Prime Minister Narendra Modi is on a 2-day state visit to Bhutan. During his historic visit, the Prime Minister inaugurated the Punatsangchhu-II Hydroelectric Project developed jointly by the Indian and the Bhutanese governments.
Taking to X, PM Modi shared some pictures from the inauguration ceremony and wrote, “Fuelling development, deepening friendship and driving sustainability! Energy cooperation remains a key pillar of the India-Bhutan partnership. Today, we inaugurated the Punatsangchhu-II Hydropower Project. This is an enduring symbol of friendship between our countries.”
Fuelling development, deepening friendship and driving sustainability!
Energy cooperation remains a key pillar of the India-Bhutan partnership. Today, we inaugurated the Punatsangchhu-II Hydropower Project. This is an enduring symbol of friendship between our countries. pic.twitter.com/amYDqzxD1Q
The 1,020 MW hydel project was inaugurated by PM Modi alongside Bhutan’s king Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk, marking a key milestone in India-Bhutan relations. The Punatsangchhu-II Hydroelectric Project was fully commissioned in August this year, with its final unit synchronised on 27th August 2025 in the presence of Bhutanese Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay and Indian Ambassador to Bhutan Sudhakar Dalela.
#WATCH | Bhutan | Prime Minister Narendra Modi and His Majesty the King of Bhutan Druk Gyalpo inaugurate the Punatsangchhu-II Hydroelectric Project, in the presence of the Sacred Buddha Relics
India-Bhutan cementing ties with cooperation in the energy sector: How India funded and built the Punatsangchhu-II Hydroelectric Project
Located on the Punatsangchhu River in western Bhutan, the Punatsangchhu-II Hydel project is a run-of-the-river facility designed to generate sustainable and clean hydropower without large-scale water storage. This venture was jointly initiated by the Government of India and the Government of Bhutan in December 2010. The Punatsangchhu-II Hydroelectric Project is a cornerstone of India-Bhutan ties since the 1960s.
India provided for the complete funding of this hydel project, totalling up to Rs 7,500 crore. This included a 30% grant or a non-repayable aid to cover the initial capital costs as well as a 70% concessional loan from the Government of India. The arrangement was such to ensure favourable repayment terms for the brotherly nation of Bhutan. This is intended to enhance Bhutan’s power capacity by 40% and bolster regional energy security.
Executed as a turnkey joint venture, India’s public sector undertaking (PSU) National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) was the lead developer on the Indian side in this project. The Indian technical team and engineers collaborated with Bhutan’s Druk Green Power Corporation (DGPC) for design, construction and operations. The Indian team provided the DGPC with their expertise in geological surveys, dam construction and turbine installations in order to address the challenges of the Himalayan terrain, including seismic activity and landslides.
The project was backed by Indian engineering consultancies, Water and Power Consultancy Services for engineering and design and the National Institute of Rock Mechanics for modelling and geotechnical engineering services.
While the construction began in 2011, the project faced delays due to geological issues such as sinkholes and unstable foundations; the Indian and Bhutanese teams mitigated these challenges and delays by coming up with advanced engineering solutions. India also extended environmental safeguards to ensure minimal ecological disruption in the sensitive Punakha-Wangdue valley.
As per a Bhutanese media report published this September, the project has generated over 2,160 million units of clean energy to date, which is approximately Nu 6bn in revenue, sold domestically.
The Panatsangchhu-II HEP is not the only hydel project India has aided Bhutan in. India has financed and executed six major joint hydropower projects in Bhutan, contributing to more than 3,400 MW of Bhutan’s installed capacity. India is also the top importer of Bhutan’s power. India has, over the years, supported Bhutan in the Chhukha HEP, Kuricchu HEP, Tala HEP, Mangdecchu HEP, Panatsangchhu HEP and the planned Kholongchhu HEP through joint ventures. In 2021, the Mangdechhu HEP won the ‘Best International Dam’ award.
Historically, India has supported Bhutan’s development and been an inextricable contributor in the Himalayan kingdom’s growth story. For the 13th five-year plan of Bhutan, which runs from 2024 to 2029, the Government of India has committed a support of Rs. 10,000 crores. This covers project-tied assistance, high-impact community development projects, the economic stimulus program, and a program grant. This quantum constitutes a 100% increase over the 12th five-year plan figures, the Indian External Affairs Ministry said in September this year.
Notably, India and Bhutan have good trade relations as well. In 2024-25, India exported goods worth $1.3 billion to Bhutan. These included petroleum products, iron and steel, grains and smartphones. Meanwhile, Bhutan exported products totalling $513 million, including electricity and construction materials.
India is Bhutan's largest trade and development partner. The trade volume has tripled since 2014 to over $1.7 billion. Hydropower is a cornerstone of this partnership, with India funding and constructing mega hydropower projects in Bhutan, while Bhutan exports the electricity… pic.twitter.com/6q87B69aMO
In addition to hydroelectric projects, India has also helped Bhutan bolster its railway infrastructure. During his address at an event in Thimphu on 11th November, PM Modi highlighted his government’s decision taken in September this year to link the cities of Gelephu and Samtse in Bhutan to India’s Kokrajhar in Assam and Banarhat in West Bengal. The project is expected to be completed within three years.
The railway project, worth Rs 4,033, includes the construction of two lines totalling 89 km will slash travel time and boost the Gelephu Mindfulness City, being supported by the Indian government.
“Completion of this project will provide easier access for the industries here and Bhutanese farmers to India’s vast market,” PM Modi said.
India is also contributing to the ongoing enhancements to the Thimphu-Phuentsholing highway and border roads. Besides, New Delhi is aiding smart city initiatives in Thimphu and Paro. India has allocated Rs 1,113 crore for these and other projects pertaining to healthcare and urban infrastructure.
In addition, India also provides scholarships to over a thousand Bhutanese students in India via the Nehru-Wangchuk and Ambassador’s Scholarship. To further make the lives of Bhutanese people easier, India is expanding its game-changer Unified Payment Interface (UPI) facility in Bhutan.
They say lightning never strikes the same place twice. But terrorism, especially the Pakistani variety, has a knack for doing exactly that, and then blaming the weather.
Just hours after the Delhi Red Fort car bombing that killed nine innocent people, a powerful explosion ripped through the Islamabad Judicial Complex, killing twelve. Two capitals, two blasts, two “coincidences” and one unmistakable puppeteer in Rawalpindi’s GHQ.
Field Marshal Asim Munir, the self-promoted Caesar of a collapsing state, seems to have pressed the panic button. Because if India’s Operation Sindoor 2.0 is indeed loading, then the Islamabad blast may well have been Pakistan’s version of “self-harm to gain sympathy.”
Too timed to be a coincidence
The timeline of events itself reads like a script, not chance. The Red Fort blast occurred on Monday evening around 6:45 pm. Barely 18 hours later, at 12:39 pm on Tuesday, the Islamabad court complex was rocked by a suicide explosion. Both attacks featured suicide bombers, both used ANFO-based explosives, and both unfolded precisely as India began dismantling a sprawling Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) doctor module spanning Faridabad, Kashmir, and Uttar Pradesh.
