On 24th November, US President Donald Trump signed an executive order to establish a new federal Artificial Intelligence programme named the Genesis Mission. Modelled after the ‘Manhattan Project’, which catapulted the country to become a major atomic power, this project is meant to mobilise federal data and resources to create AI models with practical scientific impact.
“This order launches the Genesis Mission as a dedicated, coordinated national effort to unleash a new age of AI‑accelerated innovation and discovery that can solve the most challenging problems of this century. The Genesis Mission will build an integrated AI platform to harness Federal scientific datasets, the world’s largest collection of such datasets, developed over decades of Federal investments, to train scientific foundation models and create AI agents to test new hypotheses, automate research workflows, and accelerate scientific breakthroughs,” the order reads.
Today, the Department of Energy is introducing the Genesis Mission.
President Trump is launching this historic national effort to harness the AI computing revolution and double the productivity of American science within a decade. America’s Golden Age of discovery begins now. pic.twitter.com/ZBGCKvax08
The Department of Energy has been directed to convert the national lab system into an integrated stack that provides high-performance computing resources, Domain foundation models across physics, materials, bio, energy, AI agents to explore design spaces, evaluate experiments, automate workflows, Robotic/automated labs and production tools for AI-directed experiments and manufacturing, in addition, national-scale AI scientist and AI lab tech as infrastructure.
Aggressive timelines, strict deadlines: Trump’s Genesis Mission is a move at integrating AI with America’s scientific resources
As per the executive order signed by President Trump, within 60 days, the Department of Energy has to propose at least 20 national challenges in advanced manufacturing, biotechnology, critical materials, nuclear fission and fusion energy, quantum information science, and semiconductors and microelectronics.
In addition to directing the DoE to propose national challenges within 60 days of the order’s signing, the American president has also tasked the department with identifying Federal computing, storage, and networking resources available to support the Mission.
Within 120 days, Secretary of Energy is directed to “identify a set of initial data and model assets for use in the Mission, including digitization, standardization, metadata, and provenance tracking; and develop a plan, with appropriate risk-based cybersecurity measures, for incorporating datasets from federally funded research, other agencies, academic institutions, and approved private-sector partners, as appropriate.”
Moreover, within 240 days, the Energy Secretary has to ensure mapping of all robotic laboratories and automated facilities across national laboratories and production facilities with the ability to engage in AI-directed experimentation and manufacturing.
The executive order further states that within 270 days of its date, the Secretary of Energy will demonstrate an initial operating capability of the Platform for at least one of the national science and technology challenges.
In a nutshell, the goal of the Genesis Mission is to create a functioning AI-for-science loop within nine months.
With this order, the US government has decided to formalise a federal AI stack parallel to the commercial one. The DoE and other concerned authorities have been directed to align agency AI programs and datasets onto this platform, run joint funding calls and prize programs, and build partnership frameworks with external players.
This essentially opens doors for private players like Nvidia, OpenAI, Anthropic, xAI, Google, the clouds, biotech and chip companies to become potential co-developers and suppliers for the DoE AI system.
The Trump administration has been arguing that American scientific progress has stagnated despite massive federal investments. New drug approvals have declined, scientific outputs per researcher have slumped, hammering innovation, particularly in critical areas like energy and medicine.
Reliant on manual experimentation and siloed data, traditional methods are proving to be too slow in the 21st century. Trump administration has viewed AI as a transformative tool to make things better. In July this year, the US government brought the AI Action Plan, which removed regulatory barriers and stressed American leadership.
With the Genesis Mission, the Trump administration aims to coordinate the fragmented federal assets with academia and private companies to reduce reliance on foreign nations, especially China for semiconductors, critical minerals and AI technology. The Mission is also aimed at tackling surging energy costs through AI-driven advances in nuclear fusion and efficient manufacturing.
For decades after Independence, India’s political class lived inside a carefully manufactured taboo: that holders of constitutional office must behave like cultural orphans. Prime Ministers were expected to be embarrassed by temples, Presidents were advised to treat rituals as political liabilities, and lawmakers were trained to treat Bharat’s civilisational identity as something to be hidden, diluted, ashamed of or apologised for.
PM Modi did not merely challenge this taboo. He obliterated it.
His upcoming visit to Ayodhya on November 25, where he will ceremonially hoist the saffron flag atop the shikhar of the Ram Janmabhoomi Temple, is not just a religious event. It is a civilisational statement. A democratically elected Prime Minister openly participating in the spiritual life of his civilisation is no longer scandalous. And that psychological shift, more than any election, more than any policy, is one of Modi’s most under-acknowledged political achievements.
The manufactured shame of public faith
Independent India did not inherit only the British administrative system, but also a deeply entrenched colonial contempt for native spirituality. Over time, post-1947 political elites, shaped by Western left-liberal frameworks and Marxist historiography, transformed “secularism” into something alien to the Indian ethos.
In practice, this meant Hindu symbols were treated as politically dangerous, Hindu rituals were framed as regressive, and Hindu identity in public life was either downplayed or actively erased. Asserting Hindu identity, especially by an elected representative, was dismissed and discredited as ‘rising communalism’ or even worse, ‘an advent of sinister majoritarianism’.
A Prime Minister inaugurating dams and factories was celebrated as modern and progressive, while a Prime Minister indulging in piety or performing a yajna was instantly branded “communal”. A Hindu Chief Minister donning a skullcap was hailed as a beacon of India’s much-vaunted ‘secularism’, a President visiting churches was applauded as a sign of inclusivity, yet a Governor participating in aarti was criticised as a violation of “constitutional morality”. This hypocrisy was not accidental. It was systemic, carefully engineered to ensure that Hindu civilisational expression remained politically suspect inside its own homeland.
Ayodhya symbolism
Now, as PM Modi prepares to hoist the saffron dhwaj atop the completed Ram Janmabhoomi Temple, the symbolism is layered and irreversible. For the first time in independent India’s history, the Prime Minister does not behave like a cultural refugee inside his own civilisation. Faith is no longer treated as a weakness or a liability in the practice of governance. Religion and constitutional duty are no longer projected as natural enemies that must exist in permanent tension.
Here’s a man who is not shy of wearing his identity on his sleeve and practising his faith openly, without seeking validation from anglicised elites or apologising to leftwing secularists who have long tried to shame Hindus into silence.
This moment represents not “majoritarianism”, as critics insist, but civilisational normalisation, an organic correction of an artificial psychological imbalance that was imposed for decades.
Sengol installation in the new Parliament
The installation of the Sengol in the new Parliament exposed how deeply distorted India’s self-perception had become. The sceptre that symbolised the historic transfer of power from British hands to Bharatiya hands, sanctified by Tamil Shaivite Adheenams, had been reduced to a museum artefact and casually described as nothing more than a “walking stick”. This was not a harmless oversight; it was ideological vandalism.
By restoring the Sengol to the heart of the legislature, Modi did far more than honour a forgotten object. He restored the grammar of Dharma to the very idea of Indian statehood. The Vedic chants inside Parliament, the Ganapati Homam before the exercise of legislative power, and the consecration by saints were not attempts to mix religion with the state. They were acts of decolonisation, reclaiming a civilisational consciousness that had been deliberately buried under borrowed Western political frameworks.
Faith and Constitution section
One of independent India’s most successful intellectual frauds was the false narrative that devotion and democracy were incompatible. Citizens were conditioned to believe that spiritual depth made leaders undemocratic, that faith made governance unconstitutional, and that reverence for civilisational identity somehow translated into political extremism.
PM Modi’s open and unapologetic religiosity shattered this artificial binary. By meditating in Kedarnath caves, performing rituals at Badrinath, participating in Ayodhya ceremonies, and allowing Vedic rites inside Parliament, he demonstrated that the Indian Constitution does not demand cultural amnesia. It does not require Prime Ministers to become atheists, nor does it outlaw spiritual rootedness. Modi simply exercised rights that every Indian citizen already possesses, and he did so without embarrassment. That is what truly unsettled the old ecosystem.
Reclaiming Bharat
The modern Indian Republic was constructed with institutions, but it was deliberately stripped of civilisational confidence. Over time, the state stopped viewing itself as the inheritor of an ancient and living civilisation and instead behaved like a post-colonial entity uncertain of its own legitimacy. This imposed amnesia was not natural; it was cultivated.
Modi reversed that psychological trajectory. The Kashi Vishwanath Corridor redevelopment, the reconstruction of Kedarnath, the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, and the installation of Sengol in Parliament are not isolated acts of cultural symbolism. They represent an underlying civilisational reorientation. Bharat is no longer pretending to be a rootless republic born in 1950. It is rediscovering continuity with a civilisation that predates all colonial and ideological impositions.
Modi as practitioner
Before assuming office, Narendra Modi was a practising and observant Hindu, and that identity did not disintegrate when he entered public life. Unlike leaders who performed rituals awkwardly for political optics or limited their faith to election-season photographs, Modi’s religiosity is lived rather than staged. It is embedded in discipline, routine, and personal conviction.
When he worships, it does not come across as signalling. When he fasts, it does not appear calculated. When he chants, it does not seem tactical. This authenticity has deeply unsettled those who built careers portraying Hindu spirituality as politically dangerous. Because Modi did not merely display faith; he normalised it in the highest office of the land.
Shifting the Overton Window
Perhaps Modi’s most underestimated achievement is not administrative or electoral, but psychological. He shifted the Overton window of what is considered socially and politically acceptable in Indian public life. Two decades ago, the idea of a Prime Minister chanting Vedic mantras inside Parliament would have triggered constitutional panic. Today, it is increasingly perceived as normal.
Earlier, a Prime Minister openly participating in temple rituals would be framed as polarising. Today, it is increasingly recognised as authenticity. This shift did not occur through speeches or messaging alone. It happened through consistency, conviction, and the legitimacy of popular mandate, which forced the old narrative frameworks to collapse.
