A major search operation in Gujarat’s coastal belt led to the recovery of deadly weapons from a dargah in Kodinar, located in the Gir Somnath district. The discovery was made on Sunday, 16th November, after police teams, including the Special Operations Group (SOG), launched a massive combing drive across sensitive villages and port areas after the Red Fort blast in Delhi on 10th November.
According to officials, the operation was ordered by District Superintendent of Police (SP) Jaideepsinh Jadeja, who directed teams to scan the coastline for illegal activities. More than 100 police personnel took part in the operation, including two DySPs, six PIs, seven PSIs, officers from SOG and LCB, and the bomb disposal squad. Police teams from Kodinar, Una and Veraval also conducted surprise inspections at Mul Dwarka port and questioned people living in nearby villages.
Weapons found inside the Dargah during inspection
During this extensive search, the SOG team reached the Hazrat Kachi Peer Baba dargah in Kodinar’s Mul area. While checking the premises, the police recovered sharp weapons, including an axe, knives, and swords. At the time of the inspection, the dargah’s caretaker (munjavar), Aminsha Ismailsha Kanojia, was present. Police found that he had no permission to keep any of these weapons.
The weapons were seized on the spot, and Aminsha Ismailsha was taken into custody for questioning. Later, an FIR was registered against him under Section 135 of the Gujarat Police Act. The complaint was filed by Head Constable Gopal Singh Mori from the SOG. A copy of the FIR has been accessed by OpIndia.
Police officials said the recovery of weapons has raised serious questions, especially about how these weapons reached the dargah, who brought them, and whether they were meant for any unlawful activity. These aspects are now being probed.
Police say more irregularities found in the area
SP Jaideepsinh Jadeja confirmed to OpIndia that the combing operation was launched after the Delhi car blast case. He said that while checking sensitive coastal areas, the team searched the dargah as well and found weapons kept without any kind of documentation.
He added that the police also found several other violations during the operation. In many areas, people from other states were living on rent without informing the police, which is mandatory under local regulations. Action has also been taken in cases where other rules were found to be violated. Jadeja said that similar inspections and combing operations will continue in the district.
Recent tensions in Gir Somnath over illegal structures
This incident comes at a time when tensions have already been high in the region. Last week, during a demolition drive in Gir Somnath, a team of police and district officials was attacked when they went to remove an illegal structure connected to a dargah. Cases were filed against several people, including women, after the incident.
Recently, a group of Kashmiri men living in the district were also detained for questioning. However, police said that nothing suspicious was found in that case. The SP clarified that these incidents are separate, and no link has been established with the weapons recovered from the Kodinar dargah.
Weapons hidden earlier in Kalol cemetery also under probe
This is not the first time that weapons have been found in shrines or graveyard premises in Gujarat. The report also highlights that Gujarat ATS had recently arrested three terrorists who had come to pick up weapons hidden inside a cemetery in Kalol, Gandhinagar.
Earlier, two terrorists from Uttar Pradesh had brought weapons from Rajasthan and buried them in the same cemetery. Another man from Hyderabad, identified as Syed Jaikar, had arrived to collect them. The ATS arrested the suspects before they could leave Gujarat, and interrogation is still underway.
The recovery of weapons from the Kodinar dargah has now added another angle to the series of security concerns in the state’s coastal and sensitive regions. Police say they are probing whether the seized weapons have any larger connection or were stored for local disputes.
On 16th November, when OpIndia visited Panjab University in Chandigarh, the scene on the ground did not match the feverish noise that has been doing the rounds on social media. Inside the campus, many students were sitting calmly at the protest site, repeating the same, simple demand, that is, announce the Senate election schedule. The students with whom OpIndia talked wanted to return to classes as soon as the dates are announced and resume their studies. The worry of missing important coursework was visible on their faces. The students at Panjab University wanted clarity, not chaos.
One student, Avtar Singh, made it extremely clear that the strike would end the moment the schedule was announced. He said the students knew it takes over 200 days to conduct Senate elections, and none of them were asking for an overnight miracle. They wanted the process to begin, which indeed has already begun as announced by the university a few days ago.
However, step outside the inner circle of students, and the scene changed completely. There were tractors, langar vehicles, loudspeakers (though they were quiet when we visited), political banners, farm union flags and groups that ideally had nothing to do with the university’s internal governance. Those groups and people, who called themselves union members, politicians and activists, had taken over the space that belonged exclusively to the university students, current or former.
Source: OpIndia On Ground Reporter
Just like what happened during the farmer protests, where farmers’ legitimate issues were drowned under political opportunism and identity mobilisation, the peaceful demand for Senate polls has now been dragged into a state vs Centre confrontation. And predictably, the loudest voices in this new swirl were not students, but those who piggybacked on the students’ protests for their own agendas.
From the moment the gates were broken on 10th November, it became clear that outsiders had come with their own agendas. The FIR itself documents that the crowd that forced open Gate No 1 had a large number of non-students. Police officials said in statements that while some PU students were at the front, the barrier breaking and pushing largely came from people who had nothing to do with the university. And yet, these very clashes are being projected as the natural consequence of the Senate issue. They are not. They are the result of opportunistic hijacking, and the students themselves know it.
Speaking to Times of India, even Vice Chancellor of Panjab University, Renu Vig, said that students admit it is no longer about senate. She said, “They haven’t said this directly to me, but through wardens and committee, students have conveyed a sense of helplessness.”
What the students actually want, and how fear is being seeded among them
If we look beyond the slogans, the political speeches, the farm union theatrics and the social media noise, the demands of the students are very clear. They want the Senate restored through elections. They want a legitimate governing body as defined by the Panjab University Act. And they want the uncertainty of the past one year to end. That is all. They are not the ones who raised the demands about Chandigarh’s ownership. They are not demanding identity-based claim over the university. They are not shouting about federalism. They are not asking the Centre to pack its bags and leave the Union Territory.
From the discussion OpIndia had with the people present at the protest site, it was evident that the students want clarity on Senate and want to go back to their classes as soon as possible. While the protests are against the Central Government’s decision to make Senate membership nomination based, a notification that has already been taken back by the Union Government, they are not against the Centre per se. They just want clarity about their future.
We noticed that a parallel campaign is being run within the campus to make students believe that the moment the Centre “takes control” of the Senate, the university will become a dictatorship, fees will be raised, and Punjab will lose the institution permanently. These exact lines were repeated to us by people who were not students but were present at the site. The fear is being manufactured. It is not organic. And it serves the political groups that have descended on the campus far more than it serves the students.
There are whispers that the notification was an attempt by the Central Government to “snatch” the university from the state. The situation, which should have been resolved on the day the Central Government revoked the notification, somehow has turned into an existential threat. The confusion, well, is not accidental.
It mirrors what we saw during the farmer protests, where several groups ran parallel narratives of fear, identity and distrust. The farmer protests created a deep valley between the farmers and the union. The original issues drowned under unrelated agendas. Here too, Punjabiyat, centre vs state politics, regional identity, and even religious identity narratives are being piggybacked on a student demand for internal university elections.
What are the Senate and the Syndicate?
The Senate and the Syndicate are the two statutory governing bodies of Panjab University. The Senate is the supreme authority, comprising over one hundred members, including elected graduates, professors, student representatives and nominees of the Centre and the state. It frames policies, approves budgets, oversees appointments and takes major academic and administrative decisions. The Syndicate functions as the executive body with around fifteen to twenty members. While the Senate takes decisions, the Syndicate implements them.
How political unions, kisan groups and majdoor organisations hijacked the protest
If anyone still believes that this is purely student driven protests, they have not been to the Panjab University Bachao Morcha protest site in the past few days. When OpIndia reached the campus, there were tractors, langar stalls, political posters and non-students all around the protest site.
This pattern is not unfamiliar. We saw it during the farmer protests as well. A specific set of actors specialise in identifying a legitimate grievance, stepping into the scene under the guise of “support”, and then shifting both the tone and direction of the movement until the original issue becomes unrecognisable. That is precisely what happened here.
What began as a Senate election demand slowly turned into:
A Punjab versus Centre issue
Punjab versus Haryana
Identity ownership of Chandigarh
Slogans of Punjabiyat
Political parties arriving in batches
During the clash between the outsider protesters and police on 10th November, SSP Kanwardeep Kaur climbed atop the gate and tried to reason with the crowd as the number of outsiders trying to enter was simply too large for the police to contain without escalating force. The gates were brought down by the protesters and a wave entered the campus. That day, tractors, trolleys, union representatives, political workers, and people carrying flags of organisations that have no stake in the university’s governance entered the campus.
Ideally, neither police nor outsider groups, organisations and individuals have a say in such protests and they are supposed to stay outside. However, things did not happen the way they should have.
Senior leaders of AAP, Congress and SAD chief Sukhbir Singh Badal showed up. Farmer union chiefs like Balbir Singh Rajewal, Harinder Lakhowal and Inderpal Bains arrived with cadres. Even the father of jailed MP Amritpal Singh and family members of historical radical figures reached the campus.
Figures like Lakha Sidhana, a gangster-turned-activist, singer Satinder Sartaj and many others visited the campus. The actual student leaders who should have been the voice of the protests the whole time were pushed aside so that these leaders could speak on the stage.