Security personnel near the site of blast in Delhi (Source: The Hindu)
This isn’t coincidence. This is choreography. For decades, Pakistan’s deep state has mastered the art of blowing up its own backyard whenever it needs to play the victim card. And right now, Asim Munir desperately needs to look like a victim. Because after the Delhi blast, every intelligence intercept, every seized device, every investigation trail and explosives point directly toward Pakistan-backed JeM, a terror outfit Munir has coddled for years as his personal proxy. In fact, JeM terrorists killed in Operation Sindoor were granted state funeral, attended by senior Pakistani Army officials.
And with Operation Sindoor 2.0 now a matter of when, not if, Islamabad needed a diversion, fast.
Munir’s nightmare: Operation Sindoor 2.0
To understand Munir’s desperation, one must revisit May 2025, when India’s Operation Sindoor shredded Pakistan’s terror ecosystem in one precise, calculated stroke. The operation flattened nine terror camps, ten military bases, and multiple radar stations. It also humiliated the Pakistan Air Force when India’s BrahMos-A cruise missiles struck the Nur Khan airbase, just kilometres away from Pakistan’s nuclear command.
Indian missile damages Pakistan’s Nur Khan airbase (Source: Maxar)
That single strike did more than destroy infrastructure; it destroyed illusions. It told Pakistan, in no uncertain terms: Your nukes no longer shield your terror.
The fallout was catastrophic for Islamabad. The military establishment broke down under pressure and begged Washington for a ceasefire. India, confident and resolute, refused to even acknowledge Pakistan’s calls for “de-escalation.” This is why Pakistan has bent over itself to talk up US President Donald Trump. The inordinate charm offensive of the US President is an admission that Operation Sindoor was a roaring success that brought Pakistan on its knees.
Asim Munir, the man who presided over this disaster, survived politically only by promoting himself to Field Marshal, hoping a new rank could erase old failures. But now, after the Delhi Red Fort attack, clearly linked to JeM operatives under ISI supervision, Munir knows India’s response could be swift and unforgiving.
And this time, it won’t stop at Balakot or Bahawalpur.
From doctors to bombers: JeM link to Faridabad terror module and Delhi blast
The Delhi attack wasn’t random. It was the last convulsion of a dying network, triggered in panic after Indian agencies busted a major JeM-linked module in Faridabad. This wasn’t a ragtag group of radicals; it was an organised network of doctors, academics, and medical professionals radicalised into running a terror logistics chain.
At the heart of this network was Jamaat-ul-Mominaat, the newly launched women’s wing of JeM, headed by Masood Azhar’s sister, Sadia Azhar, from Bahawalpur. Her key India operative, Dr Shaheena Shahid from Lucknow, was arrested with arms and ammonium nitrate. Her handler, Dr Muzammil Shakeel, a Pulwama native teaching at Al Falah University, Faridabad, was caught with over 2,900 kg of explosive material.
When one of their top operatives, Umar Mohammad, realised the network had been compromised, he allegedly detonated the car bomb near Delhi’s Red Fort, killing nine people. It was a suicidal act of defiance, but it also exposed the depth of Pakistan’s reach inside India’s urban centres.
Umar Mohammad (L) responsible for Delhi blast
So much for the endlessly repeated myth that “terror has no religion.”
The Islamabad blast: A false flag in broad daylight
Now comes the twist that even Pakistani journalists are whispering about. Hours after the Red Fort explosion, a suicide bomber “mysteriously” appeared outside Islamabad’s judicial complex, lingered for nearly ten minutes, and then blew himself up near a police van. The explosion killed lawyers, policemen, and bystanders, the perfect optics to paint Pakistan as a “victim of terrorism.”
No terror group has claimed responsibility. Instead, Pakistan has rushed to blame India and Afghanistan for the attack, even before a preliminary investigation was ordered. How convenient.
Even Afghanistan’s media hinted that the Islamabad bombing could be “a calculated attempt by Pakistan’s establishment to deflect Indian retaliation under Operation Sindoor 2.0.” When Kabul calls you out for manufacturing terror, you know the credibility crisis has reached new depths.
BREAKING NEWS ? Asim Munir sacrificed Pakistanis in order to escape India’s reaction.
As a result of today’s explosion in Islamabad, at least 40 Pakistani citizens have been killed and injured so far.
Pakistan’s military has a long, bloody tradition of sacrificing its own citizens to shape international perception. From the Peshawar school massacre to the Quetta police academy bombing, the ISI has repeatedly looked away, or worse, looked within, when terror suited its strategic calculus.
The Islamabad court attack fits this pattern perfectly. It also offers Pakistan and Munir an opportunity to cast themselves as victims of terror, and fool the West like it has been for over three decades now.
Munir’s gamble at self-harm to buy time
At its core, the Islamabad blast appears to be a suicidal diversion, a way for Asim Munir to buy time. Having seen Pakistan’s air defences shredded and key bases reduced to rubble during Operation Sindoor, Munir knows another Indian strike could cripple what remains of his command. His economy is imploding, his army demoralised, and his Western patrons indifferent.
So he resorts to the old ISI playbook: stage a domestic tragedy, blame “non-state actors,” and rush to Western embassies claiming shared victimhood. The hope is that Washington, London, or Doha will once again pressure India to show restraint, giving Pakistan’s military just enough breathing room to rebuild its terror infrastructure.
But the world has changed. India has aptly demonstrated in the last few months that it will no longer allow western capitals to dictate its strategic decisions.
Meanwhile, the Afghan Taliban, once a junior partner in Pakistan’s jihad project, now openly accuse Islamabad of “state-manufactured chaos.”
When Afghanistan, of all countries, calls you out for exporting terror, you know the mask has slipped.
A country addicted to its own terror
Pakistan today resembles an arsonist trapped in his own burning house, still clutching the matchbox, still insisting someone else lit the fire. The Islamabad blast wasn’t a terror attack in the traditional sense; it was a political message, broadcast in blood.
By detonating a bomb in his own capital, Asim Munir sent a signal to India, the West, and his domestic rivals: “If I burn, you burn with me.” It’s the language of desperation, the same one spoken by dictators on their last night in power.
But this time, the smoke won’t confuse anyone. India has moved on from appeasement and ambiguity. Operation Sindoor wasn’t a one-time retaliation. It was a doctrine, a standing policy that every act of cross-border terror will be avenged, and every mastermind made to pay. PM Modi echoed similar sentiments a day after the Delhi blast that claimed 9 lives thus far. During his visit to neighboring Bhutan, PM Modi vowed that perpetrators of the ghastly attack will be brought to justice.
Munir’s flirtation with terror boomerangs
Asim Munir thought a suicide blast outside Islamabad’s court would win him sympathy and strategic pause. Instead, he has earned suspicion abroad and contempt at home. His attempt to fake victimhood has only confirmed the truth that Pakistan’s greatest terrorist doesn’t hide in caves; he wears stars on his shoulders.