Healing a wounded civilisation and ending the imported shame
The Ram Mandir was never just about stone, mortar, or architecture. It was about collective memory, historical humiliation, and civilisational survival. It told a civilisation that: Your memory matters. Your wounds were real. Your struggle was not illegitimate. For centuries, Indic civilisation endured systematic cultural assault, through iconoclasm, invasions, colonial exploitation, and later, ideological suppression by post-Independence elites.
Through his actions, PM Modi has created a new unspoken pact between the Indian state and its people. Under this pact, people will no longer have to be ashamed of their faith. They will not have to hide their identity, and they will not have to apologise for following their traditions and rituals. And in return, the state will no longer act like an alienated power structure.
This is not a theocracy. This is a civilisation remembering itself.
The Pran Pratishtha of Ram Lalla was not the culmination of a movement. It was the beginning of psychological repair. It told a long-silenced civilisation that its trauma was real, its memory was legitimate, and its perseverance was not in vain. It marked the slow reversal of enforced civilisational shame.
The taboo is dead. The civilisation is awake.
PM Modi has not fused religion with the state. He has restored honesty between the state and the civilisation it governs. Faith is no longer treated as something that must be hidden behind closed doors. Cultural identity is no longer something to be apologised for. Governance is no longer spiritually embarrassed.
The taboo that public representatives must be culturally neutered to be constitutional has been shattered. A Prime Minister hoisting the saffron flag atop the Ram Temple, a Parliament consecrated with Vedic chants, and a symbol of Dharma overlooking legislative power are not regressions. They are civilisational corrections.
The era of imported shame is fading. The civilisation is remembering itself. And the taboo is gone for good.
India’s Defence Minister Rajnath Singh sparked a political debate on Sunday (23rd November) with his remarks about Sindh, the region that today lies inside Pakistan. Speaking at an event organised by the Sindhi community, he said that while Sindh may not be a part of India at the moment, “civilisationally, Sindh will always be a part of India,” adding that borders are not permanent and “may change in the future.” His comments immediately drew sharp criticism from Pakistan, which condemned the statement as “delusional” and “dangerously revisionist.”
During his speech, Singh referred to a quote by veteran BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani, who had written about how Sindhi Hindus of his generation still felt the pain of losing Sindh during the Partition. Singh said that the Sindhi people have always shared a deep emotional and cultural connection with the Indus River, explaining that for Hindus, the river has been sacred for thousands of years. He added that even many Muslims in Sindh once considered the waters of the Indus to be as holy for them as Aab-e-Zamzam in Mecca.
#WATCH | Delhi: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh says, "…Today, the land of Sindh may not be a part of India, but civilisationally, Sindh will always be a part of India. And as far as land is concerned, borders can change. Who knows, tomorrow Sindh may return to India again…"… pic.twitter.com/9Wp1zorTMt
He repeated the same thought twice during his address, saying, “Today, the land of Sindh may not be a part of India, but civilisationally it will always remain Indian. And as far as land is concerned, borders can change. Who knows, someday Sindh may return to India again.” He also emphasised that people who revere the Sindhu River are “our own,” and will always remain connected to India, no matter where they live.
Pakistan rattled at Rajnath Singh’s remarks
Pakistan reacted immediately on Monday (24th November), issuing a strong condemnation through its Foreign Ministry. Islamabad, rattled by Singh’s remarks, described them as “delusional” and accused India of promoting an “expansionist Hindutva mindset” that threatens regional peace. The Pakistan government grumbled that his words violated international law, crossed diplomatic boundaries, and challenged the sovereignty of recognised borders.
In its official statement, Pakistan warned New Delhi against making provocative remarks. It said Indian leaders must refrain from issuing comments that could increase tensions in an already sensitive region. The statement further insisted that instead of making such claims, India should focus on addressing internal issues and ensuring the safety of its minority communities.
— Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Pakistan (@ForeignOfficePk) November 23, 2025
Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry also used the opportunity to rake up other political issues. It held forth that India must hold accountable those involved in violence against minorities and should work towards correcting what it called “faith-based prejudice” and “historical distortions”, even though Pakistan’s own record of protecting minorities has been awful. The press release went on to mention the grievances of India’s northeastern states and claimed that several communities there face “systematic marginalisation and identity-based persecution.”
Islamabad also linked the issue to Kashmir, urging India to take “credible steps” to resolve the dispute in accordance with UN resolutions. The press release concluded by stating that Pakistan would continue to protect its security, sovereignty, and national independence, and is committed to resolving all disputes peacefully, but only based on justice and international law.
Sindh’s deep civilisational link with India
Sindh is not just a geographical region; it is a major part of India’s ancient civilisational roots. The Indus River, or the Sindhu, flows through this land and has shaped the culture, agriculture, and early settlements of the entire region.
For thousands of years, communities living along the Sindhu developed some of the world’s earliest urban cultures. Many of India’s oldest stories, spiritual traditions, and cultural practices originated in the region that we today call Sindh. From the Indus Valley Civilisation to the epics, the land has remained closely tied to India’s consciousness.
India’s connection with Sindh is geographical, linguistic, cultural, mythological, and historical. The region was once a key part of ancient Bharatvarsha, and its name appears in several old Indian texts. Even our national anthem continues to include “Sindh,” showing the deep roots that the region holds in India’s identity.
The name ‘Sindh’ and its link to the Sindhu (Indus) river
The word “Sindh” comes from the ancient Sanskrit term “Sindhu,” meaning the river that flows powerfully across the plains. The Sindhu is one of the most important rivers in Asian history and gave birth to multiple cultures around it. It is the source from which the region got its name, and through the region, even India got its name.
The river formed the basis of the Indus Valley Civilisation, one of the oldest and most advanced civilisations in the world. Cities like Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, with their planned layouts, drainage systems, and trade networks, flourished along its banks. The people living in these settlements had connections with other civilisations in Afghanistan, Iran, and Central Asia, making Sindh a major centre of ancient trade.
Thus, the name “Sindh” is not just a label for a province; it is directly tied to the river that shaped Indian civilisation from the very beginning.
How India got its name from the Indus (Sindhu) River
The story of India’s name also begins from the same river. The ancient Sanskrit word “Sindhu” became “Hindu” in Persian, as old Persian language did not pronounce the ‘s’ sound at the beginning of words. When the Persians came into contact with the people living east of the river, they started calling the land “Hindu,” and its people “Hindus.”
Later, when the Greeks interacted with the Persians and the regions around the Indus, the word changed again. Greek dialects often dropped the ‘h’ sound, so “Hindu” became “Indos,” which eventually turned into the word “India.” This is how the name of a river slowly became the name of an entire country.
The name “Bharat” existed from much earlier times, but “India”, the name recognised across the world, came from the Indus Valley and the Sindhu River. The ancient Greek explorer Scylax of Caryanda, who travelled down the Indus River between 550 BCE and 450 BCE, played a major role in spreading knowledge about this land to the Western world. As trade routes expanded and geographical knowledge increased, “Indos” and “India” became fixed terms for this entire region.
Scylax of Caryanda, an ancient Greek explorer, conducted an exploration of the Indus River (Image via India Today)
Over time, even the word “Hindustan” developed from the same root. “Sindhu” became “Hindu” in Persian, and Persian rulers called the land beyond the river “Hindustan”, the land of the Hindus. This name became popular across several centuries and formed an important part of India’s cultural identity.
The Indus (Sindhu) River
The Indus River, or Sindhu, is amongst the longest river systems of the world, extending over a course of approximately 3,180 kilometres. It originates near Mansarovar Lake in Tibet at a site called the “Lion’s Mouth” or Sênggê Kanbab, flows through Ladakh in India into Gilgit-Baltistan, and finally across Pakistan to the Arabian Sea near Karachi.
The Indus has six major tributaries, namely, the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas, Sutlej, and the Indus itself. Post-Partition, water sharing between India and Pakistan was finalised under the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960, whereby Pakistan received control of the Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab, and India was given control of Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej.
Image via Pinterest
It is around this river that the Indus Valley Civilisation grew. The people of this civilisation built some of the earliest known urban settlements and advanced sanitation systems. They traded not only within the region but also with faraway places. It goes to show how important a role the Sindhu River played in shaping the early history of the Indian subcontinent.
The river continues to be of immense cultural and religious significance. Ancient texts refer to the river as a “protector” and a holy waterbody that is central to rituals, stories, and traditions.
The Indus River System stretches over thousands of kilometres and sustains millions of people. The Jhelum originates from the Verinag spring in Jammu & Kashmir. The Chenab is the largest tributary, which is formed by the successive confluence of the Chandra and Bhaga rivers in Himachal Pradesh. The Sutlej has its source from Lake Rakshastal near Mansarovar. Together, these rivers have sculpted agriculture, trade, and civilisation in the northern part of the subcontinent.
It is at the Indus River that the Indus Valley Civilisation began, and was completely dependent upon, over 5,000 years ago. This civilisation produced planned cities, its extensive drainage networks, and a sophisticated trade culture. This is why the Indus or Sindhu continues to be an abiding feature of Indian history.
Sindh in the Ramayana and the Mahabharata
The connection between Sindh and India is also reflected in our two greatest epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. These stories, known across generations, speak of Sindh as an important part of the landscape of ancient India.
Sindh in the Ramayana
In the Ramayana, Sindh was part of King Dasharatha’s vast empire. When Kaikeyi demanded her two boons from Dasharatha, he told her that his kingdom stretched from Sindh and Sauvira to Anga, Vanga, Magadha, Kashi, and beyond. This shows that Sindh was considered an important region even during those times.
When Sita was kidnapped by Ravana, Rama sent search parties in all directions. One of the groups of vanaras (monkeys) went towards Sindh, which was known for its unique “swimming horses.” Later, after the victory over Ravana, Rama gave the region of Sindhu-Sauvira to his brother Bharata. Bharata’s sons further expanded their rule into Gandhara, where they built major ancient cities like Peshawar (Pushkalavati) and Taxila (Takshasila).