This infiltration brought with it an entirely different vocabulary. Slogans like “Chandigarh Punjab da” and “Raj Karega Khalsa” filled the air. These slogans have nothing to do with Senate elections, nothing to do with the Panjab University Act, and nothing to do with restoring democratic bodies. But they have everything to do with political positioning, identity signalling and creating the impression that the university belongs to a specific cultural group rather than to all of its students and stakeholders.
In the middle of this noise, the original student-led demand was almost lost. What the political players want from these protests is vastly different from what the students want. And the gap between those two agendas is what is causing the chaos.
The Nihang presence and the subtle introduction of pro Khalistani rhetoric
Among the many groups that appeared on campus that day were Nihangs. OpIndia spoke to one of the Nihangs present during the agitation. On the surface, he insisted they were there only to support the “children”. He repeatedly framed their presence as protective, even paternal. But during that conversation, he introduced a line that revealed a deeper undercurrent that has nothing to do with Senate elections.
He said, and we quote nearly verbatim, “When Hindus talk about making India a Hindu Rashtra, no one says anything. But when others demand something, it becomes a problem.”
He did not explicitly use the word “Khalistan”, but he did not need to. Anyone who has covered Punjab long enough understands exactly what “others demand something” implies in this context. It is coded language, used often by those who want to push separatist narratives without directly triggering legal scrutiny.
This is where the protest crosses into dangerous territory, far beyond elections and campus democracy. When individuals representing Nihang groups begin using unrelated national comparisons and subtly pushing identity-based grievances inside a university movement, it means the protest has become a vessel for wider ideological messaging.
The students leading the Senate movement categorically denied inviting any political party or union to the protests. But the moment the gates were forced open and external groups poured in, the space was no longer in the students’ control. The protest had become porous. And once that happens, narratives that have nothing to do with the issue at hand enter quietly, disguised as “support”. The students we talked to said these groups “should be present” as they support them, however, there were some voices who were confused, and even disliked the students’ movement being hijacked.
For instance, Hindustan Student Association (HSA) officials categorically refused to side with separatist slogans and claims of Punjab over the university.
Cracks within the Morcha as the Punjab versus Haryana narrative takes over
While the political circus grew louder outside the gates, the first real sign of discomfort came from within the Panjab University Bachao Morcha itself. On 12th November, Mohit Manderana, joint secretary of the PU Campus Students’ Council and one of the prominent faces of the earlier affidavit campaign, resigned from the Morcha. His resignation is a crucial marker because it signals what many students are whispering privately but are too afraid to say publicly, the movement has drifted far away from its purpose.
However, he did not step away from spreading fear of “BJP and RSS ideology”. In a statement, he said, “The struggle was meant to save Panjab University from political interference, especially from BJP and RSS ideology. But the November 10 protest became about regional ownership, not about saving the university.” His statement shows how fearmongering is being done from all channels possible.
In a video, he was seen saying it is a personal matter of “Punjab and Haryana” and they will resolve it at home. “We don’t need a Delhi agent,” he said.
On the other hand, a couple of students talked to OpIndia on condition of anonymity and said they were deeply uncomfortable with the explosions of “Chandigarh Punjab da” chants, the entry of leaders who had nothing to do with Senate elections, and the sudden flood of content online claiming that Haryana wanted to “capture” the university.
Notably, this Punjab versus Haryana narrative is not new. Since reorganisation of Punjab in 1966 that led to the formation of Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, this tussle between the states has been prominent but it did not enter the university campus the way it has entered now.
The Senate elections have never historically been reduced to a territorial fight. Students from both states have studied together for decades. Haryana has its own universities and does not fund PU. Himachal has its own institutions too. The governance issue was administrative, not regional.
But once political players entered the scene, it became convenient to push a narrative of “Punjab’s last symbol under attack”. The Senate issue gave way to slogans about land, identity and history. Predictably, Haryana based student groups responded, and the protest became a battleground for sentiments rather than statutes.
Manderana’s resignation was therefore more than a disagreement. It was the first visible rupture caused by this hijacking. And if insiders are not aligned, it is only a matter of time before students reclaim their space or the protest collapses under its own weight.
ABVP’s position on the ongoing protests
Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) Panjab University president Pavindra Singh Negi told OpIndia that while ABVP stands with the students and supports their genuine demand for the Senate election schedule, the organisation is not actively participating in the protests because they have been hijacked by outsiders. He said the government has already withdrawn the notification and even the High Court has asked students to return to classes, leaving little reason for continued agitation.
According to him, it is now outsiders who are turning the protests into something entirely different to suit their own agendas. He also expressed concerns over the postponed exams as it will delay results and create problems in placement. He said, “Students met us today as well. They were concerned over postponed exams. How will they match the placement dates if results are not out on time?” he questioned.
How fear is being manufactured among students, and who benefits from it
Fear is a powerful political tool, especially when injected into a young student population that is already living in academic uncertainty. Over the last week, a very specific set of fears has been deliberately circulated among students:
That a central takeover will bring dictatorship
That fees will skyrocket
That elections will never take place
That PU will be “snatched away” from Punjab
That Chandigarh will be altered permanently
That Punjab’s identity is under assault
That this is the “last chance to save the university”
Every one of these fears is factually questionable, but politically convenient.
These narratives did not originate inside hostels or classrooms. They came from outside, from farm union leaders who arrived with speeches loaded with emotion, from identity groups repeating the Punjabiyat slogan cycle, from political leaders hunting for a new anti-Centre flashpoint, and from ideological elements who saw the protest as a fresh battlefield for grievances that have nothing to do with Panjab University.
Source: OpIndia On Ground Reporter
When I asked one of the “supporters”, a well-versed legal aide, to explain how fees would be increased as other central universities also have very affordable fee structure, he could only explain it by saying “it happens like this only, doesn’t it”?
But fear spreads faster than facts, especially when thousands of people are standing outside a university shouting that “Punjab’s last institution is being taken away”.
It is important to underline that the Ministry of Education withdrew the contentious notification on 7th November. The Senate structure was restored. The university sent the schedule to the Vice President’s office on 9th November. Even the High Court acknowledged that the schedule must be processed, and elections must be held expeditiously. Yet, for reasons that have little to do with the PU Act, several groups want the protests to continue.
Why? Because the chaos serves them.
What is happening is systematic emotional amplification. And every extra day of fear helps groups who have no interest in Senate elections but have immense interest in keeping the agitation alive.
The High Court’s intervention and how it punctures the fear narrative
On 14th November, the Punjab and Haryana High Court delivered what might be the most rational voice in this entire situation. While hearing a petition filed by former Senate members, the bench led by Chief Justice Sheel Nagu made two points that should have immediately calmed the campus, if only the agitators were actually interested in calming it.
First, the Court made it abundantly clear that academic activity must resume. The judges stated, plainly, that students are in university to study and that education should not be halted because of an administrative matter. When the counsel said students are protesting because Senate elections are delayed, the bench cut through the noise:
“Please go back to your classes.”
This is not a minor remark. A constitutional court telling students to attend classes undermines the entire hysteria being circulated that the university is on the brink of collapse or takeover.
Second, the Court stated that the elections must be held expeditiously and that the university has already sent the schedule to the Chancellor, the Vice President of India. The Court also noted that the Panjab University Act does not actually require the Chancellor’s “approval” for the schedule. This means the process is already in motion.
The Additional Solicitor General representing the Centre confirmed that:
The contentious notification has been withdrawn
The government wants the elections held
The schedule is being processed
The exercise is massive, involving almost three and a half lakh registered graduate voters
He also emphasised the need for a “cordial atmosphere” for elections to proceed. This is common sense: no election of this scale can happen in the middle of barricade breaches, outsider mobilisation and political sloganeering.
In short, the High Court officially validated the students’ real demand that elections must happen and simultaneously dismissed the need for the chaos around it. The High Court’s words cut directly through the fear mongering spread by unions and political groups.
Why outsiders want the protest to continue, the political incentives at play
To understand why the protests ballooned far beyond the students’ original intent, you have to look at who benefits from keeping the campus in a state of unrest. And none of these beneficiaries are students.
Political parties
For parties like AAP, Congress and SAD, Panjab University is a convenient symbolic battlefield. With elections approaching and narratives shifting constantly, PU is being framed as the “last bastion of Punjab’s identity under threat”. The optics of marching through the campus, shouting slogans and attacking the Centre serve political mileage that has nothing to do with the Senate.
AAP ministers arrived. Congress MLAs gave emotional speeches. SAD leaders posed as defenders of Punjab. But where were these leaders when PU budgets were slashed, when hostels faced shortages, or when academic decisions were delayed? Their sudden affection for the university is more timed than sincere.
Farmer unions
After the splits within the Samyukta Kisan Morcha and dwindling mobilisation post 2021, several unions are eager to stay politically relevant. Backing student protests gives them the appearance of moral authority, even though Senate elections have nothing to do with agricultural issues.