If India does proceed with Operation Sindoor 2.0, it won’t merely be retaliation; it will be a reckoning. Because for too long, Pakistan has exported jihad and called it strategy. This time, like many times in the past, it has used terrorism to inflict self-harm and play victimhood, even if it meant bombing its own capital and killing its own citizens.
The Islamabad bombing is therefore not a terror attack, much less sponsored by India or Afghanistan, against Pakistan. It is Asim Munir engineering a false-flag operation to project victimhood and attempt to thwart India’s Operation Sindoor 2.0. But like India has demonstrated it writ large, it won’t allow, whether it is a megalomaniac narcissist or a tinpot military despot, can dictate the timing and terms of India’s response.
India has been stunned by the disclosure of extensive terror plots over the last few days. A significant explosion took place close to Lal Qila metro station and near the Red Fort in Delhi, triggered by a Hyundai i20 loaded with ammonium nitrate fuel oil alongside a detonator on the evening of 10th November. It led to the death of at least 13 people and injured 20 others.
Meanwhile, three doctors have been arrested in connection with the large cache of explosives found in Faridabad, Haryana, busting a Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed terror module. Notably, one of the accused has been identified as Dr Shaheena Shahid from Lucknow’s Lal Bagh. She was taken into custody after an assault rifle was discovered in her vehicle.
According to Delhi Police sources, she was in charge of establishing Jamaat ul-Mominaat, which is the women’s wing of the terror group, in India and recruiting new members, according to NDTV. She received command from Sadia Azhar, who presides over this faction in the neighbouring country. The latter is the sister of the JeM founder Muhammad Masood Azhar Alvi, alias Masood Azhar.
Shaheena is a member of Al-Falah University and had a close relationship with Dr Muzammil Shakeel (Muzammil Ganaie), also known as Musaib, a Kashmiri doctor who was nabbed after nearly 3,000 kilograms of explosives and combustible materials were found in his two rented rooms in Faridabad. Her Maruti Suzuki Swift was used to hide an assault rifle, a handgun, and ammunition.
Another part of the module, named Dr Adil Ahmed Rather, from whose locker an AK-47 rifle and other ammunition had earlier been seized by authorities at the Government Medical College (GMC) in Anantnag, was also caught in Uttar Pradesh.
Importantly, the blast in Delhi transpired merely hours after the interstate anti-terrorism operation by Jammu and Kashmir Police, which resulted in the arrest of these alleged medical professionals. Sources disclosed that after Shakeel and Rather were captured, Dr Umar Mohammed, who was also a member of their terror team, became alarmed and set off the explosion. The car used in the blast was also registered in Haryana’s Gurugram North.
Thus, there appear to be two connections between JeM and the Delhi Red Fort car explosion. The doctors were associated with the terror outfit, and Shaheena not only collaborated closely with other perpetrators who were storing massive explosives for a nefarious terror conspiracy in the country, but she was also appointed as the India head of the women’s division of the dreaded outfit.
JeM tries to revive itself after serious blow during “Operation Sindoor”
JeM suffered a devastating blow during “Operation Sindoor” and increased its attempts to rebuild its presence, particularly in India, and announced the creation of Jamaat-ul-Mominaat, its first-ever women’s branch, which is an integral element of the revival plan. The new unit’s recruitment reportedly started on 8th October at Markaz Usman-o-Ali in Bahawalpur, Pakistan.
Sadia was handed over the reins of the women’s brigade. Her husband, Yusuf Azhar, was the terrorist behind the Kandahar hijacking and was neutralised by Indian forces during “Operation Sindoor” on 7th May. Masood Azhar faced the loss of at least 10 family members and close associates because of India’s aggressive military actions. The family was “torn into pieces” in the missile strikes on the group’s headquarters in Bahawalpur, according to JeM commander Ilyas Kashmiri.
The reports outlined that the group is now recruiting economically disadvantaged women who are enrolled in its centres in Bahawalpur, Karachi, Muzaffarabad, Kotli, Haripur, and Mansehra, as well as the wives of JeM commanders.
Unravelling of terror conspiracies
A huge explosion happened near Delhi’s Red Fort at 6:52 pm on 10th November, metres away from the prominent Gauri Shankar Mandir and the Jain temple in Chandni Chowk. Vehicles in the vicinity caught fire as a result of the explosion. Many people died, and the wounded were taken to Lok Nayak Jai Prakash Narayan Hospital. Investigation teams and the fire department rushed to the scene within minutes of the explosion.
Home Minister Amit Shah arrived at the site and the hospital. He also talked to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who wanted to review the situation. Shah had a high-level meeting at midnight and declared that the issue is being probed from every angle.
Notably, an enormous explosives stash was recovered in Faridabad barely eight hours prior to the tragic event, including approximately 2,900 kilograms of explosives, detonators, assault guns, and communication equipment. A cleric from Mewat, Rather and Shakeel, who are two doctors from Al-Falah Hospital, and several individuals connected to JeM were among those arrested. Officials referred to the network as a “medical-terror nexus,” where skilled individuals offered safe havens and logistical assistance for the production of IEDs.
Rather and Shakeel were arrested, after which Umar panicked and executed the attack in Delhi, based on an unnamed officer. All three doctors are from Kashmir. Rather has even been charged with posting JeM posters. The Delhi Police have now launched a case under the Bharatiya Nyay Samhita, the Explosives Act, and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), as raids are underway at multiple locations.
On the other hand, a larger investigation is also underway into a network of doctors in Jammu and Kashmir who might have connections to the terrorist organisations Jaish-e-Mohammed and Ghazwat-ul-Hind. Police sources stated that more recoveries and arrests are expected as security personnel locate the network that smuggles and stores explosives and weapons outside of the Union Territory.
After almost 19 years, the Supreme Court has acquitted Surendra Koli, the last convict in the infamous Nithari serial killings cases, bringing an end to one of India’s most chilling and controversial criminal cases. The top court set aside his 2011 conviction for rape and murder, ordering his immediate release from jail, where he has spent nearly two decades.
A three-judge bench comprising Chief Justice BR Gavai, Justice Surya Kant, and Justice Vikram Nath delivered the landmark judgment on Tuesday (11th November), allowing Koli’s curative petition. The bench ruled that his conviction and death sentence were based on serious procedural and evidentiary flaws.
#BREAKING: In the Nithari serial killing case, the Supreme Court has ordered the release of Surendra Koli. Justice Vikram Nath stated that the 2011 review verdict is overturned. The Supreme Court’s appeal is accepted, the Allahabad High Court order is set aside, the petitioner is… pic.twitter.com/9GWlDUfLw3
“The petitioner be released forthwith, if not wanted in any other case. The jail superintendent is to be informed of this judgment immediately,” Justice Vikram Nath announced in open court while reading out the order. The Supreme Court also directed that Koli be released immediately unless he is wanted in connection with any other pending case.
Surendra koli (Image via IANS)
Koli, who faced trial in 13 separate cases related to the 2005-2007 Nithari killings, had earlier been acquitted in 12 of them. This judgment concerned his final remaining conviction under charges of murder, rape, and destruction of evidence.