Sindh in the Mahabharata
In the Mahabharata, Sindh appears again in several important sections. The region was ruled by King Jayadratha, who was married to Dushshala, the sister of Kaurava prince Duryodhana. Jayadratha supported the Kauravas in the war and was known for his conflict with the Pandavas.
In one incident, Jayadratha tried to misbehave with Draupadi during the Pandavas’ exile, leading to a fierce confrontation with Arjuna and Bhima. Later, during the war, he played a key role on the day Abhimanyu was killed, which led Arjuna to take a vow that he would kill Jayadratha before sunset.
The Mahabharata also describes the Sindhu River as a powerful force and a great protector. In the Anushasan Parva, it says that bathing in the Sindhu leads the soul towards heaven. These references show that the river and the region were deeply respected in ancient Indian traditions.
Sindh in India’s National Anthem
Even today, the Indian national anthem Jana Gana Mana includes Sindh as part of the regions that constitute the Indian subcontinent. Written in 1911 by Rabindranath Tagore, the anthem reflects the geography of undivided India, long before Partition. At the time, Sindh played a major role in trade, culture, education, and politics.
Despite the Partition in 1947, the word “Sindh” has remained in the anthem. According to most historians, it is there as a signifier of India’s civilisational identity and a recognition of the subcontinent’s shared heritage: Sindhi culture, literature, music, and spiritual traditions have contributed immensely to India, and the word in the anthem serves as a reminder of that contribution.
Borders may change, but history does not
The Partition of 1947 divided India and Pakistan on political and religious grounds. Lines were drawn on the maps, and millions of people became displaced overnight. But political decisions cannot wipe out thousands of years of civilisation, culture, and shared history.
Sindh has always been linked with India through geography, culture, spirituality, and ancient tradition. The Indus River, the epics, the civilisation, and even our national anthem point to the same truth that Sindh has been an essential part of India’s identity.
On 24th November, Patiala House Court sent five accused who pepper sprayed police during anti-pollution protests to two-day judicial custody. One accused has been sent to a juvenile safe house as he claimed to be a minor. The accused will stay in juvenile custody till his age is verified.
#UPDATE | Patiala House Court remanded 5 accused in 2 days' judicial custody. The court has asked the police to file a copy of the videos in the court. The court has asked to send one accused to a safe house till his age is verified, as he has claimed to be a minor. https://t.co/Tx6x6mwsfV
The protesters were raising slogans commemorating one of India’s most wanted Naxals, Madvi Hidma, who was recently killed in an anti-Naxal operation. When the police tried to stop them, the protesters sprayed pepper spray on the police personnel, injuring them. Two FIRs have been filed against 22 attackers. Six have already been arrested and police are investigating the matter to identify the other accused.
The protest was spearheaded by Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (bsCEM). During our investigation into the group, we found that it is part of Campaign Against State Repression (CASR) which is a collective of 38 left-leaning organisations including bsCEM, AIRSO, AISA, AISF, APCR, BASF, BSM, Bhim Army, CEM, CRPP, CTF, DISSC, DSU, DTF, Forum Against Repression Telengana, Fraternity, IAPL, Innocence Network, Karnataka Jan Shakti, Progressive Lawyers Association, Mazdoor Adhikar Sanghthan, Mazdoor Patrika, Morcha Patrika, NAPM, Nishant Natya Manch, Nowruz, NTUI, People’s Watch, Rihai Manch, Samajvadi Jan Parishad, Samajvadi Lok Manch, Bahujan Samajvadi Manch, SFI, United Against Hate, United Peace Alliance, WSS, and Y4S.
While OpIndia is digging into CASR, we noticed two names that appeared as speakers in several press conferences organised by the collective, that are, Safoora Zargar and Asif Iqbal Tanha. These names shined among others because these two are among the accused in the larger conspiracy case in the anti-Hindu riots of 2020.
Source: Instagram
On 30th December 2024, CASR announced that there would be a press conference on 5th January 2025 with six speakers, out of which two were Safoora and Tanha. The press meeting was organised to condemn the National Investigation Agency (NIA) case commonly known as the Lucknow Conspiracy Case which the agency filed in June 2023 to probe the attempts to revive CPI (Maoist), a banned Naxal outfit.
According to media reports, the case revolved around the attempts at revival of the banned outfit by the members, sympathisers and overground workers associated with it. They reportedly were trying to regain influence in the Northern Regional Bureau (NRB) that includes states like Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Delhi, Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.
Safoora, during the press conference, claimed that the conspiracy cases against so-called activists were an attempt by the central government to suppress dissent and called them limitless blackholes. On the other hand, Tanha called for sustained and fearless resistance against the systematic oppression.
While their statements during the press conference were linked to the arrests of so-called activists that were trying to revive a banned Naxal outfit, it is essential to recall their role in the anti-Hindu Delhi riots.
Who is Safoora Zargar and her role in Delhi riots
Safoora Zargar is one of the accused in Larger Conspiracy Case in anti-Hindu riots of 2020. She was booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act for her alleged role in the conspiracy that led to the Delhi Riots in February 2020. She was arrested in April 2020. The Delhi Police had claimed that she was part of the conspiracy to “destroy, destabilize and disintegrate the Government of India in order to compel to withdraw the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the alleged National Register of Citizens.”
The Delhi High Court granted bail to Safoora Zargar in the Delhi Riots case in June 2020 on humanitarian grounds. After the Central Government said that it had no objections to her release, bail was granted. A regular bail was granted to Safoora Zargar after furnishing a bond of Rs. 10,000 on the condition that she will not leave the territory of Delhi without the permission of the Court and will not hamper the investigation.
Who is Asif Iqbal Tanha and his role in Delhi riots
Asif, a Jamia Millia Islamia student and member of the Student Islamist Organization (SIO) since 2014, was arrested under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in May for purportedly being a part of a larger conspiracy behind the February riots in northeast Delhi.
In fact, Asif Iqbal had admitted to orchestrating riots and a march of 2500-3000 people from Gate no.7 of Jamia Millia Islamia on December 12. He revealed that Sharjeel Imam gave a provocative speech to encourage ‘protestors’ to execute a ‘chakka jam’ on December 13.
Asif confessed to organising a ‘Gandhi peace march’ on December 15 from the Jamia metro station to the Parliament via Zakir Nagar and Batla House. He stated that the purpose of naming it after Mahatma Gandhi was to lure more people into joining the march. Reportedly, the Delhi police had set up barricades near the Surya Hotel to prevent the ‘protestors’ from surging forward. Asif Iqbal confessed to provoking people to break through the police barricades under the impression that the cops lacked the ‘guts’ to stop them.
However, his plans did not succeed as the police soon resorted to lathi-charge to disperse the unruly mob. The Jamia students then resorted to stone pelting, setting buses on fire, and creating mayhem on the streets of Delhi. As such, both the policemen and the ‘protestors’ were injured during the course of the march.
Asif Iqbal further admitted that he delivered provocative speeches at several places in the country, including Kolkata, Kota, Lucknow, Kanpur, Ujjain, Indore, Jaipur, Patna, Sabzibagh, Araria, Samastipur, Ahmedabad. Reportedly, he urged common Muslims to protest against the Indian and not to shy away from engaging in violence if such a need arose.
Asif added that JNU activist Umar Khalid had suggested the idea of blocking roads and disrupting traffic during the visit of US President Donald Trump to India. The plan of action was then executed by the likes of Meeran Haider and Safoora Zargar, which later culminated into violent riots. Besides his desire to turn India into an Islamic country, he considered the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) as anti-Muslim and therefore joined the students of Jamia Milia Islamia in opposing it.
About CASR
As mentioned above, CASR is a collective of 38 left-leaning organisations. OpIndia traced its origin back to November 2022 when they first posted about a public meeting in support of Naxalites including GN Saibaba, Hem Mishra, Prashant Rahi, Mahesh Tikri and Vijay Tikri.
Source: Instagram
The public meeting was held on 5th December and interestingly, Supreme Court advocate Prashant Bhushan, RJD’s Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Jha and CPI’s General Secretary D Raja were among the speakers.
Source: Instagram
Not to forget, Prashant Bhushan is closely linked to the anti-Hindu Delhi riots of 2020 as the secret meeting mentioned in the larger conspiracy case in Delhi riots was held at an address linked to him. Prashant Bhushan is also linked to the so-called anti-pollution protests where pro-Naxal left-leaning protesters raised slogans remembering Madvi Hidma.
In recent times, CASR has condemned the raids on Kashmir Times where security forces recovered ammunition.
Source: Instagram
They also condemned the killing of Madvi Hidma by security forces in anti-Naxal operations.
Source: Instagram
It is alarming to see how these organisations and individuals, several of whom have been booked under UAPA or linked to cases involving Naxal revival and the anti-Hindu Delhi riots, appear repeatedly within the same networks. The overlapping roles, shared platforms and coordinated activism raise serious concerns that warrant a deeper and more comprehensive probe. A thorough investigation is essential to understand the extent of these linkages and to ensure that such networks do not undermine national security under the guise of dissent.
Urban naxals, masquerading as anti-pollution protestors, laid siege to the India Gate on Sunday (23rd November). While championing the cause of ‘pollution’, they raised slogans eulogising slain Maoist commander Madvi Hidma and attacked the police with chilli spray.
Two rabid leftist organisations were at the helm of this carefully crafted protest, meant to glorify the ideology of Red terror while gaining mass support in the name of ‘pollution.’ These groups included Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (bsCEM) and ‘The Himkhand’.
Urban naxals in India are now weaponising climate change and environmental activism to promote left-wing extremism and undermine the nation’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Protest is on Delhi Pollution
Slogans- "Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe"
The real protest is against Killing of Naxalite Hidma who has killed hundreds of our Jawans.
These "Laal Salam" Communists celebrated when Hidma led attack on on 75 CRPF Jawans in 2010.
The Himkhand operates two accounts on Instagram – one which goes by the username ‘thehimkhand‘ and the other with the username ‘the.himkhand.’ A cursory glance at its posts reveal that the leftist outfit has been active since May 2024.