Source: OpIndia On Ground Reporter
This is why Punjab saw union leaders arriving with entire contingents in tractors and trolleys. The optics of “sons of farmers fighting for Punjab” is emotionally powerful, but strategically disconnected from the students’ concerns.
Mazdoor unions and ideological outfits
These groups see protests as opportunities to push their overarching political narratives. Their slogans rarely match student demands. Instead, they mirror the same ideological spread we witnessed during the farmer protests, where multiple organisations attached themselves to the agitation regardless of the original grievance.
Many of these organisations benefit from chaos itself. The longer the crisis, the more airtime and visibility they gain.
Extremist-seperatist voices
The presence of individuals like the Nihang who subtly hinted at pro Khalistani parallels shows another layer. These actors see PU as a symbolic site. A place associated with Punjab’s cultural identity. If they can seed narratives about historical betrayal, state oppression or cultural ownership inside a student space, they get ideological returns far beyond the campus.
Opposition parties seeking an anti-Centre flashpoint
The Centre’s withdrawn notification is being used as a stick to beat the BJP with, despite the fact that the notification is no longer active. This is exactly what has been done with the farm laws. Though they were withdrawn in 2021, they are still a fearmongering tool for political parties, unions and so-called activists.
Content creators and activists
Let us not forget the new-age protest beneficiaries. Influencers, fringe activists, local agitators and some student leaders themselves gain social capital when chaos continues. A settled protest gets them nothing. A prolonged agitation gives them followers, visibility, and an identity as “youth leaders”, even if they have little to do with the core issue.
Across all these layers, one pattern emerges clearly. The students want clarity. The outsiders want crisis.
The simplest proof of this came from Avtar Singh, the PU student who told us directly that the moment the election schedule is announced, the strike will end. However, he supported the presence of Kisan and Mazdoor unions at the site, something that should have been avoided at the first place.
The students understand the 240-day timeline. They understand the administrative process. They are not afraid of the Centre. They are not trying to hold PU hostage.
It is the outsiders who want the protest to continue, because the Senate schedule ends their utility.
Conclusion – the real danger is the hijack, not the Centre
After two weeks of protests, barricades, FIRs and political theatrics, the real question is simple. What exactly is the threat? The Centre has withdrawn its notification. The High Court has pushed the Senate process forward. The PU Act is clear. The real danger is the ease with which a student demand for election dates was hijacked by kisan unions, majdoor groups, political parties and identity-based outfits. Students who only want to study are being fed manufactured fears while outsiders use the campus for relevance. The court wants classes to resume. Only those with political motives want the chaos to continue.
In Many Shades of Saffron, Chandrachur Ghose takes on one of the most popular and impactful institutions in modern India, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and does so with scholarly patience, historical rigor, and a welcome willingness to avoid ideological grandstanding. The timing of this work is particularly significant: the year 2025 marks the centenary of both the RSS and the Communist Party of India (CPI).
Though both organisations emerged in the same historical moment of anti-colonial ferment, their worldviews, institutional trajectories, and relationships with the Indian state diverged dramatically. Ghose uses this moment of shared origin not to draw forced parallels, but to illuminate the deeper ideological, cultural, and political contrasts between the two.
The CPI arose from Marxist-Leninist intellectual currents, rooted in class struggle and global revolutionary consciousness. Many Shades of Saffron, however, begins with the founding of the RSS in Nagpur on the culturally significant occasion of Vijaya Dashami, a choice that demonstrates the value of civilizational symbolism and cultural memory in the organisation’s worldview. K.B. Hedgewar envisioned the RSS not as a political movement but as a long-term social and cultural force dedicated to national regeneration. Where the CPI built cadres through study circles, ideological training, and policy debates, the RSS relied on daily shakhas, personal discipline, collective identity, and character formation. Ghose makes clear that these differing pedagogies would, over time, shape not only the internal cultures of the two organisations but also their destinies.
One of the most compelling themes in Many Shades of Saffron is the contrast in documentation practices. The communist tradition has always been meticulous resolutions, congress reports, polemical texts, biographies, and ideological treatises, forming a vast and easily accessible archive. The RSS, however, was slow to document itself. Hedgewar believed that a living example carried greater power than a written declaration, and it was only after 1950 that the organization adopted a formal constitution. This lack of documentation contributed to a perception of secrecy and opacity, especially among scholars and political commentators. But as Ghose argues, the lack of documentation was less a deliberate strategy of concealment than a reflection of cultural priorities: the Sangh sought to live values rather than codify them.
Ghose’s treatment of the RSS leadership over a century is another of the book’s strengths. Figures such as MS Golwalkar, Balasaheb Deoras, Rajendra Singh, and Mohan Bhagwat are presented neither as icons nor as villains, but as thinkers and organisers shaped by the pressures of their times. The book tracks how the Sangh responded to major national developments, the struggle for independence, the trauma of Partition, the Emergency, the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the turbulent politics of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Throughout, the organisation’s ability to adapt while maintaining a coherent internal identity emerges as a key reason for its longevity.
If the CPI’s history is one of splits CPI(M), CPI(ML), and further ideological micronizations, the RSS story is one of expansion. Today, the Sangh Parivar encompasses dozens of affiliated organisations spanning education, labour, farmer groups, tribal upliftment, women’s participation, religious reform, and electoral politics. Ghose does not exaggerate this influence, nor does he apologise for it. He simply traces how the RSS, originally dismissed by both colonial administrators and nationalist leaders, grew into one of the most consequential cultural forces in the world’s largest democracy.
Significantly, Many Shades of Saffron addresses the polarised landscape of literature surrounding the RSS. Insider accounts have often been devotional, while outsider critiques have tended to be suspicious, even hostile. Both have contributed to a climate in which the RSS is either heroised or demonised, with little space for historical nuance. Ghose consciously avoids both traps. He neither glosses over contentious episodes nor indulges in ideological denunciation. His goal is not to judge but to understand a rarity in the study of Indian political organisations today.
The prose is accessible and measured, suitable for the serious general reader as well as students and scholars of contemporary Indian politics. Rather than overwhelming the reader with detail, Ghose selects key turning points and thematic continuities, always situating events in broader cultural and political shifts. His methodology respects both archival research and lived organisational experience.
Some readers may wish for deeper engagement with questions of secularism, pluralism, and minoritarian anxieties. Ghose addresses these issues, but he prioritizes historical context over ideological debate. Instead, he gives readers the historical and institutional context necessary to form their own opinions. This restraint may frustrate those accustomed to polemical writing, but it is the very quality that makes the book valuable.
Many Shades of Saffron is not just a study of the RSS, it is a study of modern India itself. To understand the Sangh is to understand a major force shaping the political and cultural imagination of the country today. Ghose’s work is thus a vital contribution to the ongoing conversation about national identity, civilizational continuity, and the meaning of democracy in India.
This book is a must-read for supporters and critics of the RSS alike, for scholars, journalists, students, and every citizen seeking to understand the forces that have shaped and continue to shape the Indian republic.
Congress and corruption have been closely intertwined as the party and its I.N.D.I. Alliance which are yet to recover from the humiliating electoral defeat in the Bihar assembly elections is likely to find itself in another predicament due to a potential major financial scam in Karnataka.
On 13th November, the Congress state government authorised the rental of 46 mechanical sweeping machines for seven years at a cost of ₹613.25 crore. The devices are going to be placed within the Greater Bengaluru Authority’s (GBA) boundaries. HK Patil, Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs, informed reporters that the equipment would be used in all five GBA corporations.
The self-propelled mechanical sweepers, dumper trucks and human resources will be rented. A technical committee’s advice served as the basis for the decision. These mechanical sweeping equipment will be used on 1,682.10 kilometre of arterial and sub-arterial roads within Bengaluru’s 12,878.89 kilometre road network to keep the area clean.
Each equipment is anticipated to cost the authority almost ₹2 crore annually and the five recently established municipal corporations of Bengaluru would provide all of the funding. GBA at first suggested renting 59 sweeping machines for a total of ₹781 crore. However, while presenting the proposal to the cabinet, the Urban Development Department (UDD) reduced the number of vehicles to 46 while raising the price of each vehicle by ₹10 lakh.
Opposition, netizens draw attention to a possible scam
The development not only prompted the opposition to raise its eyebrows, but many people pointed out that the substantial figures attached to the purchase trigger suspicions and suggest yet another scandal in the state.
Bharatiya Janata Party leader and Union Minister Shobha Karandlaje stated that the extent of expenditure raises “serious concerns” regarding who benefits from the inflated prices and asserted that a “significant financial scandal is unfolding” in Karnataka.
She noted that even if the municipality paid the salaries of 46 drivers and 100 helpers for seven years, the total would still only be about ₹60 to 70 crores. The government is shelling out ₹613 crores, but even after adding machinery, labour, and maintenance, the amount should not surpass ₹100 crores. However, ₹613 crores are being spent by the government.
“This raises serious doubts about where the remaining ₹500 crores is going and who is benefiting from this inflated expenditure. I strongly urge the government to drop this proposal immediately and ensure full transparency for the people of Karnataka,” she expressed.