Court cites grave errors in earlier judgments
During the hearing, Koli’s lawyer, Advocate Yug Mohit Chaudhry, highlighted how this was only the second case in Indian judicial history where the Supreme Court had acquitted a person on death row after dismissing their review petition. “Since Your Lordships began monitoring death sentence cases, this is the second such case, the first involved five denotified tribals, and now a domestic servant. He was taken twice to the gallows and brought back,” Chaudhry said, thanking the court for its intervention.
#WATCH | Delhi: Supreme Court acquits Surendra Koli, who was convicted in the 2006 Nithari serial killings case, and sets aside his conviction. Supreme Court orders his immediate release if not wanted in any other case.
The court observed that “both the trial court and the Allahabad High Court had committed serious errors while convicting Koli. It found that crucial evidence was not collected or presented properly, and that many parts of the investigation failed to meet legal standards.”
Notably, the Supreme Court had reserved its judgment on the curative petition on 7th October. The petition challenged Koli’s conviction in one case while pointing out that the same evidence had been rejected as unreliable in the other 12 cases where he was acquitted.
Earlier observations from the Supreme Court
This decision follows the court’s July 2025 ruling, where it upheld Koli’s acquittal in the 2006 Nithari serial killings case, rejecting 14 appeals filed by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Uttar Pradesh government. In that judgment, the court had said there was “no perversity” in the Allahabad High Court’s decision that overturned Koli’s conviction.
Supreme Court dismisses the appeals of CBI, Uttar Pradesh government and victims’ families against the acquittal of Moninder Singh Pandher and his domestic help Surendra Koli by the Allahabad High Court in the 2006 Nithari serial killings case.
The bench had then noted that the prosecution had failed to establish a complete and credible chain of circumstantial evidence. It also found that there was clear non-compliance with Section 27 of the Indian Evidence Act, which deals with how evidence discovered based on an accused’s statement can be admitted in court.
The judges observed that the recovery of human skulls and belongings of the victims near the house of Koli’s employer, businessman Moninder Singh Pandher, could not be legally accepted as evidence.
The reason: the recoveries were made from an open and public drain, and there was no properly recorded disclosure statement from Koli that led to the discovery.
“The recoveries made in this case are not from an exclusive place accessible only to the accused. They were made from an open and public place. In absence of any recorded disclosure statement by the accused leading to the recovery, such evidence is inadmissible,” the court had said.
CBI’s argument and Supreme Court’s response
Earlier, in July 2024, the Supreme Court had issued notice on petitions filed by the CBI and Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, who argued that Koli’s acts were “really gruesome” and deserving of the death penalty. However, the bench later found that the prosecution’s case lacked legally admissible evidence, and the investigation was riddled with gaps.
Similarly, in May 2024, the apex court also heard a plea from Pappu Lal, the father of one of the victim girls, challenging the Allahabad High Court’s decision that acquitted both Pandher and Koli. Despite the emotional nature of the case, the court emphasized that convictions cannot stand without solid and lawful evidence.
High Court’s strong criticism of CBI and police
When the Allahabad High Court overturned the convictions in October 2023, it had delivered a scathing criticism of both the Uttar Pradesh Police and the CBI. The court said that the investigation was “casual, perfunctory, and poorly handled.” It noted that the entire focus of the case had been wrongfully directed toward Koli, a poor domestic servant, while other possible leads were ignored.
The High Court even raised the possibility that organ trade might have been the real motive behind the killings, suggesting that the police and the CBI completely failed to probe that angle. Calling it a “betrayal of public trust,” the court said that the investigating agencies seemed determined to find an easy scapegoat rather than uncover the truth.
It also pointed out inconsistencies in the recovery of the victims’ remains, noting that the police appeared to have prior knowledge of the locations before any official disclosure by the accused. The court concluded that basic investigative norms had been violated and that the evidence used to implicate Koli and Pandher could not be trusted.
The High Court had then set aside both convictions and ordered their release, saying that a fair trial had been denied to the accused and that the prosecution failed to prove their guilt beyond reasonable doubt.
The court held that the case against Koli and Pandher too, was built primarily on the alleged confession by Koli, which was found to be unsubstantiable on scrutiny. The ‘confession’ lacked independent corroboration from forensic reports, eyewitness, or material evidence. Glaring procedural flaws in extracting the ‘confession’, even through tutoring and coercion were made evident as the cases progressed. Basically, the case was built on the thin ice of an alleged ‘confession’, that failed to sustain the rigorous legal scrutiny that is done in cases involving capital punishment.
The Allahabad HC had also noted that the police exhibited gross negligence by ignoring over 30 missing children reports for two years before the remains were found, treating them casually instead of launching timely probes. The CBI investigation too, was devoid of any forensic link between the victims and the accused.
Background: The Nithari killings that shocked India
The Nithari killings, which came to light in 2007, stunned the nation with their sheer depravity. The discovery of skeletal remains of several children in a drain behind a Noida house where Koli worked as a domestic aide exposed a series of murders that shocked the public conscience. The house belonged to businessman Moninder Singh Pandher, who was also named as an accused in multiple charge sheets.
The Nithari Killings (2005-2006) A horrifying series of murders and disappearances of children in Noida led to the discovery of human remains near a house. The case exposed a gruesome tale of abuse and serial killings but left many unanswered questions. pic.twitter.com/osvCzqmyVZ
Following widespread public outrage, the probe was transferred to the CBI, which alleged that Koli lured young girls to the house, sexually assaulted and killed them, and mutilated their bodies. He was also accused of cannibalism.
Between 2005 and 2007, 16 cases of rape and murder were registered. The prosecution claimed to have recovered the weapon used to dismember the victims’ bodies. The trial court convicted Koli in 13 cases, while Pandher, initially convicted in two, was later acquitted in all. After the Supreme Court’s 2011 ruling, Koli was left with one surviving conviction.
On 10th November, Faridabad’s Al-Falah University came under the scanner after police unearthed a massive cache of explosives and arrested multiple doctors associated with it. Hours after the arrest, Delhi was shaken by a high-intensity blast near the Red Fort killing 8, and more links to the university came to the fore as the investigation into the explosion progressed. Doctors linked to the university reportedly have connections with Pakistan-backed groups. As per media reports, the private institute has Gulf-linked funding and is spread across a 70-acre campus.
VIDEO | Faridabad terror module case: Visuals from outside Al-Falah University in Faridabad, where the arrested doctor Muzammil used to teach.
During the investigation, 360 kg of possible ammonium nitrate, an assault rifle, and other ammunition were recovered. Doctor Muzammil… pic.twitter.com/Jze4wnjtZq
Al-Falah University: A closer look at the institution under probe
Al-Falah University was established in 2014. It was recognised by the University Grants Commission (UGC) in 2015. The university operates under the Al-Falah Charitable Trust. It offers undergraduate, postgraduate, and doctoral programmes in engineering, management, commerce, law, education, humanities, and medical sciences. It also runs a 650-bed charitable hospital under its School of Medical Sciences and Research Centre.