While it started out as an outfit fighting ‘climate change’ and ‘environmental disruptions’, the organisation did not take long to co-opt regional politics and anti-establishment narratives.
Days after the Ladakh administration cancelled the land allotment to Sonam Wangchuk-led Himalayan Institute of Alternative Learning (HIAL) over gross irregularities, the activist sought to create anarchy and chaos in the region by raking up the cause of ‘Statehood’ and provoking violence.
Around the same time in October this year, ‘The Himkhand’ was championing the cause of the ‘Ladakh movement. Not just that, it was actively rationalising violence too.
“The protestors’ act of torching the BJP office is a symbolic rejection of the party’s model of anti-Himalayan development. The people of Ladakh have delivered their mandate,” read one of the posts uploaded on 5th October this year.
Screengrab of the Instagram post by The Himkhand
In another post, the leftist outfit attempted to justify violence as mere constructs designed by ‘ruling class to restrict action.’
Coincidentally, ‘The Himkhand’ had recently invited Prashant Bhushan, a major provocateur during the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi riots as a speaker for an event on ‘air pollution.’
It’s crystal clear that Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch and ‘The Himkhand’ are working in tandem to incite violence, glorify red terrorism in the garb of climate activism.
Screengrab of the post by The Himkhand
It must be mentioned ‘The Himkhand’ has been the frontrunner in opposing and thwarting development projects such as the Char Dham Railway project under the garb of ‘environmental conservatism.’
With Operation Kagar reaching its conclusion and elimination of Red terror, urban naxals and their associated outfits are now championing different socio-economic causes as a last resort to brainwash and indoctrinate people.
On 23rd November, an anti-pollution protest in Delhi resulted in violence against the police, including the use of chili spray, which led to the filing of a First Information Report and the arrest of 15 individuals by the authorities. The demonstration which was purportedly aimed at advocating for clean air was quickly revealed to be aligned with a leftist agenda perpetrated by bsCEM (Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch), its leaders like Ravjot Kaur and The Himkhand, as the deceased Maoist commander Madvi Hidma was eulogised by the participants. His posters were displayed and slogans such as “Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe” were chanted.
Protest is on Delhi Pollution
Slogans- "Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe"
The real protest is against Killing of Naxalite Hidma who has killed hundreds of our Jawans.
These "Laal Salam" Communists celebrated when Hidma led attack on on 75 CRPF Jawans in 2010.
Maoists were not merely glorified at the protest, but their terror organisations were referred to as “people’s governments”. Naxal terror in tribal areas, which operates through threats, intimidation and violence, were depicted as a replacement for the democratically elected government in the nation. Their apologists, also known as Urban Naxals, exalted the terror inflicted by the proponents of their ideology under the guise of “rights and welfare.”
Interestingly, bsCEM and The Himkhand, key players in the agitation, had earlier organised an event on 14th November titled, “Press Conference on the Movement for Clean Air.” Notably, Prashant Bhushan was also a speaker at this program which was also hosted by AISA (All India Students Association) of Delhi University, along with ‘Scientists for Society’.
Ravjot, Delhi protests and ‘Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe’
One Ravjot from bsCEM was featured in the poster of the event, the same person who was seen hailing terrorist Hidma, demonising the Indian government, and praising the Naxals’ rule in tribal areas as ‘ideal’ during the protest in Delhi yesterday.
As per reports, Ravjot is a Computer Science graduate from Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University and an active member of the bsCEM. She is a regular ‘Andolanjeevi’ in Delhi, and on Sunday, she was accused of carrying chilli spray and attacking police personnel. 4 police personnel have sustained eye injuries and have been admitted to the RML Hospital.
According to this lady protesting in Delhi yesterday, air pollution is happening because of ‘profit-led development model’. She wants it replaced with ‘people led development model practised by Maoists’.
Meanwhile, an overview of these radical organisations expose their outspoken endorsement of red terror as each gun-wielding Naxalite who has waged war against the nation is either a fighter for tribal rights or considered innocent by them.
‘Boycott elections and resort to violence against the nation’
Last year, bsCEM vandalised the walls of Delhi University with graffiti prior to the Lok Sabha elections telling people to abstain from the polls. It even proclaimed, “Ek hi raasta Naxalbari” (the only way is Naxalbari), the place which sparked the inception of red terror in India. They also wrote other slogans including “Boycott elections, join new democracy,” along with attacking the Election Commission of India.
Subsequently, then Deputy Commissioner of Police (North) Sagar Singh Kalsi remarked, “…two FIRs under the Defacement Act have been registered and an investigation has been taken up.” The incident happened on 23rd May, when bsCEM painted several messages on the north campus of the university, and the perpetrators were arrested when the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) filed a complaint.
The group claimed that painting slogans have “always been a democratic way to dissent in the history of the country’s student movements.”
“Imperialistic exploitation has continued in India after 1947, when the country transitioned from a colonial to semi-colonial structure. We think elections are a scam and there will be no real change. Adivasis will continue to suffer at the hands of every party,” argued bsCEM’s member Gurkirat.
“India’s democracy exists only to maintain status quo. There is no space for a real struggle, which is why such quick action was taken against us,” she alleged. The hyporcisy is both laughable and tragic. These elements aim to exploit India’s democratic framework to supplant it with Maoism and they shamelessly assert their right to do so.
While democracies are not without their flaws, they ultimately reflect the will of the people, allowing every community, including tribals, minorities, and others to engage in the selection of their preferred government according to the Constitution. However, these individuals romanticise the ideology of violence and bloodshed, where the voices and rights of the populace are silenced under the threat of a gun, as a superior alternative to elections.
The rhetoric of Barhminical Hindutva and lionising Maoists
As anticipated, bsCEM attributed the police action against them to the “Brahmanical Hindutva Fascist RSS-BJP (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-Bharatiya Janata Party),” rather than their own legal violations and the assault on officers with chili spray. They even signalled their “comrades” and those who share their ideology to assemble in large numbers, clearly intending to incite further unrest.
The protest, which bore chilling similarities to the initial stages of anti-Hindu riots in Delhi in 2020, was portrayed as a regular agitation instead of a program intended to mainstream Naxalism and celebrate adversaries of India. The group even labelled terrorist Hidma’s elimination as a “fake encounter” and charged the Indian government with drenching the mineral-rich areas of central India in “the blood of its sons and daughters.”
The Naxals, accountable for numerous assaults on security forces, suppressing democracy and oppressing the local population under their “parallel governments” were shown as heroes.
On the other hand, the administartion and authorities who strive to put an end to these atrocities and integrate the impoverished regions with the rest of India for development had been misrepresented as villains to deceive the unsuspecting populace and evoke sympathy.
Likewise, after repeatedly accusing the government of causing the deaths of persons “fighting for the rights of tribal communities” and alleging that Maoist commander Malloujula Venugopal Rao also known as Sonu, surrendered to appease large corporations, bsCEM urged the government to comply with the Geneva Convention regarding Non-International Armed Conflict and also presented several demands, including the cessation of “Operation Kagaar” against Naxalites.
The invocation of “Operation Kaggar” is a clear indication of how successful it has been in dissolving the Maoist threat in the nation.
Similarly, the “Brahmanical Hindutva Fascist RSS-BJP” was earlier explicitly accused of the “torture and killing” of Hidma, who was presented as an ordinary “Adavasi.” The Maoists, who govern through violence were painted as “unarmed revolutionaries” and taking up arms against the government was dubbed as “democratic dissent.”
Maoism was even hailed as a solution to the “oppression and exploitation” of the masses. The banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) was mentioned as a legitimate voice of the people.
The advocacy for the followers of the murderous Left Wing ideology, alongside a deeply ingrained apathy towards its victims and hatred for the country, had been a regular characteristic in the communications issued by bsCEM and its sister groups. All the posts were exclusively for expressing sympathy and commemorating Naxalities, without a single word for their targets, including the tribal populations.
This reflects how bsCEM and similar organisations regard native populations as their loyalty is directed only towards the bloodthirsty ideology, at the plight and expense of countless innocent lives.
Demonisation of the Indian state, and support for Palestine
The Indian state had been labeled as a republic that kills its own children by bsCEM, conveniently overlooking that the Maoists neither children, nor they see India as their nation, leading them to take up arms in opposition. Hence, posts demanding to halt “Operation Kaagar” were frequently shared by the group.
Furthermore, multiple posts were dedicated to former Professor of English at the University of Delhi, GN Saibaba, who received a life sentence owing to his connections with Maoists. However, he was later acquitted and the Bombay High Court judge Rohit B Deo responsible for the decision resigned from his position in 2023, due to personal reasons.
Saibaba passed away on 12th October of the previous year. His one-year death anniversary was observed as “memorial meet of his martyrdom” by bsCEM which reiterated its outrageous rants against the current dispensation.
The group also expressed outrage after the Mumbai police lodged a First Information Report (FIR) against at least 10 students at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) for commemorating Saibaba’s death anniversary. Importantly, these students had not secured permission for the event from the institution or the authorities and even used the program to raise slogans in favor of Delhi riots accused Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam.
Similar to how bsCEM endorsed Maoist violence in India as a revolutionary measure, it also disseminated pro-Hamas propaganda and organized protests in support of Palestine.
The aforementioned is merely a glimpse into the anti-India and radical mindset of bsCEM and other such elements in the country that seek to exploit the freedom granted by the Constitution and the nation to usurp the government and perpetuate large-scale bloodshed under the guise of revolution and ideology. This was clearly demonstrated during the protests at Red Fort with the attack on police. These individuals aim to undermine every Indian institution to further their dangerous agenda and then feign victimhood when they are prevented from doing so.
On 23 November, OpIndia received yet another response to RTIs filed with the central government on the fight against Naxals. According to the reply provided by the Left Wing Extremism Division of the Ministry of Home Affairs, a total of Rs 3,507.86 crore has been released to states under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme since the financial year 2014 to 15, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed office for the first time.
Year-wise funds released under SRE by the Modi government (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
The data shows sustained financial commitment of the central government to strengthen the operational capacity of state police forces, supporting intelligence building and ensuring rehabilitation of surrendered cadres in districts most affected by Naxalism or Left Wing Extremism (LWE).