A massive financial scandal is unfolding in Karnataka. The Congress government has hired 46 road sweeping machines for 7 years at a shocking cost of ₹613 crores. A self-propelled road sweeper costs about ₹50 to 80 lakhs, which means 46 machines would come to roughly ₹37 to 38… pic.twitter.com/68zQVGaqLN
Janata Dal (Secular) leader Nikhil Kumar remarked that there are 26 sweeping machines in Bengaluru’s Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) yards that are not in use but the governemnt wants to spend ₹613 crore to rent 46 more machines at an annual cost of ₹1.9 crore each, despite the fact that the same machines only cost ₹1.3–3 crore to purchase outright.
Nikhil charged, “This is not bad math; this is math murdered, buried and cremated in broad daylight.”
He accused that while Boston Consulting Group (BCG) advocated a pay-for-performance model and the Expert Committee recommended buying the machines, “the DCMs’s (Deputy Chief Minister D K Shivakumar) team created a new economic theory: choose the most expensive option and label it governance.”
Kumar then urged that Kiran Mazumdar Shaw and Monhandas Pai give this government a crash lesson in simple maths before another 600+ crore vanishes under the pretence of “innovation.”
Bengaluru has 26 sweeping machines lying unused in BBMP yards, yet this @INCKarnataka government, headed by our finance-loving DCM, now wants to blow ₹613 crore to rent 46 more at ₹1.9 crore per machine per year, even though the same machines cost only ₹1.3–3 crore to buy… pic.twitter.com/yIWErpy7r7
An individual reiterated how the “math is not mathing,” and asked, “Rent 46 sweeping machines at 1 crore per year for 7 years. How does that add up to 613 crores?” The person added that the “bigger question” is whether these will be gathering dust like the 26 machines that are currently inactive because BBMP lacks the funds to “pay” the operator and staff.
The math is not mathing? ?
Rent 46 sweeping machines at 1crore per year, for 7 years.
How does that add up to 613 crores?
Bigger question – will these be catching dust as the current 26 machines lying unused, because BBMP does not have money to "pay" money to the employees…
Another user posed the same inquiries, accompanied by an image of a similar machine and stressed even if this is not the precise model, machines of this type usually cost approximately ₹60-70 lakh. “Why not buy outright and save public money? Something is seriously wrong here,” the account emphasised.
Why is Greater Bengaluru Authority spending ₹2 crore per year to rent a road-sweeping machine.
Even if this isn’t the exact same model, machines like this cost around ₹60–70 lakh to buy.
A person described the purchase as a “massive scam” and highlighted that experts asses the cost of each machine to be around 40-50 lakhs. Therefore, it would cost about ₹20 crores if the government were to buy them directly. “Big joke on those who threw out BJP from Karnataka,” he added.
Massive scam in Karnataka ? CONg govt hires 46 sweeping machines for 7 years for a whopping ₹613 Crores
Experts estimate the cost of each machine to be max 40-50 lakhs, so if the Govt were to purchase them outright it would cost approx ₹20 Crores
A netizen mocked that people are supposed to think there is no corruption by pointing out that the daily cost of operating this machine is ₹53 thousand for a single vehicle.
The Karnataka government approved renting out 46 mechanical sweeping machines for a period of seven years at a cost of ₹613 crore.
>46 Machines >On Rent >Seven years >₹613 Crore
That means the daily cost to run this machine is ₹53k per day for one vehicle, and people are… pic.twitter.com/JBJrryFG9p
Meanwhile, the government appears to proceed with the decision in spite of the mounting controversy.
How the decision was reached
GBA engaged in an extended discussion about whether to hire or buy sweeper vehicles outright, beginning in April. Two consulting firms were later hired for further evaluation after a technical committee led by R Selvamani, managing director of the Karnataka Urban Infrastructure and Finance Corporation (KUIDFC), was initially established.
The technical committee pitched purchasing the equipment and hiring a different agency for operations and maintenance in its August report This strategy has been used till now bu the prospect of renting was rejected by the committee.
Afterward, GBA formed an internal committee and asked BCG and Rail India Technical and Economic Service (RITES) Limited for assistance. According to BCG’s suggestions, an outright purchase would necessitate a significant financial outlay because each sweeping equipment would cost ₹3 crore, together with hook loaders and containers.
Hence, it recommended paying the suppliers 40% up advance, with the remaining amount to be reimbursed according to performance per kilometre. The company reportedly looked into the cost of renting the machineries, which came out to be more expensive per vehicle at ₹50 lakh. Due to the alleged “huge initial expenditure” associated with buying the devices, the cabinet decided to rent them instead.
Bengaluru now has about 26 cleaning machines, but their performance has been subpar and commuters frequently complain about the city’s deteriorating air quality index and dusty roads. Despite the former BBMP’s repeated attempts to acquire new equipment, the plan was put on hold for a number of reasons.
Another potential scam on the cards
Notwithstanding the assertions made by the government, both netizens and the opposition have already outlined significant flaws in the cost calculation and levelled grave allegations of financial fraud. Their apprehensions cannot be dismissed in light of the compromised history of the Congress governments, even in Karnataka.
This was reinforced in September when the Karnataka State Contractors Association (KSCA) expressed that corruption in several departments under the Congress has “doubled” compared to the earlier BJP rule.
“When you were leader of the opposition, you told us that after you come to power, no commission (kickback) would be sought by your government to clear pending bills. We regret to inform you that the commission has doubled now compared with the previous government,” the body charged in a letter, resulting in a massive embarrassment for Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s government.
Moreover, KSCA President R Manjunath reported that Congress workers and supporters of elected officials were winning projects from government institutions which were subsequently “sub-contracted” to “senior contractors” in return for a specified share of the amount.
Now, the recent allegations have placed the Karnataka government in a challenging situation and more importantly, highlighted the likelihood of yet another possible scam involving the Congress.
The BJP-led NDA registered a landslide victory in the Bihar assembly elections. The Congress party’s ‘Vote Chori’ narrative failed spectacularly and RJD’s big bet on Tejashwi Yadav did not turn out very well. While Congress continues to cast aspersions on Election Commission’s integrity, the family of RJD patriarch Lalu Yadav has come with a rather emotional coping mechanism against a humiliating electoral defeat.
After Lalu Yadav’s daughter Rohini Acharya snapped ties from her family and announced departure from politics, Lalu Yadav’s other four daughters, Rajlakshmi, Ragini, Hema, and Chanda have also reportedly ‘left’ the family. The four of them travelled to Delhi along with their children, hinting a wider rift within the family that is out in the open as Bihar rejected RJD.
#WATCH | Patna, Bihar | Lalu Prasad Yadav's daughters Ragini Yadav, Chanda Yadav, and Raj Lakshmi Yadav leave for Delhi along with their families. pic.twitter.com/crLWfcdzvh
Reports say that the RJD chief’s daughters are disturbed by the events that unfolded in the recent days. The alleged rift in the Yadav family comes at a time when the Rashtriya Janata Dal was reduced from 75 to 25 seats in the recently concluded Bihar assembly elections.
The first from the Yadav family to vent out frustration over the massive electoral loss was Rohini Acharya, who publicly announced her decision to quit politics and RJD.
On 15th November, Acharya put out a social media post wherein she named Sanjay Yadav and Rameez, hinting that they are the reason behind all hostilities within the Yadav family and RJD’s abysmal poll performance.
“I am quitting politics and I am disowning my family… This is what Sanjay Yadav and Rameez had asked me to do… and I am taking all the blame,” she wrote.
Notably, Sanjay Yadav, whom she mentioned in her post, is an RJD Rajya Sabha MP and considered a close political aide of Tejashwi Yadav. Rameez, who was also named in the message, is an old friend of Tejashwi and belongs to a political family in Uttar Pradesh.
As Rohini Acharya’s announcement of quitting politics abruptly stirred a political storm, she in a media interaction revealed that she has disowned her family after she was subjected to filthy abuses, physical intimidation and was asked to leave her father’s house. Acharya directly blamed her younger brother Tejashwi Yadav and his two closest aides, Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Yadav and political advisor Rameez Ahmad, for orchestrating her expulsion from the family.
#WATCH पटना, बिहार: RJD नेता रोहिणी आचार्य ने राजनीति छोड़ने पर कहा, "मेरा कोई परिवार नहीं है। उन्होंने ही मुझे परिवार से निकाला है। उन्हें जिम्मेदारी नहीं लेनी है… सारी दुनिया सवाल कर रही है कि पार्टी का ऐसा हाल क्यों हुआ है?…" pic.twitter.com/XcgyhKV8RA
In an X post, Acharya wrote, “‘Yesterday, a daughter, a sister, a married woman, a mother was humiliated, filthy abuses were hurled at her, a slipper was raised to hit her. I did not compromise on my self-respect, I did not surrender the truth, and solely because of this, I had to endure this insult… Yesterday, a daughter was forced to leave behind her crying parents and sisters and move away; they separated me away from my maternal home… They left me orphaned… May none of you ever walk my path, may no family ever have a daughter-sister like Rohini.”
