almonds, walnuts, pistachios, kiwis, pears, dates, grapes and others. Other farm products already imported by India include cotton, natural rubber, certain cereals, coffee, cocoa beans, and certain spices, which are not produced domestically in sufficient quantities, like some types of pepper and cardamom.

As per the latest data, India imported agricultural and farm produce worth approximately US $38 billion in total in the year 2024-25. Imports have been rising because domestic production of certain items, especially edible oils and pulses, falls short of domestic demand.

These imports address shortages in edible oils and protein-rich foods, supporting food security without undermining local farmers.

UP records massive drop in accidents and fatalities on National Highways: Read how CM Yogi Adityanath’s policies brought the transformation

India remains the most affected country in the world in terms of road accidents. The National Highways (NHs), though they form only about 2.3% of the total road network, account for more than 36% of all road accident deaths in the country, but 2025 marked a major turning point. For the first time in three years, the rising trend in accidents and deaths on National Highways was reversed, with both figures falling by more than 11%.

According to data placed in the Lok Sabha by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH), there were 1,34,307 accidents and 57,482 deaths on National Highways in 2025. This was a sharp improvement compared to the year 2024, when 1,50,958 accidents and 64,772 deaths were reported. These numbers clearly indicate a nationwide improvement in highway safety.

Uttar Pradesh leads the national decline

Among all states, Uttar Pradesh played the biggest role in bringing down the national figures. Under the leadership of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, road safety has remained a top priority since 2017. Continuous work on road quality, better engineering, stricter enforcement and faster emergency response has delivered visible results.

Deaths on National Highways in Uttar Pradesh fell from 9,560 in 2024 to 6,973 in 2025. This means 2,587 lives were saved in just one year, the highest reduction achieved by any state in the country. Officials say this improvement reflects long-term planning rather than short-term action.

Five states drive the overall improvement

Provisional MoRTH data, based on inputs from states uploaded on the eDAR portal, shows that total accidents on National Highways fell by 16,651 and deaths by 7,290 in 2025. This reduction was mainly driven by five states: Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Chhattisgarh and Telangana. Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh together contributed to a reduction of 6,072 deaths.

State level key indicators

  • Uttar Pradesh: Deaths fall from 9,560 to 6,973 (2,587 less)
  • Madhya Pradesh: Deaths fall from 4,644 to 2,882 (1,762 less)
  • Punjab, Chhattisgarh and Telangana also showed significant improvement

States where numbers increased

While many states showed progress, some regions reported a rise in accidents and deaths.

  • Gujarat: accidents increased from 3,519 to 3,944 and deaths from 2,192 to 2,380.
  • Jharkhand: It reported a slight rise in both accidents from 2,039 to 2,056 and deaths from 1,686 to 1,783
  • Uttarakhand: It also saw higher numbers of accidents from 828 to 875 and deaths from 543 to 605
  • Delhi:  It recorded a sharp jump in accidents on National Highways, from 593 to 1,827, drawing concern from road safety experts.

Why Uttar Pradesh stands apart

Officials point out that Uttar Pradesh’s performance is the result of steady and systematic reforms. From the very beginning of his first term in March 2017, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath treated road safety as a “social challenge” and pushed for a strong and balanced approach based on the 4E model: Education, Enforcement, Engineering and Emergency Care.

Pothole-Free roads as the first big push

Soon after being appointed on 18th March, 2017, Yogi Adityanath issued strict instructions on road quality. On 25th March, 2017, he ordered that all state roads be made pothole-free within two and a half months. Officials were given clear responsibility, and regular reviews were conducted to ensure results on the ground.

At that time, potholes were a major cause of accidents in Uttar Pradesh. The pothole-free drive not only improved road quality but also sent a strong message that road safety was being taken seriously. This campaign did not stop after 2017. Every year, especially before festivals, fresh instructions were issued.

In September 2025, departments such as municipal corporations, the Public Works Department (PWD) and the Rural Development Department were again directed to ensure pothole-free roads across cities and villages.

Better roads helped reduce skidding, tyre bursts and sudden braking incidents. The impact was seen not just on National Highways, but also on state highways and rural roads, giving the policy long-term benefits.

Special focus on fog-related accidents

Winter fog is a major cause of accidents in Uttar Pradesh. After a fatal accident on the Yamuna Expressway in Mathura in December 2025, where 13 people lost their lives, the Chief Minister immediately reviewed the situation and ordered strict safety steps.

  • Increased patrolling on expressways, deployment of teams at accident-prone black spots
  • Installation of reflectors, and 24×7 availability of cranes and ambulances.
  • Proposal to reduce speed limits from 120 km/h to 80 km/h during fog.
  • Toll plazas were directed to provide shelter, blankets and basic facilities for two-wheeler riders, along with real-time safety announcements.
  • On-street parking was banned, street lighting checks were intensified, and faulty lights were repaired quickly.

These steps were implemented on major expressways, including Yamuna, Agra-Lucknow, Purvanchal, Bundelkhand and Gorakhpur Link Expressways. Officials reported a clear reduction in rear-end collisions during foggy conditions. Arrangements for night shelters and bonfires for the homeless were also made as part of a broader humanitarian approach.

AI-based road safety Initiative

In August 2025, Uttar Pradesh became the first state in the country to receive central approval for an AI-based road safety pilot project. An amount of ₹10 crore was allocated for this initiative in the 2025-26 budget.

  • Collaboration with ITI Limited and mLogica.
  • Data related to accidents, vehicles, weather, road conditions and driver profiles to identify accident patterns.
  • AI models are being used to predict risks and prevent future accidents.
  • The pilot is planned for six weeks, after which a detailed report will be submitted to the central government.

Officials say this step shows the state’s readiness to use modern technology along with traditional safety measures.

January is declared as ‘Road Safety Month

On December 21, 2025, Yogi Adityanath announced that January 2026 would be observed as Road Safety Month across Uttar Pradesh. Clear instructions were issued to turn the campaign into a mass movement.

  • Awareness drives were planned from the tehsil to the district level
  • Use of real accident case studies.
  • Volunteers from NSS, NCC, Disaster Mitra and Scouts-Guides
  • Strict action was ordered against repeat offenders, including licence cancellation and vehicle seizure.

Permanent repair of black spots, road safety audits, vehicle fitness checks, and faster emergency response during the golden hour were also emphasised. Illegal parking and encroachment were targeted, and steps were taken to keep liquor shops away from schools and colleges.

Towards a model state in road safety

With the biggest decline in National Highway deaths in 2025, Uttar Pradesh has shown that strong leadership and a multi-pronged strategy can bring real change. From pothole-free roads and fog-specific measures to AI technology and mass awareness, the state’s approach covers every aspect of road safety.

Officials say the reduction is not just about numbers, but about saving families from lifelong loss and pain. Uttar Pradesh’s experience is now being seen as a model that other states can learn from to improve road safety across the country.