In earlier replies, OpIndia got information on Naxals surrendered or neutralised, the number of armed forces personnel we lost during Naxal operations, arms recovered, expenditure on modernisation of police forces in Naxal affected areas and more. This is the third report based on RTI replies in the series. The first two reports can be checked here and here.
Together, these three RTI responses have outlined the structural depth of the Modi government’s anti Naxal strategy, combining funding, calibrated force, infrastructure creation and long term stabilisation measures.
State wise Security Related Expenditure since FY 2014-15
According to the information received by OpIndia, the highest share of SRE reimbursement has gone to Chhattisgarh at 1,219.28 crore, followed by Jharkhand at 917.32 crore. Odisha has received 453.62 crore during the same period. Maharashtra received 262.53 crore, Andhra Pradesh received 182.21 crore, Bihar 175.25 crore, Telangana 107.52 crore, West Bengal 108.83 crore, Madhya Pradesh 38.61 crore, Uttar Pradesh 36.37 crore and Kerala received 6.32 crore. The data aligns with the fact that Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand are the most affected states, as revealed in the previous RTIs, by LWE.
State-wise funds released under SRE (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
Top five beneficiary states
Among the top five states, here is how these states received funds every year since the Modi government came to power.
Chhattisgarh has received the highest SRE allocation in the country, with a total of 1,219.28 crore released since 2014 to 15. The year wise graph shows a clear peak during the year when operations in Bastar and surrounding districts intensified, especially in FY 2024-25, marking the highest single year reimbursement for the state.
Year-wise funds released under SRE for Chhattisgarh (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
Jharkhand has received 917.32 crore under SRE, making it the second largest beneficiary.
Year-wise funds released for Jharkhand under SRE (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
Odisha’s total SRE support stands at 453.62 crore.
Year-wise funds released under SRE for Odisha (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
Maharashtra has received 262.53 crore under SRE.
year-wise funds released under SRE for Maharashtra (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
Andhra Pradesh has received 182.21 crore in total.
Year-wise funds released under SRE for Andhra Pradesh (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
What the SRE scheme covers
According to the Ministry of Home Affairs website, the Security Related Expenditure mechanism functions as a reimbursement based support system for Left Wing Extremism affected states. The funds are intended to strengthen the states’ ability to counter the Naxal problem.
SRE covers “training and operational needs of security forces, ex gratia payment to the family of civilians or security forces killed or injured in LWE violence, rehabilitation of surrendered LWE cadres, community policing, village defence committees and publicity materials. There is a substantial increase in annual outlay and new items such as compensation for security force personnel incapacitated during anti LWE operations and compensation for the property damage,” the website says.
The scheme works as an operational backbone by reimbursing costs that states incur while running counter LWE campaigns on the ground.
Funds given to central agencies under ANM and ACALWEM
Apart from support extended to states, the MHA has also been releasing funds to central agencies involved in anti Naxal operations through the Assistance to Naxal Management (ANM) and Assistance to Central Agencies for LWE Management (ACALWEM) schemes.
According to the data provided by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the total amount released under ANM and ACALWEM stands at 1,217.16 crore.
Funds released for central agencies under ANM and ACALWEM Schemes. (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, LWE Division)
Why these findings matter
These findings offer one of the most comprehensive official insights into how the Modi government has managed the national effort against the Naxal problem since 2014. The combination of financial support through SRE and SIS, operational scaling by states, targeted central interventions through ANM and ACALWEM, and the substantial number of surrenders and neutralisations paints a picture of a multi pronged policy that prioritises force, stabilisation and rehabilitation.
Home Minister Amit Shah has already set a deadline to end the Naxal problem from the country. HM Shah, on multiple occasions, has said that by March 2026, the Naxal problem will end in the country.
The effect of the Modi government’s effort and the deadline to finish Naxalism have had serious impact on the psychology of Naxals. Recently, the Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh Special Zonal Committee of the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) wrote a letter to the Chief Ministers of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, expressing support for the decision of its two senior members, Sonu and Satish, to surrender and temporarily halt violence.
The death of one of the most wanted Naxals, Madvi Hidma, has also broken the confidence of the cadre. Similar calls have been made in the past, however, HM Amit Shah has categorically denied such demands or requests from the Naxals. HM Shah has asked them to surrender and join the mainstream.
Under the Modi government, India is witnessing a complete wipeout of left-wing terrorism and its Naxal/Maoist perpetrators, causing panic among the remaining Naxal groups. While the Maoist sympathisers in the mainstream are crying for the slain terrorists, and using ‘pollution’ as a ruse to garner sympathy and stir unrest, the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) has written a letter offering a ‘ceasefire’ and expressing intent to ‘lay down arms’.
On 22nd November, the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh Special Zonal Committee of the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) wrote a letter to the Chief Ministers of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, expressing support for the decision of its two senior members, Sonu and Satish, to surrender and temporarily halt violence.
In the letter signed by MMC Zonal Committee spokesperson Anant, the Committee expressed readiness to surrender under government rehabilitation schemes; however, it sought time until 16th February 2026, to reach all members and make a collective decision. The CPI(Maoist) MMC requested the state governments to suspend security operations until then.
“We support the decision recently taken by our Party’s Central Committee member and Politburo member, Comrade Sonu Dada, to temporarily cease armed struggle by renouncing the Hathiar (firearms), assessing the changing circumstances in the country and the world. Following CCM Satish Dada, another CCM member, Comrade Chandranna, has recently supported this decision. We, the MMC Special Zonal Committee, also wish to relinquish the Hathiar (firearms) and accept the government’s rehabilitation and Poonamargam (rehabilitation) plan. However, we request that the three state governments give us time to do so. Since our party adheres to the principles of democratic centralism, it will take some time to reach this decision collectively. We need time to contact our comrades and convey this message to them in accordance with our methodology. Therefore, we request the three state governments to give us time until February 15, 2026,” the CPI(Maoist) spokesperson wrote.
The banned Naxal group further tried to convince the state governments that the CPIM has no ulterior motives in seeking time. The MMC Zonal Committee spokesperson also demanded that the security forces halt their operations, and pause the activities of informants. The letter also states that Maoists will not celebrate the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) week this time, further stressing that the security forces do not conduct operations eliminating Naxalites.
“Believe me, we have no ulterior motive for asking for so much time. Since we don’t have any other easy means of communicating quickly, it will take this long. We understand this is a bit long, but it is well within the government’s deadline for ending Maoism (March 31, 2026). Until then, we urge the governments of all three states to exercise some restraint and halt their security forces’ operations. They should not even conduct any operations during the upcoming PLGA week. They should also stop the activities of informants and engage forces based on inputs or information. We also assure you that we will not celebrate PLGA week this time and will pause all our activities,” the letter reads.
The MMC further requested the government to run their request to fellow Naxalites to stop all activities, on the radio for the next few days, claiming that they don’t have advanced communication systems.
The Naxalite group also sought the opportunity for their representatives to meet public representatives and some journalists, “so that we can soon announce a specific date for collectively renouncing arms and accepting the government’s rehabilitation plan. However, this will only be possible if security forces temporarily suspend operations until the stated date and the government creates a conducive environment for this process.”
In addition, CPIM’s MMC Zonal Committee said that after their requests are fulfilled, they will announce a date for giving up weapons.
It also requested public representatives, journalists and YouTubers to ‘mediate’ between Naxalites and the government to consider their appeal.
Peace proposal, or another farce to gain media attention and play victim?
The letter by the banned Maoist terrorist outfit lays bare the desperation of the Naxalites, who are watching their brethren getting killed by the security forces almost every day. However, it also reveals that even in their numbered days, the Naxalites are not ready to do a surrender without attempting to portray themselves as ‘heroes’.
Naxalites, however, are in no position to offer a ceasefire or ask the government to order security forces to halt anti-Naxal operations. CPI(Maoist), its committees, senior or junior, all members are nothing but terrorists with no legal or moral authority to even say that both sides (Naxals and security forces) need to stop their ‘activities’ to build an environment conducive to surrender arms.
The Naxalites had all the time in the world to surrender before the security forces and avail rehabilitation under the government-run programs, but they chose to continue their violent activities until it became conspicuous beyond any doubt that they didn’t stand a chance against the security forces.
All these years, they waged a war against the State, while the State offered peace. Now that they are witnessing a proper war, and losing, they suddenly want ‘peace’.
The Maoist group wants the government to allow its members to meet with public representatives and ‘journalists’ of their choosing, so that they can announce a date for renouncing arms and joining the government rehabilitation program.
This demand, however, is outrageously absurd. Naxalites want the government to run their ‘Stop your activities, we are ready to surrender’ message by the CPIM-MMC Zonal Committee to its fellow Naxalites in hiding. The leftist media is already crying hoarse about the security forces eliminating Naxalites unwilling to surrender, and the Maoist outfit wants the government to allow them to meet ‘journalists’ and public leaders, as if they did not have access to the media all these years.
This is nothing but a desperate attempt to show that they still have some bargaining power left. The media meeting is nothing but a hope to play some last-ditch politics and get international attention to peddle their victimhood further.
Moreover, calling out journalists, ‘pro-people’ public representatives and YouTubers to mediate between the Maoists and the government is ridiculous. This comes across more as an appeal to Naxal sympathisers to build a wave in their favour before the Maoists surrender. While the Naxalites, be it in this letter or the one issued in September, claim that their readiness to surrender stems from changed national and global circumstances, the only real reason behind their imperative to surrender is fear of being killed.
Jayaram Reddy, Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavaraju, Pappu Lohara, Prabhat Ganjhu, Tulsi Bhuiyan, Sudhakar alias Gautam, Sahdeo Soren, Madvi Hidma, Meturu Joga Rao, are among top Naxalite leaders killed by the security forces in this year alone. These killings have created a leadership vacuum with the Politburo and Central Committee shrinking from 45 to less than 10 members.