कल एक बेटी, एक बहन , एक शादीशुदा महिला , एक माँ को जलील किया गया , गंदी गालियाँ दी गयीं , मारने के लिए चप्पल उठाया गया , मैंने अपने आत्मसम्मान से समझौता नहीं किया, सच का समर्पण नहीं किया , सिर्फ और सिर्फ इस वजह से मुझे बेइज्जती झेलनी पडी .. कल एक बेटी मजबूरी में अपने रोते हुए…
She also posted a couple of emotional messages on Facebook narrating how she was humiliated after she refused to compromise her self-respect and stood by the truth. Acharya, who gave her kidney to save her father’s life in 2022, also said that she was accused of giving a ‘dirty’ kidney to her father.
The conflict in the Yadav family has been brewing months after Tej Pratap Yadav’s photos and videos with a woman named Anushka Yadav appeared on social media, leading to his expulsion from the RJD. Tej Pratap formed his own party Janshakti Janata Dal and contested the Bihar Assembly Elections.
The whispers in the political circles of Bihar suggest that Rohini Acharya was opposed to Tej Pratap Yadav’s expulsion from the party. However, the ‘decision-maker’ Tejashwi Yadav did not heed her opposing viewpoint and things only turned bitter from thereon.
Despite allegedly being opposed to Tej Pratrap’s expulsion, Rohini was seen campaigning for her younger brother Tejashwi, who was the Mahagathbandhan’s chief ministerial candidate. This raises question as to what would have been Rohini Acharya’s position if the RJD had performed well in the assembly elections and the MGB had won the election. Would there still have been a public outburst the way it happened or victory would have covered it up?
Last month, Acharya unfollowed her father, Lalu Prasad and brother Tejashwi on X, triggering speculation. She had also supported criticism of Sanjay Yadav, who was seen by many as becoming too powerful within the party.
Back then, Tej Pratap came out in Rohini Acharya’s support and echoed his sister’s allegations against Sanjay Yadav. He alleged that Sanjay Yadav wants to “usurp” Tejashwi Yadav’s chair.
Now as the rift between Rohini Acharya and Tejashwi Yadav intensifies, Tej Pratap has again extended support to Acharya. In a statement posted on Instagram by his party, Janshakti Janta Dal, Tej Pratap Yadav said that he tolerated his own insult silently, but he would not tolerate the humiliation of his sister. He added that he is enraged by the incident and that the people of Bihar would not forgive the people who misbehaved with Rohini.
“Yesterday’s incident has shaken my heart to the core. I tolerated what happened to me, but the insult inflicted on my sister is unbearable under any circumstances. Listen, Jaichands— if you attack the family, the people of Bihar will never forgive you. Ever since I heard the news of my sister Rohini being hit by a slipper, my heart has been filled with rage. When public sentiments are hurt, the dust on the intellect is blown away. These few faces have clouded even Tejaswi’s intellect. The consequences of this injustice will be extremely dire. The reckoning of time is very harsh.”
Tej Pratap further appealed to Lalu Prasad Yadav to give him a ‘signal’ to expose the ‘Jaichands’ or traitors behind the issue. He said, “I request the Honorable RJD National President and my father, my political guru, Shri Lalu Prasad Ji, Father, give me a signal… just one gesture, and the people of Bihar will bury these Jaichands themselves. This is not a fight for any party, it is a fight for the honor of the family, the dignity of the daughter, and the self-respect of Bihar.”
In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Rohini Acharya contested from Saran and lost to BJP’s Rajiv Pratap Rudy. Now, Acharya was reportedly eyeing a ticket in the assembly elections, however, the party was not in favour of this. Attempting to put all speculations at rest, Acharya posted that she has no political ambitions, and for her, her self-respect is of supreme importance. However, her continued criticism of Sanjay Yadav and his growing clout in the RJD came across as a confirmation that there Rohini Acharya indeed had political ambitions and perhaps Sanjay Yadav stood in her way.
While this is undeniably a rough patch for the Lalu family, it comes across more as a drama to deviate discourse from the RJD’s humiliating electoral loss. Tej Pratap’s expulsion, Rohini Acharya’s public outburst, and now Lalu Yadav’s other daughters moving out of the family indicate a full-blown feud within the family, and a hurried rush among the ‘aggrieved’ members to cash in on the narrative of victimhood and gather public support in their favour. The disputes and the power tussle within the family may be real but the ongoing drama in the past few months has only appeared as a TV serial-style ploy to attract attention and even sympathy towards the three factions (Rohini, Tej Pratap and the Lalu-Tejashwi) within Lalu family.
While this public attention did not translate into votes, the fresh melodrama of heartbroken daughters being allegedly forced to leave their maternal homes seems a new episode in the saga of the once-powerful family.
The investigation into the Delhi Red Fort car blast has opened up a complex web of terror links, financial trails, and university connections. It began as a probe into the explosion near one of the capital’s historic landmarks and has now turned into a large-scale national security investigation spanning Delhi, Faridabad, Nuh, Lucknow, and even links traced abroad. It has also been established that the recovery of huge amount of explosives from doctors a week before the blast was link to the same nexus, with its epicentre at Al Falah University in Faridabad.
The blast, which occurred on 10th November near the Red Fort, killed 13 people and injured several others. Investigating agencies later confirmed that the man who carried out the explosion was Dr Umar Un Nabi, a medical professional associated with Al Falah University in Faridabad. Subsequent forensic tests matched his DNA samples with those of his mother, confirming his identity. Two doctors from the university were already arrested days before the blast after explosives and weapons were recovered from them.
Cartridges recovered, but no weapon found
Forensic teams investigating the site made a puzzling discovery. Three 9mm cartridges, two live and one empty were found at the scene. Officials said these cartridges are of a type prohibited for civilian use and are generally meant for security forces or those with special permission.
What made the finding even more mysterious is that no pistol or firearm parts were recovered from the area. Investigators are now working to understand how the cartridges reached the spot and whether they were used during the blast or planted later to mislead the inquiry. Experts are also examining whether these were fired on-site or brought to the location afterwards.
Focus Turns to Al Falah University and Nuh
The Crime Branch of Delhi Police quickly turned its focus towards Al Falah University, where Umar and his arrested colleagues, Dr Muzammil and Dr Shaheen, worked. The University’s Okhla office was searched on Saturday, 15th November, and officials seized several documents after issuing formal notices. Two more doctors have also been detained for questioning, while another doctor from West Bengal, who did MBBS from Al-Falah, was detained but was later released after questioning.
Police said two FIRs have been registered against the university under sections of fraud and forgery, following findings from the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC).
Investigations revealed that Umar had rented a house in Nuh’s Hidayat Colony for about ten days before the blast. The house was arranged by Shoaib, an electrician working at Al Falah University. Shoaib’s sister-in-law owned the property and has been untraceable since the incident. Police have barricaded the entire house and deployed personnel in the area while continuing their search for additional leads.
CCTV footage collected from near an ultrasound centre in Nuh shows Umar’s i20 car, a vehicle later used in the blast, parked in the area for several hours. Another footage from 30th October shows the same vehicle entering and leaving the Al Falah University campus, proving he used it regularly.
₹20 Lakh Hawala trail and use of Fertiliser
A crucial lead in the investigation surfaced when intelligence agencies uncovered a funding trail of around ₹20 lakh. Agents believe that the money was sent from a Jaish-e-Mohammed handler through hawala channels to Dr Umar, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen.
#BREAKING In the bomb blast near Delhi’s Red Fort Metro station area, investigating agencies are probing a major hawala link. Intelligence sources say ₹20 lakh was routed to Dr. Umar, Muzammil and Dr. Shaheen, suspected to have come from a Jaish handler. Around ₹3 lakh was… pic.twitter.com/vMf2x1rkCV
Out of this amount, around ₹3 lakh was reportedly spent on purchasing 26 quintals of NPK fertiliser. Though commonly used in agriculture, this chemical compound contains ingredients capable of producing explosive materials. Sources revealed that tension had developed between Umar and Shaheen over the handling and use of this money.
Further questioning of Dr Muzammil helped agencies track the financial links, which exposed the deeper connection of the three with Jaish operatives.
NIA takes over as the Terror module is uncovered
Following initial findings, the case was officially handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Investigators discovered that a terrorist module had been operating out of Faridabad, using Al Falah University as a cover for recruitment and logistical support.
Officials stated on Thursday, 13th November, that around eight suspects were preparing to execute coordinated explosions at four different places, with each group assigned to a particular target city. Every pair was meant to carry improvised explosive devices (IEDs) for simultaneous attacks.
The National Medical Commission later cancelled the registration of four doctors on Friday, 14th November, from Jammu and Kashmir: Dr Muzaffar Ahmad, Dr Adeel Ahmad Rather, Dr Muzammil Shakeel, and Dr Shaheen Saeed, citing their involvement in terror activities. Delhi Police have already arrested Dr Adeel, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen.
Dr Shaheen’s Radical path and Jaish links
Investigations further revealed the story of Dr Shaheen Shahid, the Lucknow-based surgeon who had been connected with Jaish-e-Mohammed since 2015. According to the NIA, she began by sharing sensitive information with the group and, within a year, became an active member.
Her shift in ideology reportedly began around 2010 when she came into contact with an Indian-origin doctor living abroad who sent her videos and documents about religious and community causes. Soon after, she began wearing a hijab and expressed a strong desire to move abroad.