Delhi 10/11 Blast
NIA and police conduct searches at Al-Falah University over suspected links with the blast: @Deepankar_0047 reports from the Al-Falah university.@Swatij14 with more details. pic.twitter.com/0XQkqmSnLt
NAAC has accredited the university with an “A” Grade. It has separate hostels for boys and girls, a staff residential complex, and attracts students from India and abroad.
Who runs Al-Falah University?
The founder and Chancellor of Al-Falah University is Jawad Ahmed Siddiqui. Prof (Dr) Bhupinder Kaur Anand is serving as the Vice Chancellor of the university, and Dr Mohd Parvez is serving as the Registrar.
The Chancellor of Al-Falah University is Jawad Ahmed Siddiqui, while Prof (Dr) Bhupinder Kaur Anand serves as Vice Chancellor and Dr Mohd Parvez as Registrar. Despite the gravity of the allegations, the university has failed to issue any public statement.
University’s name surfaces in one of the biggest terror hauls
During a joint operation by the Jammu and Kashmir Police and Haryana Police, around 2,900 kg of explosive-making material, assault rifles, pistols, detonators, and advanced bomb components were seized. The trail led straight to Al-Falah University, where Kashmiri medical professor Dr Muzamil Shakeel had been teaching for over three years. Shakeel was one of the arrested doctors of the “white-collar terror module” busted yesterday. He was arrested from Dhauj, Faridabad.
BREAKING
Massive search ops at Al Falah university in Faridabad, where suspected terrorist used to workpic.twitter.com/fSycvYbM6o
In a statement, police said that they recovered the explosive material from the rented accommodation of Shakeel, located just a few hundred metres from the university. The cache included ammonium nitrate, AK-series rifles, 20 timers, batteries, and remote-control systems. Though ammonium nitrate is widely used as a fertiliser, it can also be used to make deadly bombs. On 11th November, investigators raided the university campus and are probing whether its laboratories were used to synthesise or test explosive materials such as RDX.
Speaking to the media, Police Commissioner of Faridabad, Satendra Kumar Gupta, said the size of the haul points to a “large-scale terror preparation”. He added that a forensic audit of university laboratories and chemical storage is underway.
Multiple arrests deepen suspicion of academic network misuse
So far, eight people have been arrested, including three medical professionals linked to the university, Dr Muzamil Shakeel, Dr Adeel Ahmed Rathar, and Dr Shaheen Shahid. Among these, Shaheen is believed to be a close associate of Shakeel and was reportedly tasked to setup Indian chapter of Jaish-e-Mohammed women’s wing, Jamaat ul-Mominaat. These three doctors are suspected of providing logistical support to terror outfits like Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind (AGuH).
According to media reports, unnamed police sources said the group operated as part of a “white-collar terror module”. These individuals embedded themselves in professional and educational institutions to evade detection. Several staff and doctors have been detained for questioning, and a police team remains stationed at the university campus. The NIA has also joined the probe to trace foreign funding links.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s November 11-12, 2025, visit to Bhutan added even more significance, considering the fact that the PM proceeded with his commitments even after the blast in Delhi the previous evening. The journey started less than a day after a devastating blast near Delhi’s famous Red Fort left at least ten people dead and numerous others injured. Every move made by the nation’s leadership is closely examined at times of national crises. A closer look finds a cautious, statesman like strategy that strikes a balance between crisis response and the demands of Indian foreign policy and the country’s long-term security objectives, despite the fact that some have questioned the logic of departing for a foreign trip so soon.
? As PM @narendramodi is enroute to Thimphu, Bhutan, let us watch highlights of the expansive and multisectoral deep rooted ??-?? partnership. pic.twitter.com/AHU4FxzO9R
A huge explosion in a car ripped across a busy crossroads near Red Fort Metro Station in the heart of Delhi on the evening of November 10, 2025, causing loss of life, panic, and heightened vigilance throughout the capital and adjacent regions. In addition to offering his condolences to the victims, Prime Minister Modi reassured the country that relief and investigative measures were in progress. In order to ensure the deployment of top security and forensic agencies, such as the National inquiry Agency (NIA) and the National Security Guard (NSG), to manage both the inquiry and public safety, he promptly reviewed the situation with Home Minister Amit Shah and other officials.
History demonstrates that sudden, crisis-driven shifts in statecraft can occasionally give foes more confidence to test a country’s resolve. Modi showed that the shock or disarray of an attack will not take precedence over India’s primary foreign policy interests by moving forward with the Bhutan visit. In the neighbourhood, where China and Pakistan closely watch India’s capacity to handle pressure on several fronts, this is vital. A modest yet effective deterrent is to show steadiness rather than panic.
Policy paralysis trap: Stability amid shock
Many anticipated that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would postpone or cancel his planned trip to Bhutan after learning of the blast in Delhi. However, he boarded his aircraft as scheduled early the following morning. This may have appeared disconnected to some, but it was actually a planned crisis leadership exercise that avoided what experts in international decision-making refer to as “policy paralysis by shock.”
Shock is the initial period of confusion that follows an abrupt, high-impact event, one that impairs analytical clarity and freezes institutional reflexes, in the study of crisis behaviour. According to Thomas Meszaros and Laurent Danet, the “brutal confrontation with unprecedented problems” that occurs when decision-making units face a surprising occurrence causes confusion, which disrupts both analysis and response mechanisms. This immobility shows itself as confused message, overreaction, or delay, all of which convey weakness and encourage attackers to take advantage of you.
According to the Meszaros-Danet framework, shock is the abrupt, visceral jolt that impairs normal cognition, whereas crisis is a process of rupture that can change a system. Such trauma causes the brain to bypass logical processes and enter what the authors refer to as “psychic sideration,” which is a paralysis of thought and behavior. This results in policy paralysis at the national level, a time of hesitancy during which political institutions stagnate rather than change.
Historical examples demonstrate how this psychological burden causes societies to crumble. The United States first encountered a “strategic and tactical vacuum” following the September 11 attacks before putting together a cohesive response. Later in Iraq, policy overreach resulted from the shock’s immobilization of institutions and distortion of judgment. In a similar vein, India’s leadership descended into introspective caution during the 1962 Sino-Indian War and hesitated for years to project power outside of its boundaries. The consequences of allowing emotional confusion to rule statecraft are evident in each of these instances.
For Modi, it was crucial to show that governance could continue in the face of shock. The visit to Bhutan served as a symbolic reminder that, despite internal unrest, India would continue to fulfill its diplomatic and regional obligations. This is referred to as “managing the entry into crisis” in crisis theory, which aims to stabilize the system before panic strikes. Leaders that take decisive action during the entry period stop uncertainty from spreading through markets, bureaucracy, and public opinion.
Strategic continuity as a counter to shock
According to Meszaros and Danet, a pleasant shock can actually control a crisis by serving as a “psychic anti-inflammatory” that prevents escalation. It translates to “a leader can use decisive, stabilizing acts to reset the national mood” in politics. Modi’s trip to Bhutan served as just that kind of counter-shock. It broke the cycle of dread and conjecture that the attack aimed to establish and replaced it with a picture of order and normalcy.