The last remaining Naxalites have realised that their end is certain and thus, they do not want to die a ‘hero’, rather, they want to live a hero. Apparently, the Maoist criminals do not want to be remembered as those who surrendered out of fear, but as fighters who voluntarily chose to relinquish arms as if they had left some authority. The very fact that Naxalites are still putting conditions for surrendering arms suggests that they want to convey that they still have some power.
Besides, requesting a grace period until 16th February, asking the government to exercise ‘restraint’ and halting actions based on informant intelligence even during the annual PLGA Week, and reciprocity, Maoists pledging not to observe the PLGA Week and put a hold on activities, is ridiculous. Terrorists and criminals do not get to tell or even request the government and security forces what to do and what not to.
The surrender option is not a fresh carrot dangled by the government. This option to relinquish arms and join the socio-economic mainstream through rehabilitation and incentive programs has been there for years. Why is it that the Naxalites did not avail the Centre’s offer all this time and now want a sudden fanfare?
Is it because in winter, Maoist mobility dips and security forces gain ground? Also, skipping PLGA Week is not a big deal; Naxalites would not have celebrated it this time anyway, especially after Commander Madvi Hidma’s killing, as doing so would make it easier for the forces to hunt them down.
It must also not be forgotten that Sonu and Satish, the senior Naxalites name-dropped in the CPI(Maoist)’s MMC Zonal Committee letter, were already declared ‘traitors’ by the same outfit’s Central Committee. This same Central Committee had, in September, reportedly written a letter offering a unilateral and “temporary suspension of armed struggle”.
While the Central Committee of the CPI (Maoist) labels surrendering Naxalites as ‘traitors’, its MMC Zonal Committee expresses willingness to lay down arms. Evidently, this is all a sham, and the Maoist terror outfit wants to buy time to either hit back at the security forces or to pull off a show to turn their quiet exits into some viral and iconic redemption arc, fit for international headlines.
It has already been seen that many among those who surrendered, like Comrade Rupesh, say that they have only given up ‘armed struggle’ and have not made any ideological compromise with the government. In such a case, the government needs to be even more cautious as the Naxalites may be planning to surrender, utilise government-provided amenities and then rebuild their terror networks.
Hundreds of Maoist terrorists have been killed this year and numerous others have surrendered, amidst zonal losses, loss of wider support and sympathy in the Naxal-affected Dandakaranya region, has made it abundantly clear to the Maoists that they can either continue holding arms and waiting for the security forces to kill them, or put up a massive spectacle, not of surrender but of Naxalites ‘deciding’ to let go of the ‘armed struggle’ at their own conditions while making no ideological compromise.
Also, the Maoist offer of “temporarily” suspending armed ‘struggle’ due to changed global and national circumstances, is a dishonest excuse. In reality, what has forced once-dangerous Maoists to mend their ways or at least pretend to do so, is the massive anti-left-wing terrorism operations being undertaken by the security forces on directions of the Modi government despite pressure tactics by left liberal think tanks, ‘activists’ and political sympathisers.
If the Maoists really wanted to secure peace and relinquish their anti-national and terrorist ideology to join the mainstream, they would have surrendered voluntarily, cooperated with the authorities and availed the benefits of the rehabilitation facilities the Central and state governments are providing. Instead, the Maoists are playing politics, trying to garner media attention and social media support. All this posturing, offering a temporary halt to armed ‘struggle’ and talking peace, is a farce. The only way to peace is unconditional surrender, not conditional timeouts, unconditional arms-drop not recurring letters and statements making ridiculous demands.
Modi government adopted a zero-tolerance policy towards Naxalism
The Modi government has set March 2026 as the target to completely eradicate Left-Wing Extremism from the country as part of its zero-tolerance policy towards Naxalism. The government launched Operation Kagar in January 2024, a multi-pronged strategy that combines aggressive military operations, enhanced coordination between central and State forces, and development efforts to address the root causes of Naxalism.
Under this operation, around 1 lakh paramilitary troops, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), its elite CoBRA units, District Reserve Guards DRG), and state police, have been deployed in the left-wing terrorism affected areas. These security personnel are equipped with modern technology like drones for information gathering, AI for intelligence gathering, and satellite imagery, among others. The security forces have been undertaking operations in the Naxal-infected Dandakaranya region spanning multiple states.
In a historic achievement, the security forces have secured the surrender of 80% of the Naxals active in the Abujhmadh region of Chhattisgarh. Abujhmadh was an impenetrable fortress of Maoist terrorists for 40 years. The security forces have not only penetrated this ‘fortress’ but are also clearing off the Naxal menace there.
In addition to neutralising Naxal leaders and urging Maoist cadres to surrender, the government is also carrying out development work in Naxal-affected regions to connect them to the mainstream. The government has constructed 11,503 kilometres of highways in Naxal-affected areas between 2014 to 2024. The Home Ministry has added that 20,000 kilometres of rural roads were built in this period. In the first phase, 2,343 mobile towers were installed, and in the second phase, 2,545 towers were set up. The work of installing 4,000 mobile towers is still ongoing. The entire Naxal-affected region will be equipped with mobile connectivity by 1 December.
Urban Naxals: The ‘elite’ spokespersons for Naxal terrorism in media and civil society
OpIndia earlier reported how the leftists in an open letter blatantly sided with the Maoist terrorists and emphasised that the government should discontinue its anti-Naxal crackdown. However, despite all the challenges and hurdles brought up by Maoists and their cheerleaders in politics and ‘civil society’, the Modi government and the security forces have continued their crackdown on the Naxalites unabated.
Now, as the Red Terror crumbles, the supporters of left-wing terrorists are coming out and using the pretext of protesting against air pollution in Delhi to demonstrate their support for the infamous slain Maoist Madvi Hidma with his posters, amid slogans of “Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe.”
These commie caterpillars came to protest Delhi’s AQI, and ended up raising slogans for Maoist terrorist Madvi Hidma, who was killed like a cockroach. A case of pollutants protesting pollution. This would go into Limca Book of Dumbness, if there was one.pic.twitter.com/tTbXdvpNTz
Naxal-sympathisers are protesting against the crackdown on Naxalite terrorists. One committee of the Naxal group labels surrendering Naxalites as ‘politically degraded traitors’ while the other offers surrender, but on the date and time of their choosing, and despite having opened the option for surrender and rehabilitation, the government is being villainised.
As 31st March looms, more letters, protests, outrages and leftist media propaganda are expected. Just as a flame flutters before extinguishing, Naxalites are making their last-ditch attempts at securing not only their lives but also their self-designed identity of ‘fighters’ and ‘reformers’.
On 18th November, the security forces brought an end to the reign of terror orchestrated by Madvi Hidma, the merciless terrorist of the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) was responsible for the most brutal assaults on security personnel. He was neutralised during a confrontation in the Maredumilli forests located in Andhra Pradesh’s Alluri Sitharama Raju district. The neutralisation of Madvi Hidma is a deathly blow to red terror and the enormity of this operation was evident when under the garb of ‘protesting against rising pollution’, Urban Naxals took to the streets of Delhi to not only lionise Hidma but also demand ‘Maoist like governance’ in Delhi.
Pertinently, the pro-Naxal protest in Delhi comes at the heels of the government vowing to eradicate Left Wing extremism by 31st March 2026 and Hidma’s demise being a pivotal advancement in that effort. The vigorous campaign against red terror continues unabated, achieving remarkable results, including not only the elimination of feared Maoists but also multiple surrenders, driven by the government’s development policies and disillusionment with the radical ideology.
As red terror continues to crumble with each passing day, its supporters have been left in a state of disarray. The desperation of the Urban Naxals have led them to shed their facade and emerge from their hiding spots in the name of protesting against pollution in Delhi. On the 23rd of November, while they claimed to be against rising pollution in Delhi, they soon unveiled their true intentions at Red Fort and started expressing their support for the infamous slain Maoist with his posters, amid slogans of “Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe”.
#WATCH | Delhi: A group of protesters holds a protest at India Gate over air pollution in Delhi-NCR. They were later removed from the spot by police personnel pic.twitter.com/DBEZTeET0U
Tale of two chili powder episodes and alarming similarities to anti-Hindu Delhi riots
As the supposed “protest against rising pollution in Delhi” gathered steam, several videos and details emerged which proved that the protest was merely using the issue of ‘rising pollution’ as a ruse. The real intent of the protest was actually to push back against the Modi government’s effort to end Naxalism. From the details which emerged, it was evident that the protest was a planned conspiracy to potentially unleash violence in Delhi.
The Urban Naxals who were lionising Madvi Hidma not only breached orders, broke barricades and took the law into their own hands but also had a physical altercation with the authorities despite repeated requests, showcasing their real anarchist disposition. They even took it a step further by using chilli spray to attack the police.
“For the first time, we encountered the use of chilli spray against police personnel. A few of our officers were sprayed in the eyes and are currently receiving treatment at RML Hospital. Legal action is being taken in this regard,” revealed New Delhi Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Devesh Kumar Mahla.
#WATCH | Delhi | New Delhi DCP Devesh Kumar Mahla says, "…For the first time, we encountered the use of chilli spray against police personnel. A few of our officers were sprayed in the eyes and are currently receiving treatment at RML Hospital. Legal action is being taken in… https://t.co/fNMeaffsFbpic.twitter.com/M97aUbWNJV
The senior added, “We requested them to move, as many ambulances and medical personnel were waiting behind them and required emergency access. We removed them from the C-Hexagon to avoid disrupting traffic. During the removal, several protesters scuffled with the police, and many of our personnel were injured.”
Afterward, a First Information Report (FIR) was filed and over 15 individuals were arrested for employing pepper spray against police officers, hindering official duties and obstructing the roadway, in accordance with relevant sections.
#UPDATE | Delhi Police registered an FIR and arrested more than 15 people for using chilli spray on Police personnel, obstructing official work and blocking the road. Relevant sections invoked in the FIR: Delhi Police.