In 2021, a relative questioned her about leaving her husband, children, and job. Shaheen replied, “I have lived enough for myself. Now it’s time to repay the community. Something big is being planned, and you’ll all be proud.” Officials later learned that she met a Pakistan-based ISI handler, Abu Ukasha, in Turkey between March 1 and 18, 2022.
Before the Red Fort blast, Shaheen applied for a passport in October to flee the country, but delays in verification hindered her escape. Terror operatives within the group referred to her as “Madam Surgeon.”
The “Doctor Module” and Operation Hamdard
Investigators uncovered a shocking “doctor module” that included medical professionals, led by Dr Shaheen, who were radicalised and recruited over the past few years. They discovered a diary belonging to Dr Muzammil that mentioned “Operation Hamdard,” a plan aimed at training young Muslim women for attacks. The network reportedly included 25-30 members spread across Jammu & Kashmir and Faridabad.
Notably, while Dr Shaheen and Dr Muzammil from Al-Falah have been arrested, the another doctor from the university, Dr Umar un Nabi, died in the blast as he was driving the car packed with explosives. Two more doctors from Al-Falah, identified as Dr. Mohammad and Dr. Mustakim were detained from Nuh in Haryana by a Delhi Police Special Cell.
Agencies also found out that Dr Umar had created an explosives lab at his home near Al Falah University. Using Telegram, he received bomb-making manuals and videos from handlers abroad. He mostly worked alone, testing devices and assembling explosives.
Investigators have also found that the module was searching for a suicide bomber for last one year to carry out terror attack. Inerogation of arrested people have revealed that Umar was a hardcore radical and said that suicide bombers were essential for their operations.
In fact, the module had already recruited person named Jasir alias ‘Danish’, a bachelor in political sciences, to become a suicide bomber. He has been arrested on the basis of statements of Dr Adeel Rather and Dr Muzzaffar Ganaie. During questioning, Jasir said that he met the ‘doctor module’ in October last year in Kulgam, from where he was taken to a rented accommodation at the Al Falah University in Faridabad, Haryana.
He said that while other members of the module wanted him to become a over-ground worker (OGW) for the banned Jaish-e-Mohammed, Umar was brainwashing him for several months to become a suicide bomber instead. However, Jasir refused, citing his famiy’s poor economic condition, also because of the belief that suicide was forbidden in Islam.
It has been understood that Dr Umar had no plan to become a suicide bomber, and even the Red Fort blast was not part of the plan. It was a sudden decision in desparation, after around 3,000 kg of Amonium Nitrate was found by police from the Doctor’s module and 4 doctors were arrested. He may have wanted to use the explosive he was having before police finds them, and also wanted revenge for the arrests.
The investigation has widened to multiple states. Two individuals, Rizwan and Shoaib, were arrested from Nuh’s Shahar Hayat Colony for providing financial help to the module. Their names surfaced after agencies traced money transfers connected to the terror activities.
Another man named Dinesh alias ‘Dabbu’ have been arrested for selling fertilisers without a license. Notably, Amonium Nitrate, which has been recovered in huge quantities from the terror network involving doctors, is a fertiliser product.
Several politicians from Nuh-Mewat have also come under the scanner for suspected involvement. Police and central agencies have now inspected over 200 hotels, PGs, and dharamshalas in Faridabad to locate possible hideouts used by module members. Around 100 vehicle dealers have also been checked after authorities confirmed that the i20 car used in the blast was purchased from a Faridabad dealer.
To ensure no link is missed, the police have started verifying documents of over 500 Kashmiri tenants and collecting information on 1,700 other tenants from different states living in the region.
The role of Al Falah University and campus insights
Students and staff from Al Falah University described Dr Umar, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen as close associates who often disappeared for months without explanation. Many students pointed out that those with Kashmiri backgrounds seemed to receive preferential treatment in promotions and postings.
Dr Umar, known for his conservative mindset, often objected to male and female students interacting freely and discouraged casual conversations between them. Classmates said he was particularly caring toward Kashmiri students, often lending his hostel room or sharing space with them.
Financial web around Dr Muzammil
Investigators found that Dr Muzammil had financially trapped several people. He reportedly gave ₹35,000 to install a submersible pump at a madrasa, ₹50,000 to a student whose father was unwell, ₹1 lakh to a student’s family for a wedding, and ₹5,000 to a labourer-all transactions used to gain loyalty or recruit helpers for assembling explosives.
Audio recordings recovered from his phone revealed him persuading people to “help in the path of Allah, everything will be fine.” Many of those who took money from him are now in custody.
UP and Lucknow connection
The trail does not stop at Haryana and Delhi. Security agencies traced major activities to Uttar Pradesh, particularly Lucknow, from where five doctors, including Dr Shaheen, were caught. Investigators are also questioning her brother, Dr Parvez, for more input.
Authorities believe this network, rooted in professional circles like medicine, signals a worrying new trend where educated individuals are targeted and radicalised. Agencies are now determining whether a new extremist group has formed in the 2020s, focusing on professionals.
Ongoing Investigation and tightened security
Following the blast, police presence around the Red Fort and nearby areas has been intensified. Entry and exit points are under strict surveillance, while teams from the NIA, Delhi Police, UP ATS, and Haryana Police remain stationed at multiple locations. The civil hospital run by Al Falah University remains closed, admitting only emergency cases.
Forensic labs continue to test explosive residues, samples from the site, and digital evidence. Investigators are piecing together communications between the doctors and foreign handlers to fully expose the operation’s scale.
What stands out in the entire investigation is how a group of educated individuals turned into handlers of destruction. As agencies follow the financial and communication trails, the Delhi Red Fort blast has become one of the most significant cases uncovering the rise of a sophisticated white-collar terror module in India.
The 2025 Bihar Assembly elections have delivered several far-reaching political messages. The ruling NDA’s clear majority demonstrates that voters remain committed to Nitish Kumar’s clean image and development-oriented politics. Meanwhile, the RJD’s poor performance indicates that even its core MY (Muslim-Yadav) vote bank is eroding. While AIMIM’s five seats show that the party had made inroads into Muslim-majority areas, Bihar has once again rejected the Left’s toxic politics.
Left parties reached 3 seats through arithmetic
In this assembly election, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) won two seats, and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) won only one. In all three seats, the influence of independent candidates was played a more significant role than the Left’s ideology. The CPI (ML)(L) won the Karakat seat by 2,836 votes, against Jyoti Singh, wife of Bhojpuri superstar Pawan Singh, who was contesting independently, received 23,469 votes. The Left won the other two seats in a similar fashion, which means that if there had been a direct contest, the Left might not have won these seats.
When Bihar rejected RJD
Interestingly, this isn’t the first time Bihar has rejected the Left parties or the RJD in this manner. After the RJD’s historic defeat in 2010, it was believed that Bihar rejected the party that fostered jungle raj. It seemed that the state had permanently distanced itself from the dark memory that had become a symbol of its backwardness. Nitish Kumar’s model of good governance further strengthened that public opinion. The RJD won only 22 seats in that election.
However, by 2015, thanks to Nitish Kumar’s political experiments, the RJD seemed to revive itself, and it returned to power with Nitish Kumar at its helm. The situation also appeared favorable for the RJD in the next election, but the main reason behind this was Chirag Paswan. Chirag Paswan was displeased with Nitish Kumar during the 2020 elections and fielded his own candidates in his constituencies. This benefitted the RJD, and the party returned to power once again. However, the collective seats of Congress-RJD were still not enough to bring them to power. Left parties also made a comeback in this election as the CPI (ML) (L) won 12 seats, and the CPI and CPI (M) each won two seats. This marked the return of the Left ideology, which had long been rejected by Bihar, and had now won 16 seats.
In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the CPI(ML)(L) won two seats in Bihar, signaling that the Left parties were once again gaining ground in Bihar. The CPI(ML) indicated that it still held ground in some parts of Bihar.
2024 Bihar Lok Sabha Election Results (ECI)
When the reviving oxygen provided by Chirag Paswan was taken away from the Left and RJD this time, their true worth was exposed. The people of Bihar once again wiped out the RJD and the Left parties. The people of Bihar expressed their faith in Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. The way the NDA fought the elections putting up a united front dispelled any doubts voters might have had. The public gave a clear and unanimous mandate, and the Left parties were wiped out in this tsunami of votes.
The NDA now has the responsibility to ensure that the ‘poisonous vine’ does not grow again
The NDA now faces the challenge of honouring this public mandate. The people have not only established it as the ‘alternative’, but have also expressed their deep trust in them. This trust is based on the belief that the NDA will not take Bihar back to the old days of left-wing extremism, caste violence, criminal politics, and institutional weakness.
The NDA must also understand that it should avoid any political experiment that could re-empower leftist parties. This referendum is a vote of confidence to bury the past. This public opinion shows that the people of Bihar are trusting the NDA for their secure future. They are trusting PM Modi and Nitish Kumar.
The public has delivered its verdict by voting for stability and development. This verdict is not just in favour of the NDA, but in favour of a Bihar that wants to move forward, that wants to provide opportunities for its youth, and that, at any cost, refuses to return to an era of anarchy.