There are powerful parallels in history.
During the 1940 London Blitz, Winston Churchill famously carried on with his public schedule, strolling through damaged areas to demonstrate that government was still in place.
In response to Arab Spring demonstrations in 2011, Morocco’s King Mohammed VI shocked onlookers by voluntarily reducing his personal authority and announced constitutional changes. This move “de-escalated the socio-political crisis” and put an end to turmoil.
What if PM Modi had stayed back
The symbolic impact would have been immediate and detrimental if the Prime Minister had delayed his visit. Internationally, it might have been interpreted as India slipping into defensive introspection, domestically, it would have projected anxiety. These signals have historically carried significant strategic costs.
During the 1986 Chernobyl tragedy, the Soviet leadership’s hesitation and quiet damaged their reputation both at home and internationally. India’s delayed national response to the Mumbai serial blasts in 1993 gave the sense of vulnerability, which for years encouraged cross-border networks. Tehran gained confidence and American deterrence in the Gulf was damaged by the United States’ initial uncertainty during the Iran hostage crisis in 1979.
States that continue to go forward in times of crisis, on the other hand, frequently come out stronger. Despite being taken aback at first, Israel’s leadership during the 1973 Yom Kippur War swiftly switched from shock to counter-action while maintaining strategic initiative. The same idea holds true in diplomacy, a leader’s capacity to multitask under pressure conveys institutional maturity and psychological readiness.
The optics of leadership and logic of deterrence
Credibility in foreign policy is based on consistent behaviour under pressure rather than rhetoric. By moving on with the Bhutan engagement, which is essential to India’s “Neighbourhood First” and “Himalayan Security” policies, Modi demonstrated that overseas outreach and national security management are complementary rather than antagonistic. Bhutan, a crucial buffer state against Chinese advances in Doklam and elsewhere, was also comforted by the judgment that India’s promises are unwavering even in the face of internal upheavals.
According to deterrence theory, such actions bolster a state’s resolve signal, which is the belief that asymmetric provocations cannot influence its decision-making apparatus. On the other hand, by demonstrating how small scale terror can skew India’s strategic schedule, canceling the trip might have inspired the very networks responsible for the explosion. Therefore, Modi’s poise transformed a possible weakness into a declaration of resiliency.
Leadership under crisis? Modi doctrine comes to play
The literature on crisis management emphasises the significance of “psychological preparation for shock.” The notion that leaders ought to prepare for the disruption of routine and prepare institutions to continue operating in spite of it. India’s governance culture has progressively absorbed this philosophy over the last ten years: from the 2016 surgical strikes to the 2020 Galwan conflict, the focus has been on responding calmly before using force. This pattern is maintained by the visit to Bhutan, which demonstrates that India’s natural response to stress is calmness rather than bewilderment.
The goal of the Delhi explosion was to create uncertainty, a tactical negative shock that would cause anxiety, diversion, and reluctance in policy. The positive shock that neutralized it was Modi’s decision to travel rather than withdraw. “Shock can have two effects, either it destroys the ability to think and act, or it stimulates the ability to react,” as noted by Meszaros and Danet. Modi’s response obviously fits the latter.
By upholding diplomatic continuity, he averted the appearance of vulnerability, maintained India’s international rhythm, and reiterated that governance must continue even in the face of terror. Such poise is supported by history; from Churchill to Morocco’s reforms to contemporary deterrence theory, the lesson is consistent “states that master shock control their own fate.”
India-Bhutan ties: Tradition and strategic partnership
Deep mutual trust, a common spiritual tradition, and close proximity are the foundations of India and Bhutan’s long-standing and special relationship. Cooperation on hydropower, trade, cultural exchanges, and defense are characteristics of this collaboration. The landlocked Himalayan nation of Bhutan serves as an essential buffer between China and India. Given Bhutan’s strategic location, India continues to be Bhutan’s most reliable partner, supporting security cooperation and development initiatives.
PM @narendramodi arrived at Paro, Bhutan on a State Visit, where he was received by the PM @tsheringtobgay of Bhutan and accorded a warm welcome. He will join the people of Bhutan in marking the 70th birth anniversary of His Majesty the Fourth King.
Although the official narrative focused on friendship, development, and cultural celebration, the visit was motivated by a number of less obvious but important goals.
COUNTERING CHINESE INFLUENCE: In the midst of unsolved border conflicts, China is making more and more diplomatic and infrastructural overtures to Bhutan. Modi’s visit quietly challenges China’s expanding influence in the eastern Himalayas while reiterating India’s security commitment to Bhutan.
BORDER SECURITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE: Confidential discussions on bolstering border control through road and surveillance improvements close to sensitive areas, are part of the visit.
ECONOMIC INTERDEPENDENCE: The goal of India’s investments in Bhutan’s hydropower projects and new cross-border train connections is to increase economic reliance while lowering Bhutan’s vulnerability to Chinese influence via alternate trade channels.
SOFT POWER PROJECTION: Modi’s prayers and involvement in Bhutan’s festivities, such as the King’s birthday, will strengthen India’s cultural links and use soft power to sway public and elite opinion in Bhutan in favor of India.
INTELLIGENCE AND CRISIS PREPAREDNESS: Closed-door intelligence sharing and coordination against potential border or internal security threats are ongoing, with such visits facilitating updates and joint planning.
WATER AND CLIMATE COOPERATION: Discussions about climate resilience and shared water resource management highlight India’s position as Bhutan’s favored partner in vital environmental areas.
Geopolitical implications
At this crucial point, India’s diplomatic relations with Bhutan must be viewed in the context of the larger South Asian and Himalayan chessboard. Bhutan continues to be a key component of India’s strategy to protect its vital northeastern border and thwart China’s territorial aspirations. The high-profile opening of significant infrastructure projects and cultural diplomacy were calculated actions that strengthened Bhutan’s dependence on India for stable political and economic development. India’s message to adversaries that the country’s strategic interests and external commitments will not be compromised due to terrorist provocations was emphasised by the visit’s timing.
Conclusion
Following the bombing in Delhi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a well-considered decision to visit Bhutan, demonstrating statesmanship in a challenging security situation. In addition to advancing vital infrastructure and energy cooperation, the tour will strengthen India’s steadfast friendship with Bhutan and demonstrate the country’s resilience. Modi shows that India’s obligations, both local and foreign, remain solid pillars during upheaval by striking a balance between immediate crisis response and long-term diplomatic priorities. In addition to strengthening India-Bhutan relations, this visit will highlight India’s larger regional goal of fostering stability and fending off outside pressures by unwavering cooperation and strategic vision.
During this time, PM Modi’s leadership blended strategic vision with empathy. He publicly expressed sympathy for the families of those killed in the explosion. At the same time, he advanced a significant diplomatic visit, demonstrating India’s faith in its institutions and unwavering commitment to national security and foreign policy.