Notably, a similar plot involving an assault on the police surfaced during the Delhi anti-Hindu riots in 2020. While underscoring Gulfisha Fatima’s participation in the unrest, the prosecution noted, “Gulfisha, along with the other co-accused, had gathered around 300 women at Seelampur, Jafrabad and they mobilised them to block the road at Jafrabad Metro Station and incited them to attack the police using chilli powder, stones, sticks and other dangerous articles, which were allegedly provided by the Appellant and the co-accused persons.”
Another concerning similarity is that the Delhi riots were also instigated under the pretext of anti-CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act) protests, yet they were a calculated conspiracy aimed at removing the Modi government which included intentions to cut-off the critical Siliguri Corridor, known as chicken neck.
This current agitation has also been initiated in the name of the Delhi population, but in reality, it is a celebration of Hidma and his ideology, attempting to paint the “people’s government” as a substitute for the democratically elected government at New Delhi.
Moreover, on November 14th, a group known as Bscem (Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch), one of the most active participants in the recent chaos in the national capital organized a conference in collaboration with other leftist outfits, including Aisa (All India Students Association) of Delhi University, addressing the subject of pollution in Delhi.
Protest against pollution in Delhi turns into veneration of Maoist Hidma
The protesters, in addition to their actions, even glorified Hidma and hailed him as the Messiah of the impoverished and marginalised tribal communities akin to Brisa Munda who fought against the British empire, contrary to the truth of the former’s identity as a terrifying gun-wielding commander accountable for extensive death and devastation.
A member of Bscem (Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch) stated that the high levels of pollution stem from a profit-driven development model of the government that fails to consider the welfare of society. She added that consequently, a development model that emphasises public interest is necessary, referencing the alleged “people’s governments” in Bastar and Bijapur, ran by violent Maoists through intimidation as examples of such ideal administrations.
“Sustainable development is practiced there, Tendu leaves is utilised in an environmentally friendly manner. They do not allow outside contractors to enter the territory and collective farming is takes place,” she blatantly promoted the perilous Maoist regime as an utopian system of governance.
Protest is on Delhi Pollution
Slogans- "Comrade Hidma Amar Rahe"
The real protest is against Killing of Naxalite Hidma who has killed hundreds of our Jawans.
These "Laal Salam" Communists celebrated when Hidma led attack on on 75 CRPF Jawans in 2010.
Interestingly, it was recently discovered that Maoists were extorting money from Chhattisgarh Tendu leaves exporters to finance their anti-India operations. Similarly, the sole sustainable element associated with the Maoists is their bloodthirst and persistent whitewashing of these dreadful deeds by their cheerleaders.
Likewsie, another part of this cabal described the bloodthirsty Maoist killer as a “tribal person who took up arms to fight for their rights. People may disagree with the method and call it wrong, but they cannot deny the reason behind.” It is essential to note that Hidma was behind large-scale operations that claimed the lives of several security forces and cops, among other people.
His armed war against the Indian state was characterised as “struggle against corporatization is the fight of the tribals, it is a fight for water, forests, and land.” The young woman even insisted, “For this reason, Narayana Kanha cannot be labeled anti-national. Such repression cannot be inflicted on people who are defending their rights.”
Delhi: A protester says, "Hidma is a tribal person who took up arms to fight for their rights. People may disagree with the method and call it wrong, but they cannot deny the reason behind it. The struggle against corporatization is the fight of the tribals—it is a fight for… pic.twitter.com/SKLJ3Y6KuZ
This is the standard Maoist manual designed to obscure their transgressions and mislead the populace. If everyone were to follow their reasoning then every jihadi and terrorist would also assert they have justification for slaughtering innocent individuals and carrying out suicide bombings as has been illustrated time and again.
These advocates of red terror desire that their deranged leaders be allowed free rein to unleash terror in society, only to later hide behind terms like “rights and welfare” to trick the masses. Furthermore, their scarlet glasses portray the cold-blooded mass murderers as innocent, when in reality, they form parallel governments via threats to the vulnerable locals, undermine the democratic structure of the country and subvert the Constitution which these apologists claim to defend against the “Hindutva” government.
Conclusion
The protests against the CAA which transformed into a disturbing spectacle of death and destruction wanted to humiliate India during President Donald Trump’s visit and bring about a regime change operation, have undeniable similarities with the current unrest unfolding in Delhi in the name of pollution. The narrative, objectives and end goals are consistent as issues are only leveraged as a ruse to trick the public.
While the Delhi riots were part of a regime change operation, the present agitation seeks not only to resist the drive against Maoists but also to mainstream the dangerous ideology. The tactics employed to assault the police, including the use of chilli, serve as another indication of the agenda.
This was also evident in Red Fort when Khalistanis disrespected the national flag and wounded many police officers, during the farmer protests. Meanwhile, the same individuals, including Prashant Bhushan who remain steadfast in their nefarious schemes aimed at undermining India and its elected government are found to be engaged in these protests.
The narrative appears to be one of victimhood and a struggle for rights against the dominant central government, however, the underlying truth is that the actual motives are consistently malevolent, seeking to create disorder within the country, destabilise the elected government and incite lawlessness as well as turmoil in the prominent cities, thereby turning the events into a worldwide attraction that brings disgrace to the country and facilitates the establishment of their favored regime in Delhi.
The “larger conspiracy” case stemming from the February 2020 Delhi anti-Hindu riots, lodged as FIR 59/2020 and prosecuted under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), has been the focus of several bail petitions that have been brought before the Supreme Court. Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam, Gulfisha Fatima, Meeran Haider, Shifa-ur-Rehman, Shadab Ahmad, and Mohd Saleem Khan are all accused of conspiring, planning, organizing, and funding a systematic campaign to incite Delhi anti-Hindu violence to bring about a ‘regime change’ in India, under the garb of anti-CAA protests. A bench of Justices Aravind Kumar and N.V. Anjaria are currently considering their pleas.
These bail requests are not first ones. Every petitioner has already encountered a negative ruling on several occasions. Umar Khalid was denied bail by the trial court in March 2022 following a comprehensive ruling that, based on a preliminary review of the chargesheet, the material revealed a deliberate conspiracy behind the disturbances in which he was purportedly one of the main conspirators. A Division Bench of the Delhi High Court declined to intervene in October 2022, ruling that the accusations, which included alleged terrorist activity and criminal conspiracy under the UAPA, exceeded the high threshold of “reasonable grounds for believing” that the accusations were prima facie true as contemplated by Section 43D(5) UAPA. Most recently, on September 2, 2025, another Division Bench of the High Court dismissed Khalid, Imam, and seven others’ bail appeals in the same larger-conspiracy case, emphasizing the prosecution’s case that the violence was the result of a coordinated plan rather than a random clash.
The fundamental difference is evident even before the Supreme Court. The appellant has repeatedly emphasized that there is “no proof of violence” directly attributable to these petitioners, that some of them were not even physically present in North-East Delhi during the worst of the riots, and that the case primarily rests on memberships in WhatsApp groups, belated “protected” witness statements, and speeches that, according to counsel, fall within the acceptable bounds of dissent and political critique of the NRC and Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). However, the Delhi Police has consistently maintained in its affidavits and now in its oral arguments that what is at stake is not isolated sloganeering or disorderly protest, but rather a “deep-rooted, premeditated and orchestrated conspiracy” to weaponize anti-CAA protests as a cover for a planned attack on the nation’s sovereignty and the authority of the State, timed with the visit of then-US President Donald Trump.
Hearing recap: Prosecution presents two videos, comprehensive arguments on how Delhi anti-Hindu Riots was a regime change operation by Sharjeel Imam, Umar Khalid and other accused
The prosecution has in the Supreme Court so far methodically argued that the violence in February 2020 was the result of a well-thought-out conspiracy rather than an out-of-control protest.
Appearing on behalf of the State, Additional Solicitor General S.V. Raju has done two things at once. First, he has disproved the popular narrative that the accused are innocent “activists” or “intellectuals” who have been wronged because of their political beliefs and second, he used speeches, WhatsApp conversations, and timelines to show that there is evidence of a larger plan to paralyze the capital, internationalize the unrest during the Trump visit, and, in their words, even attempting a “regime change operation.”
Sharjeel Imam’s speeches and the conspiracy’s larger ideological framing were the main topics of discussion during the hearing on 20th November (Thursday). Before the Bench of Justices Aravind Kumar and N.V. Anjaria, ASG Raju played a number of clips in which the Imam is heard discussing a national “chakka jam” intended to choke Delhi and target the vital Siliguri corridor, also known as the “chicken neck,” which connects the North-East to the Indian mainland.
The video which was played in the Supreme Court by the prosecution was released exclusively by OpIndia.
EXCLUSIVE! Delhi Riot bail hearing
ASG Raju plays a video of Sharjeel Imam speeches. Imam referred to CAA, NRC and Kashmir. He spoke about Chakka Jam, incited violence, urging Muslims to take to streets. He spoke about cutting off Chicken’s Neck and NE
The prosecution argued accuraptely and exposed how the rhetoric extends far beyond the scope of civil disobedience. Imam, who is trained as an engineer, is heard urging supporters to block important routes so that “Delhi should not get milk” and that the North-East could be cut off by seizing control of a 16 kilometer stretch. He also incorporates the repeal of Article 370, the Ayodhya ruling, and the Triple Talaq law to make the case that Muslims had not mobilized sufficiently in the past and should now take advantage of the CAA’s opportunity to launch a decisive confrontation.
The Delhi Police is utilizing this information to emphasise two things. One was that the ultimate goal was to bring the State to its knees through economic strangulation, territorial disturbance, and persistent communal strife, but the CAA and NRC were being used as a pretext, a handy banner around which to gather sympathy. Second, people like Imam are more dangerous because of their purportedly “intellectual” nature. According to ASG, there is a new and concerning trend in which educated professionals, such as doctors and engineers, “are not doing their professions but engaging in anti-national activities.” These individuals, who received their education at public expense, are more dangerous than “ground-level” actors who merely toss stones or take part in localized violence when they use their training and prestige to plan, justify, or direct illegal acts. The main argument of his submission was that the romanticized story of “persecuted scholars” is false, the State claims that the record shows intentional instigation to obstruct, interfere with necessary supplies, and weaponize protest locations as nodes in a much larger disruptive network.