(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)
The Congress Party has once again hit hard in the Bihar Assembly Elections 2025, has sparked strong reactions from within the party. While the party was hoping for a revival in the state, the results have been disappointing, with Congress winning only six seats failing to even touch double digits.
Several senior Congress leaders, including Shashi Tharoor, Mani Shankar Aiyar, Nikhil Kumar, Kripanath Pathak, and Mumtaz Patel, have spoken openly about the party’s internal issues. Their statements clearly show growing frustration, loss of confidence in leadership, and concern about the weakening organization.
Bihar defeat sparks fresh questions within Congress
Congress had aimed to strengthen its presence in Bihar but ended up facing a major setback. While some party members have tried to blame external factors like the Election Commission, many others believe the real problem lies within the organization itself.
After the results were announced, several Congress leaders called the situation “very serious.” They said the party should stop making excuses and instead take tough steps to correct its mistakes. Many leaders also said that this is not the time for routine introspection but for facing the truth and taking real action.
Mani Shankar Aiyar: “My Own Party Removed Me”
Senior Congress leader Mani Shankar Aiyar expressed his unhappiness openly. He said that the party has sidelined him for a long time. Aiyar stated, “Once upon a time I was very senior, but recently I have been made one-sided. I have not come here representing Congress; I am here personally.”
He went on to add, “I am a very small man, my own party has removed me. Modi ji says wrong things about me, and my own party accepts it.” His statement reflects deep frustration not only about his personal position but also about how the party treats its senior and experienced members.
Tharoor calls for honest analysis of mistakes
Congress MP Shashi Tharoor also urged the party to carry out a serious and honest assessment. After the Bihar results, he said, “It is clear that NDA’s lead is huge. It’s very frustrating, and if this is the final result, then the party needs real introspection not just sitting down and thinking, but also studying what strategic, messaging, or organizational mistakes were made.”
#WATCH | Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala: On #BiharElections, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor says, "… it's very clear that the lead is overwhelmingly with the NDA. It's obviously seriously disappointing, and if that turns out to be the final result, then I think there will have to be… pic.twitter.com/10rnFhMEs1
Tharoor added that he was not personally involved in the Bihar campaign as he was not invited, but based on conversations with colleagues, he believes the party must urgently analyze its own shortcomings.
Kripanath Pathak: “State leaders did not give proper information”
Congress leader Kripanath Pathak blamed the weak coordination between Bihar’s ground leaders and the central leadership. He told the media, “We believe those responsible in the state did not give correct information or identify the right people. Whether it was a mistake or carelessness, it caused big problems.”
Patna, Bihar: On the #BiharAssemblyElections, Congress leader Kripananth Pathak says, "We believe that those in the state who were responsible did not convey the correct information. They did not gather accurate details about the right people. Whether it was by mistake or… pic.twitter.com/iGCtAdAiFy
Pathak also said many local workers had been complaining, but their issues never reached higher authorities properly. He warned that if the leadership does not address this soon, it could lead to an even bigger crisis for the party.
Nikhil Kumar: Weak organization cost us dearly
Former Bihar Governor and Congress leader Nikhil Kumar pointed out that the party’s poor organizational strength was a key reason for the defeat. “In any election, a party depends on its organization. If the organization is weak and cannot work effectively, the overall result suffers,” he said.
Patna, Bihar: On state Assembly elections, Congress leader and former Governor Nikhil Kumar says, "This reflects the weakness of our organization. In any election, a political party relies on its organizational strength. If the organization is weak and cannot function… pic.twitter.com/s0FMnjTytd
Kumar added that though all the candidates were capable, better choices could have been made. According to him, strategic and intelligent decisions were needed to maintain the party’s presence in all constituencies. “Some of our candidates may not have been the best choice, and that might have cost us these results,” he remarked.
We will introspect: Akhilesh Prasad Singh
Congress MP Akhilesh Prasad Singh also admitted the need for self-assessment. He said, “We will introspect and see where Congress is lagging behind.”
VIDEO | Patna: Congress MP Akhilesh Prasad Singh on election results says, “We will introspect where Congress lagged. However, I congratulate Nitish Kumar and the NDA. There shouldn’t have been friendly fights – RJD’s Sanjay Yadav and our party’s Krishna Alavarru will better… pic.twitter.com/STL2FCxvx4
Singh congratulated Nitish Kumar and NDA for their victory and added that the party would discuss why its performance was so poor in Bihar. He also mentioned that a “friendly contest” with allies like RJD might have weakened Congress candidates in certain areas.
No more excuses, face the Truth: Mumtaz Patel
Mumtaz Patel, daughter of senior leader Ahmed Patel, expressed strong displeasure over the party’s situation. In a post on X, she wrote, “No excuse, no blame, no introspection. Now is the time to look within and face the truth.”
No excuses ,No blame game No introspection , it’s time to look within and accept reality. Till when will countless loyal ground workers who have stayed with the party through thick and thin …wait to see success … instead it’s failure after failure due to power concentrated in…
Patel said that loyal grassroots workers have long supported the party through every difficulty, yet power remains in the hands of a few people “cut off from ground reality.” She warned that these same people, who have repeatedly failed, continue to be rewarded because they control access and influence within the party.
Shakeel Ahmed: Questions ticket distribution process
Former Bihar minister Shakeel Ahmed said, “I am not in Congress now, so I have no right to speak.” But he recalled that soon after ticket distribution, many senior leaders had raised concerns that some tickets were given for wrong reasons.
#WATCH | Delhi: Regarding the shortcomings of the Congress in the Bihar elections, Former Bihar Minister and Congress leader Shakeel Ahmad says, "I am not in the Congress. I have no right to speak. But immediately after the ticket distribution, several senior Congress leaders… pic.twitter.com/DcURDQS6t6
He added that there should be an investigation and action if such misuse actually happened.
NDA secures strong majority in Bihar
The Bihar Assembly Elections 2025 saw a strong performance by the NDA alliance. The BJP won 89 seats, emerging as the largest party, while Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) came second with 85 seats. Together, they crossed 200 seats in the 243-member Assembly.
Among the opposition, RJD finished third with 26 seats, and Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) won 19 out of 28 seats contested. In contrast, Congress’s performance was dismal, winning only six seats out of more than 60 it contested.
Growing demand for change within Congress
The crushing defeat has increased calls for deep reflection and change within the Congress Party. Many leaders believe the main reasons for failure include weak organization, poor candidate selection, lack of ground-level connection, and overdependence on a small group of advisors.
There is also growing discontent among senior leaders who feel ignored or pushed aside. Some even say the party’s internal democratic structure has weakened, and communication between top leadership and workers has broken down.
Despite repeated failures over the years, no major structural changes have taken place at the top, which has created frustration among those working at the ground level. Many leaders now believe that if the Congress truly wants to regain public trust and political strength, it has to go beyond introspection and take bold, honest action.
NDA has returned to power with a landslide victory in Bihar, with the alliance winning 202 out of 243 seats. The opposition Mahagathbandhan, on the other hand, won just 35 seats, with Congress reducing to seats. Rashtriya Janata Dal managed to win 25 seats.
While there is a huge difference in seats won by the two alliances, the vote share numbers tell a different story. As per the results, RJD had the highest vote share at 23%, as the party secured 1,15,46,055 votes. Next was BJP with 20% share and 1,00,81,143 votes, and JD(U) won 96,67,118 votes, a 19.25% share.
This ‘discrepancy’ has made some people to question how RJD won 25 seats despite winning the highest number of votes. Some of them also alleged that this is ‘vote chori’, that RJD should have won based on vote share.
Suraj G Naik of Congress Sevadak called it “pure #VoteChori in Bihar, not victory”, asking people to make him understand the issue.
Someone please make me understand how on earth is this possible –
Similar posts were made by many ther social media users. Some called it manipulation of numbers by the Election Commission, while others asked to explain the’magic/mystery’.
However, despite sounding confusing at first glance, there is no foul play in the results, and this is how India’s election system has been working since the adoption of parliamentary democracy. Two factors are important in terms of Indian elections, first is, results depend on the numbers in individual constituencies, and India has First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system.
The Election Commission website has detailed results of all the constituencies, where the votes secured by each candidate in every constituency can be seen. In each constituency, the candidate that won the higher number of votes won the election. The winning margin does not matter, it can be 1 or 1 lakh, the result is same, candidate with higher votes wins.
As most seats in India see multi-cornered fights with several candidates, the winning candidate generally gets around 30-35% of the vote. There is no requirement of 50 % + 1, and there is no proportional adjustment afterwards, which is followed in some other countries.
The total votes a party gets across the entire state matter far less than how efficiently those votes are distributed across the constituencies the party actually contests. This is why a party (or alliance) can poll fewer total votes than its rival yet win many more seats, or vice-versa. The phenomenon is not unique to India, it happens regularly in the UK, Canada, and every other country that uses FPTP.
However, multi-party competition and seat-sharing alliances make the distortions especially visible in Indian state elections. In most western countries, there are only 3-4 major countries, therefore this phenomenon is less visible.