On 10th November, a Delhi court overturned a magistrate’s judgement which ordered Delhi Police to probe the alleged involvement of Bharatiya Janata Party leader and Delhi minister Kapil Mishra in the 2020 Delhi riots. Special Judge Dig Vinay Singh (MLA/MP cases) of Rouse Avenue Court pronounced that the magistrate exceeded his jurisdiction by asking for a further inquiry into the matter.
The lower court earlier ordered the probe due to a complaint that alleged that Mishra’s remarks had fuelled the violence, which was contested by him and the authorities. The case stemmed from a complaint by one Mohammad Ilyas.
He was represented by ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) poster boy Mehmood Pracha, while senior attorney Mahesh Jethmalani was Mishra’s counsel. OpIndia has a copy of the judgment.
The main argument had been that the court went beyond its authority because a “Special Court” was assigned to investigate the Delhi riots under the aforementioned FIR, and it had already been notified via a notification dated 3rd August to try offences under the National Investigation Agency (NIA) Act. The Special Court is the only one with the ability to order an additional inquiry and hence the decision infringed upon its jurisdiction.
The magistrate’s court was aware of the ongoing case and evidence of pre-riot conspiracy, as is clear from the order and materials such as WhatsApp discussions from months prior to the riots. It rejected jurisdiction for four incidents and declared that the corresponding trial courts were suitable forums but disregarded the Special Court’s jurisdiction for the matter involving Kapil Mishra and gave directives.
The order was also unlawful because it instructed the DCP North-East to carry out an additional inquiry. However, a magistrate is only allowed to direct an investigation to the Station House Officer (SHO), not a higher official, in accordance with 175 (3) BNSS, which is akin to Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) section 156(3).
The order was disputed on legal, procedural, and evidentiary grounds. The court committed procedural errors by neglecting established guidelines on multiple enquiries and police status reports. Notably, Mishra was found to have no participation in two Action Taken Reports (ATRs). One was from DCP North East (24.09.2024) and another from ACP Special Cell (21.10.2024).
The court ordered further inquiry despite the ATR of the Special Cell’s explicit declaration that Kapil Mishra had “no role in the initiation or orchestration of the violence” and a group seemed to have “deliberately attempted to falsely implicate him.” Likewise, a second FIR for the same incident was also against the law.
The judge violated the law, displayed bias against Mishra
Additionally, it was asserted that by examining the material and challenging the character of Mishra’s interrogation, the court violated Section 175(3) of the BNSS through holding an improper mini-trial on a preliminary application. Its authority is restricted to assessing whether a prima facie cognisable offence has been committed, while it continues to thoroughly examine the evidence in the case that is awaiting trial before the Special Court.
The court passed unwarranted remarks like “there are numerous flaws in such theory building and much guesswork, assumptions, and interpretation has undergone which are questionable. [sic]” It was maintained that its remarks were grave and unfair to Mishra, which caused false media stories implying that a formal complaint had been filed against him.
The court also made factually unfounded assertions and attempted to paint the BJP leader as the “immediate cause of the riots” due to his presence in the region on 23rd February 2020, despite proof to the contrary. It included WhatsApp conversations from several groups that were specifically created for protest and scheduled to take place during the United States President Donald Trump’s visit to Delhi.
It was further stressed that the state’s comprehensive evidence before the court convincingly showed a premeditated scheme that predated Mishra’s purported appearance in the area.
Furthermore, it was submitted that by adding the element of “violence” by Mishra, the court artificially strengthened the original complaint, even though there was no such mention of this. Moreover, the complainant purposefully modified the description from “vehicles” to “carts” to obstruct the identification or verification of the same.
Mishra’s proximity to his home was mistakenly interpreted as involvement and was termed unreasonable because local presence by itself does not imply involvement. It was pointed out that the evidence indicating the conspiracy started in November 2019, which contradicted the court’s observations.
The Special Court acknowledged the conspiracy by accepting the charge sheet, dismissing bail requests, and rejecting several appeals, some of which were dropped and others of which were withdrawn. The Supreme Court repeatedly overturned the high court’s ruling once it was contested there.
Ambiguous order, suffers from a material flaw: Rouse Avenue Court
Special Judge Dig Vinay Singh outlined that the order had a major jurisdictional issue and unlawfully called for “further investigation” into the “first incident” that the complaint claimed happened. The term “further investigation” was used by the magistrate’s court on several occasions, but it never stated that the verdict mandated the probe and filing of a formal complaint about the same.
He conveyed that if a magistrate does not specifically mention the same when directing an investigation under Section 175(3) BNSS, the order should at least make it clear that its requirement and direction are for “investigation.” The law requires the officer-in-charge of the police station to register the FIR for an unveiled cognisable offence, however, the order only suggested and did not specify.
The court was aware that the final report resulting from the FIR was already before a Special Judge’s superior court, and hence, it should have been clear if the intention was to register a fresh official complaint.
“Judicial orders, especially those affecting rights and potentially affecting someone’s liberty, must be unambiguous. Any such order that could impact someone’s rights and liberty must be explicit and free from conflicting interpretations,” the special judge announced.
The recurrent use of the phrase “further investigation” in the decision resulted in different interpretations by both parties in the absence of such a particular observation for investigation or the registration of a new FIR. He noted, “The fact that the impugned order has been interpreted differently by both sides indicates that it suffers from a material flaw.”
Illegal, improper, and incorrect judgement
Singh stressed that as the matter was pending trial before a higher court, the magistrate should have refrained from making personal comments and highlighted that “it lacked jurisdiction to entertain the complaint, as the matter is already under trial before a higher designated court.” He shed light on the magistrate’s contradicting conclusions and judicial overreach.
Singh expressed that the magistrate’s “explicit statement that, for the other four incidents, it cannot be tasked with the duty of monitoring the investigation as the learnt trial court of the particular police station would be the appropriate forum, along with his comprehensive re-evaluation of the investigation into the ‘first incident,’ reflects an inconsistent application of judicial principles regarding oversight of ongoing investigations and demonstrates an overreach into an area reserved for the designated court.”
“The impugned order thus reveals a serious jurisdictional error that makes the order illegal and unsustainable concerning the ‘first incident.’ It is illegal, improper, and incorrect, as it exceeds jurisdiction and constitutes a case of jurisdictional overreach,” Singh determined.
Complaint lacks major details, no mention of violence
The court mentioned that when a magistrate evaluates an application under Section 175(3) of the BNSS (Section 156(3) of the CrPC), the primary task is to ascertain whether a cognisable offence is disclosed and if police assistance is needed for the investigation, “rather than extensively scrutinising and dismissing the findings of an ongoing, complex investigation concerning a larger conspiracy.”
“The scope of that provision is minimal, focusing on whether the allegations amount to a cognisable offence and whether the collection of evidence by the police is required,” it further emphasised. The judge pointed out that the number of Mishra’s associates was also not stated in the complaint’s claims. The magistrate deduced that more than five people were there in order to prove a cognisable violation from Mishra’s testimony in the FIR.
The application did not reveal the commission of a cognisable offence, which is a prerequisite for initiating legal action. The magistrate used comparisons and deductions from Mishra’s interrogation in the broader conspiracy case to presume the same.