The WhatsApp evidence also plays a role in this. The ASG guided the Bench through communications and group structures, including the Delhi Protest Support Group, the Muslim Students of JNU (MSJ), the Jamia Coordination Committee (JCC), and other relevant discussions. According to the State, they were coordination centers rather than informal student forums where conversations about fundraising, repairing protest locations, coordinating chakka jams, and influencing media narratives took place. According to ASG Raju, the chats, when read in conjunction with speeches and on-the-ground events, demonstrate that the petitioners and their associates were organizers and architects rather than passive participants. They used closed-door, encrypted channels to plan a nationwide escalation that would coincide with the visit of then US President Donald Trump to Delhi.
From their point of view, the term “regime change operation” that appears in the Delhi Police’s affidavit accurately describes what the communications reveal as the ultimate goal, which is to undermine the elected government by rendering the capital unmanageable and portraying India as a burning nation abroad.
OpIndia also revealed a specific message from the DPSG chat group, where all co-conspirators of the Delhi anti-Hindu riot were present, where the protests being a precursor to a ‘regime change operation’ was mentioned.
The message in question was sent by Rahul Roy on the 20th of January 2020 – a full month before the Delhi anti-Hindu riot. In the message, Rahul Roy mentions that the protest was a precursor to a regime change operation, spearheaded by the Jamia Coordination Committee.
In one significant interaction with the Bench, ASG SV Raju was asked whether the Court should be delving into such comprehensive material at all during the bail hearing. His response was measured, the defence, he said, sought to limit the debate to “delay” and build a picture of innocent dissenters languishing in jail while the prosecution, on the other hand, was required to demonstrate that there is substantial prima facie evidence of a significant conspiracy. The statutory restriction on bail applies under Section 43D(5) of the UAPA once there are reasonable grounds to believe the accusations are true. The court just considers whether there is sufficient evidence to meet the threshold, rather than evaluating the final reliability of each piece of evidence as it would at trial. He insisted that in that narrow sense, it was essential to play the films and point to conversations in order to refute the idea that the case is based solely on “political” or flimsy evidence.
To bolster his point, ASG Raju also showed a video which demonstrated how the protestors had mobilised, leading to the lynching of constable Ratan Lal. Through CCTV footage, he demonstrated how the rioters first, as per a planned conspiracy, covered the cameras, disconnected or damanged the CCTV cameras which were too high to cover, and then, once that was done, unleashed violence.
OpIndia reconstructed the video from the details of the chargesheet. The video can be seen below:
Important Delhi Riots EXCLUSIVE update ?
The video feed of the bail hearing in SC was disrupted. But our reporter has informed us of a video played by ASG SV Raju showing how cameras were disrupted, the mobilisation of the mob, and the diversion of CCTV right before the first… pic.twitter.com/H87eKX7v0R
ASG Raju responded to the claim that the petitioners’ nearly five year incarceration should alone tip the scales in favor of bail. He used trial court orders to demonstrate to the court that the accused’s numerous requests for adjournments and protracted debates, rather than the prosecution, were largely to blame for the delay in filing charges and advancing the trial. He noted that in several cases, the trial court documented the defence’s repeated requests for time as individual counsel debated the accusations for weeks on end. In light of this, he cited the Supreme Court’s ruling in Salim Khan to argue that even a five and a half year sentence does not automatically grant an accused person bail, particularly in cases involving serious crimes and substantial evidence of involvement.
Additional Solicitor General (ASG) S.V. Raju, representing the Delhi Police, resumed his arguments the next day before the Bench of Justices Aravind Kumar and N.V. Anjaria. In a well organized presentation, he blended factual narrative (what actually occurred on the ground) with doctrinal points under UAPA to contend that the bar on bail in Section 43D(5) is squarely attracted and leaves little room for judicial indulgence at this stage.
He started by emphasizing once more the scope and intensity of the violence that shook North-East Delhi in February 2020. Petrol bombs, acid-like chemicals, stones, and sticks were used against small groups of police officers and regular citizens, resulting in 53 fatalities and over 530 injuries. He emphasized that the pattern of violence, the use of bombs, the targeting of law officers, the destruction of CCTV cameras, and the selection of locations indicated pre-planning. This was not some wild street fight or unplanned clash between two local groups. Instead of treating these ground facts as background information, the ASG took care to link them directly to the UAPA’s statutory text from the very beginning of the hearing.
ASG Raju used Section 16(1)(a) of the UAPA, which defines a “terrorist act,” and Section 43D(5), which lays down the strict requirements for bail, to establish that legal connection with the Bench. He reminded the Court that a competent court has taken cognizance of the offence and that a chargesheet specifically citing Section 16 has already been filed. He emphasized that none of the petitioners had ever contested that order of cognizance. According to his definition, it is difficult for the same material to be treated at the bail stage as if it discloses nothing once a court has applied its judicial thought to the material and determined that a terrorist offense is made out. “If there is an application of judicial mind that an offence under the UAPA has been committed, there is no question of granting bail. The accusation is prima facie true because cognisance has been taken,” he submitted.
Focusing on the specifics of the conspiracy, Additional Solicitor General Raju argued that the accused’s acts satisfied the UAPA’s definition of a terrorist act by intending to endanger the security of the State, instill fear, and cause economic instability. He highlighted intentional disruptions of vital supplies like milk, water, and vegetables to the capital, citing evidence of bombs, petrol bombs, and firearms backed by post-mortem material. These disruptions were not the result of protests, but rather were calculated strategies to paralyze daily life and portray the State’s incapacity to maintain order. He made a significant reference to the Siliguri corridor, sometimes known as the “Chicken Neck,” and said that there was a plot to “choke Assam out of the country.” He connected this to Section 2(ea) of the UAPA, which deals with threats to India’s economic security. When the Bench queried where this appeared in the chargesheet, ASG Raju stated that the evidence was delivered via a pen drive, meaning that the petitioners’ failure to oppose this information weakens their contention that no prima facie case existed.
The ASG then focused on individual roles, demonstrating that the Delhi Police case involved more than just “someone” conspiring; rather, the petitioners in front of the court were crucial links in this network. In order to emphasize Umar Khalid’s participation, he read from the supplemental chargesheet, characterizing him as one of the “originators” of the notorious “Bharat tere tukde tukde honge” slogan and, more significantly, as the “founder of the idea of chakka jam” in this context. ASG Raju said that Khalid did more than just attend protests; he actively explained to co-accused Sharjeel Imam and Asif Iqbal Tanha the difference between a simple dharna and a chakka jam, instructing Imam to begin a chakka jam at Jamia while he would personally organize similar blockades in other areas where Muslims predominate. According to the State, chakka jam was a violent strategy intended to paralyze the city and stop vital services, not a form of civil disobedience.
ASG SV Raju read passages from protected witness statements recorded under Section 164 CrPC, including information about money, to support the story of organized roles rather than random appearance. He claimed that one such statement showed accused Meeran Haider had used ₹2.86 lakh to finance the riots. He further stated that although the Enforcement Directorate’s money-trail investigation had revealed “something more,” he was not even depending on that at this time, suggesting that the current record was sufficient to prove organized funding. The State was able to present its evidence as more than the typical police-station level testimonial material by emphasizing Section 164 statements, which are recorded before a magistrate.
Regarding the legal theory of conspiracy, the ASG cited Section 10 of the Indian Evidence Act to contend that each conspirator’s actions and words during the conspiracy’s duration may be used against the others on an agency-like basis once there are good reasons to suspect a conspiracy. In such a situation, an individual’s involvement in the planning, financing, or ideological direction of the operation becomes more important than their presence at each site of violence. “The principle of agency would apply to anything within the conspiracy period if there is a reasonable suspicion of conspiracy. There would be vicarious liability,” he told the Court, implicitly contradicting the petitioners’ earlier claim that there is no video footage of them personally engaging in violence at specific riot locations.
Linking his arguments to digital evidence, SV Raju cited WhatsApp chats that, in his interpretation, revealed a divide between those advocating peaceful protest and another faction advocating violence, with the petitioners falling into the latter group as the ones who consciously chose confrontation over nonviolence. He contended that the presence of moderating voices did not excuse those who ignored them and pursued a violent agenda. SV Raju summarized the State’s case as a conspiracy that included murder, terrorist activities, and an orchestrated attempt at “regime-change riots” similar to those in Bangladesh or Nepal, using weapons such as sticks, acid bottles, and firearms. On this premise, he argued that Section 43D(5) of the UAPA, which bars release in terrorism related cases, obviously applies, thereby dismissing the petitioners’ bail application.
He also briefly addressed two supporting but significant planks which were parity and delay. On parity, he reminded the Court that he had already explained why the petitioners could not benefit from earlier bail orders granted to other co-accused by the Delhi High Court, as the Supreme Court had expressly stated that those bail orders did not establish a binding precedent on UAPA interpretation. Regarding the delay, he maintained that much of the time spent in the trial court has been due to defence tactics, including frequent adjournments, lengthy discussions on charge, and a general reluctance to allow the matter proceed to trial. As he expressed it, he could finish the trial in two years “if they cooperate,” indicating that the State believes the system cannot be blamed for delays that are primarily defence engineered.
The Bench, for its part, sought clarifications while remaining true to the prosecution’s case. Justice Aravind Kumar inquired as to how many witnesses had recorded Section 164 statements, ASG SV Raju responded that 38 of the 47 witnesses had done so, giving the impression of a significant testimonial base in favor of the conspiracy story. When defence counsel requested that they be heard on Monday (24th November) , ASG Raju said that they “can’t argue on merits,” referring to their previous stance. The Bench, on the other hand, made it clear that he couldn’t stop them from doing so and that they would be fully heard even if he wasn’t present.
Further arguments are due to be heard on the 24th of November (Monday) when the defence would present their arguments.