The reason why RJD polled more votes is that they contested in far more seats. Even through they didn’t win most of the seats, they got substantial number of votes in those constituencies, hiking up the total vote number for the party. While RJD contested in 143 seats, BJP and JD(U) contested in 101 seats each. This means, votes of 42 additional seats were added to RJD’s total vote, making a direct comparison with BJP or JD(U) in terms of total vote meaningless.
An analysis of average votes per seats makes it clear, as it shows that average vote per seat of BJP and JD(U) are much more than RJD’s, explaining the difference in seats won.
Party
Seats Contested
Seats Won
Votes Polled
Vote Share
Average Votes per Contested Seat
BJP
101
89
1,00,81,143
20.08%
99813.30
JD(U)
101
85
96,67,118
19.25%
95714.04
RJD
143
25
1,15,46,055
23.00%
80741.64
Congress
61
19
43,76,479
8.71%
71745.56
There several factors that disconnect vote share from seat won in Indian elections. A party that fights fewer seats but concentrates its efforts and loyal voters in those seats will usually record a higher average vote per contested constituency and therefore win more of them. If a part contests in all the seats, even in those where it can’t win, it will still win some votes in those seats. This will increase the total votes polled by the party, but not the seats won.
Another factor is that among opposition parties, RJD has performed much better compared to its allies. This means, even on seats it lost, it came second with significant number of votes. This increases the vote share for the party without increasing the seats won.
Another issue is unequal distribution of voters across constituencies. The number of voters in different constituencies vary widely. Therefore, when a party loses a seat with high population with low margin, a large number will be added to its vote share, without any impact on the final result.
It can be seen that RJD contested 42 more seats than BJP and JD(U), but got only 14 lakh more votes than BJP and 18 lakh more than JD(U). As RJD’s vote was spread over many more constituencies, its average vote per seat it fought was lower than BJP and JD(U). The gap of average 15,000-20,000 votes is significant.
Another issue in Bihar was that there were much more ‘friendly fights’ in the MGB compared to NDA. Therefore, while the entire NDA vote went to a single candidate in most of the seats, the MGB votes were split among 2-3 candidates from the alliance in the same seats.
All these make it clear, there is no mystery why RJD won only 25 despites polling highest vote share in Bihar. This happened because that is how India’s election system works. RJD candidates lost their individual seats, and that is the only thing that matters, not the total votes won by the party.
If any candidate or party thinks there is foul play in the counting process or the declaration of results, they can file petitions. It is notable that the entire election process including the counting is done in presence of agents of candidates and parties, and therefore they require some strong reason to contest the results.
During the SIR exercise in Bihar and then the polls, no petition was filed against the processes, despite the noise created around them by Rahul Gandhi and others. Similarly, it is expected that almost no RJD or Congress candidate will appeal against the results, and the ‘vote chori’ allegations will remain in political rallies, press conferences and social media.
Therefore in conclusion, there is no ‘mystery’ over how RJD won so few seats despite wining highest number of votes in total, and it does not point to any ‘vote chori’ or any wrongdoing. This is as per the electoral system adopted by the constituent assembly, and will remain in place unless the constitution is changed and India adopts and different election method.
The Bihar Assembly election results turned out to be a disappointing reality check for Prashant Kishor and his Jan Suraaj Party (JSP). The party had contested 239 out of 243 seats, but could not win even a single one. As per the poll results on Friday, 14th November, Jan Suraaj could manage only around 2–3% of the total votes. Across the state, it polled roughly 3.4% of the vote share. Not a single JSP candidate won; only one candidate reached second position, 115 candidates came in third, and 122 finished below third place.
Screengrab from the ECI website
In simple words, the party did not emerge as a winner, the runner-up, or even the “vote cutter” that some analysts imagined it would be. Many expected that Kishor’s aggressive campaigning and statewide yatra might, at the very least, eat into someone’s vote share.
But that also didn’t happen. The party’s overall performance placed it just slightly ahead of NOTA, which got 1.8% of votes. For someone who spent more than two years touring Bihar and building momentum, always making headlines, being constantly interviewed, the final numbers were nowhere close to the hype.
Image via X/JitendraJain_
The hype PK enjoyed never converted into votes
Right after the results, one thing became clear, the way the media hyped Prashant Kishor did not translate into votes on the ground. For months, TV channels, YouTubers, and commentators treated him like a strong challenger with the ‘kingmaker’ image, someone who might change the election dynamics in Bihar. Much of this came from Kishor’s past reputation as a successful poll strategist who had helped various parties win elections across India.
However, the Bihar Assembly results proved that popularity in media interviews and online conversations does not automatically mean popularity among actual voters. The energy around Jan Suraaj was mostly driven by discussions, podcasts, social media clips, and PK’s own sharp statements. On the ground, when the votes were counted, the hype simply did not match reality.
“Debut election” can’t be an excuse: PK has been in politics for years
Some Jan Suraaj supporters will try to defend the poor performance by saying that this was the party’s debut election. But this argument does not hold much weight in Kishor’s case. PK wasn’t entering politics for the first time. In fact, he has been a known name in Indian politics for more than a decade.
Prashant Kishor shot to prominence after helping Narendra Modi‘s successful Gujarat campaign in 2012. His work also played a significant role in the BJP’s massive 2014 Lok Sabha win. Later, he changed sides to help the Mahagathbandhan in Bihar sweep the 2015 Assembly election. He also guided Captain Amarinder Singh in Punjab, Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, MK Stalin in Tamil Nadu and Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal – all of whom won big.
He even joined the JD(U) in 2018, served as its national vice president, and helped the party revive its Lok Sabha fortunes in 2019. So, it is clearly not a “debut” when one has been deeply involved in Indian politics, helped leaders win elections across the country, and held a high post in a ruling party. Bihar voters did not see him as a newcomer at all.
Other parties did much better in their first election
Many new parties have performed far better in their debut elections in other states. The biggest example is the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which had a historic entry into Delhi politics. In its very first Assembly election in 2013, AAP won 28 seats, shocking both the BJP and the Congress.
In smaller states too, regional parties like the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) showed strong performances early on, dominating state politics for years. These parties proved that good debut performances are possible if the public truly trusts a new political force. Compared to them, Jan Suraaj’s failure to win even one seat shows that Bihar voters were not convinced enough to give Kishor a chance.
Why the media hype around Kishore didn’t work
For more than two years, Prashant Kishor travelled across Bihar, held meetings, spoke about unemployment, migration, and education, and gave hundreds of interviews to national media, regional media, and YouTube channels. His padyatra drew crowds, and many people online saw him as a serious contender. He projected himself as a wisened ‘Kingmaker’ who understood Bihar at the grassroots and would offer long-term solutions.
Media headlines hyping Prashant KishorMedia headlines hyping Kishor as a big player in Bihar Elections
But despite the noise, voters did not choose him on polling day. Political analysts say this is because Kishor’s campaign created more attention than trust. Many expected him to contest the election himself, but when he refused to enter the fray, people started questioning his seriousness. His big claims, like saying Nitish Kumar would not return to power, or promising to quit public life if JD(U) crossed 25 seats, also backfired. These bold statements angered many JD(U) supporters and even fence sitters, who then voted even more strongly for their party.
#WATCH | Patna: Jan Suraaj founder Prashant Kishor says, "We won't relent until we defeat the BJP and uproot the NDA. The results will be out on the 14th November and the truth will be revealed. They're trying to create an atmosphere that we're scared. Prashant Kishore, along… pic.twitter.com/efAFWM0yOp
Another issue was PK’s habit of constantly giving interviews and making big promises. While this kept him in the headlines, it may have made voters feel that he was trying to build his image more than to build a political organisation.
A campaign full of promises, and no impact on poll day
The Jan Suraaj campaign had several big ideas. One of Kishor’s most talked-about promises was that he would scrap Bihar’s liquor ban “within an hour” of coming to power. He argued that the ban had only encouraged black markets and illegal supply chains. His team claimed that lifting the ban could bring in ₹28,000 crore every year, which they would use to improve education, welfare, and administration in Bihar.
Will remove Liquor Ban within 1 hour of forming government in Bihar
He also spoke about giving loans to women, increasing pensions for the elderly, creating jobs for the youth, and bringing merit-based politics instead of caste-based politics. His candidate list also included Bhojpuri singers, retired officers, teachers, and experienced leaders.
But when the results came out, all this talk failed to convert into even a single win. The voters simply did not see Jan Suraaj as a practical alternative to the parties they already knew.
Counting day gives the final blow to the JSP
In the end, the counting day showed a completely different picture from the confident interviews and claims made during the campaign.
Jan Suraaj could not open its account. Its candidates remained far behind in most seats. The JD(U), which Kishor had confidently predicted would do badly, actually performed much better, winning 42 more seats than it did in the 2020 election. The exact opposite of Kishor’s predictions happened.
When he was asked earlier what he would do if his party failed, Kishor had said that he had committed 10 years of his life to Bihar and that he would continue to work for the next five years even if the results were disappointing. Now that the verdict is out, his real test begins: whether he will continue his political journey with patience or whether Jan Suraaj’s future will fade like many other overhyped political experiments.