“Not only did the complainant not explicitly state in the application of being present at the scene during the incident in question, but the specific time of the incident is neither mentioned nor is it clear whether it occurred in the morning, afternoon, or evening. Though in the complaint to the police, the time of the incident is described as noon,” the judge highlighted.
He pointed out that even Ilyas’s statement missed information about the incident’s timing, precise location at Kardampuri, number of associates and additional details. Furthermore, he made no mention of any “violence” committed by Mishra other than cart vandalism.
Nevertheless, the magistrate’s order “introduced the act of violence by Kapil Mishra and his associates despite the complaint and the statement of 24.09.2024 not alleging any violence.”
Unnecessary comments, inconsistency, and selectivity in judgement
“The allegations by the complainant are there that the DCP and the police force were in connivance with Kapil Mishra and his associates, or that they acted in concert, or that the DCP extended threats to life, but the complainant nowhere even claimed that the warning to end protest was ‘criminal intimidation’ by the DCP or anyone else,” the judge emphasised. The court also observed the several-month delay in submitting the initial application following the incident.
Singh stated that the magistrate reviewed and commented on cases that were already on trial before a higher court, rather than concentrating and restricting observations to whether the “first incident” has been investigated or not, and if it was cognisable offence requiring inquiry.
He added that the assertions like the prosecution’s theory-building had ‘numerous flaws’ and involved ‘guesswork, assumptions, and interpretation’ prematurely adjudicated the merits of an ongoing trial.
It was highlighted that the order mainly depended on how Mishra’s statements during questioning were interpreted. The magistrate’s authority to instruct an investigation was exceeded by his thorough scrutiny of the interrogator’s method of inquiry.
“The order also shows inconsistency and selectivity, as it notes that the magistrate lacked jurisdiction over four of the five incidents because they had already been investigated under different FIRs. In contrast, for the fifth incident, it ordered further investigation while appreciating the evidence collected during the investigation, particularly regarding the examination of Kapil Mishra,” Singh reiterated.
Order fundamentally flawed and unsustainable
The judge questioned whether it was necessary or justified to examine the information or inquiry carried out in the FIR if the magistrate was convinced that the incident on 23rd February 2020, was a distinct incident.
“That itself suggests that what the court intended was further investigation, a term he repeatedly used in his order, rather than a new investigation into the incident,” Singh added and outlined that it was an intrusion into the jurisdiction of a superior court, the court of original cognisance, alongside a grave jurisdictional error.
“Unwarranted, speculative, and prejudicial remarks have been made in the order concerning an investigation pending trial before a higher court. There is a conflation between re-investigation and further investigation in the impugned order,” he pointed out, and expressed that “thereby making the impugned order legally challengeable and unsustainable.”
Singh stated that section 175(4) BNSS would apply to the complainant’s claims that the DCP and the police force conspired with Mishra and his aides, they acted in concert, or the DCP threatened to kill people, but that the necessary prerequisites were not met.
“Therefore, obtaining a report from a superior officer was essential before any investigation could start, and the public servant (DCP) should have been heard. This was not done. Therefore, even if the impugned order were for a fresh FIR and investigation, it would not have been legally sustainable due to the absence of compliance with Section 175(4) of the BNSS,” he added.
The judge, hence, concluded that “the impugned order, viewed from any perspective, is fundamentally flawed, illegal, and improper, rendering it unsustainable.” The instruction for additional inquiry into the incident referred to as the “first incident” in the same verdict has been set aside.
Background of the case and impugned order
The anti-Hindu Delhi riots claimed 53 lives and resulted in the launching of more than 750 FIRs (First Information Reports). On 6th March 2020, Delhi Police’s Special Cell filed FIR No. 59/2020, indicating and looking into an extensive plot behind the unrest.
Meanwhile, Ilyas wrote an email on 15th March 2020 and submitted a typed complaint on 17th March, claiming Mishra and accomplices vandalised Muslim and Dalit carts in Kardampuri on 23rd February, presumably with the help of the police. DCP (Deputy Commissioner of Police) Ved Prakash Surya allegedly threatened to shoot demonstrators if they didn’t stop, according to the complainant.
On 21st August 2024, he submitted an application to the Chief Judicial Magistrate of the Rouse Avenue District Court under section 175(3) Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) to register a formal complaint. The impugned order was issued in response to this application.
The complainant described five distinct occurrences that happened on different days in February 2020 and claimed that police officers were either complicit or did not take action. The DCP North East and the ACP (Assistant Commissioner of Police) Special Cell provided reports on the instances.
Police officers asserted that all of the reported incidents were already covered by open FIRs. Furthermore, Special Cell stated that they looked into the allegations against Mishra, and discovered that he was not involved in starting or planning the violence. However, Ilyas insisted that his statement was never recorded and the police had falsely accused certain people while clearing the culprits.
The magistrate’s court demanded “further investigation” into the incident involving Mishra and his companions after conveying that the former’s police questioning was insufficient. It added that certain people, including the DCP, should also be probed. This part of the order has also been challenged.
The current order was reserved on 25th October after Mishra put forward a plea against the lower court’s judgment to file a formal complaint against him in relation to the 2020 unrest in the national capital.
On the 9th of November 2025, the Gujarat Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) arrested three men, including one Dr Ahmed Mohiyuddin Saiyed from Telangana, who had been researching how to make Ricin, which is banned internationally for its extreme toxicity. These jihadis are linked to the ISIS-affiliate Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP).
According to the ATS, Dr Saiyed, 35, who has a medical degree from China, worked under the instructions of a person named Abu Khadija, a resident of Afghanistan connected with the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP). He was also in touch with several people from Pakistan. During interrogation, Saiyed confessed that he had been preparing to make Ricin, also known as “Ryzin,” a highly toxic substance made from castor beans. For this, he had arranged research materials, chemical equipment, and raw ingredients needed for the process.
The ATS team, led by SP K Siddharth, caught Saiyed during a raid near Adalaj Toll Plaza on the Ahmedabad-Mehsana Road after receiving confidential information. He was driving a silver Ford Figo car in which officers found two Glock pistols, one Beretta pistol, 30 live cartridges, and about 4 litres of castor oil stored in a plastic container. Castor oil is the primary material used to make Ricin.
The forensic scan of Saiyed’s devices helped the police track down two others: Azad Suleman Sheikh, 20, a tailor from Shamli in Uttar Pradesh, and Mohammad Suhail Mohammad Saleem Khan, 23, a student from Lakhimpur Kheri, Uttar Pradesh. They had helped Saiyed get the weapons and were working with him from Banaskantha in Gujarat.
Both Islamic Jihadis, according to the ATS, shared extremist beliefs and had conducted reconnaissance at key locations in Lucknow, Delhi, and Ahmedabad as part of the planned attacks.
Unsurprisingly, a Pakistan angle has also emerged in this case. The authorities say that the weapons recovered from the accused Islamic terrorists were received from Hanumangarh in Rajasthan, with their handler sending arms consignments by drones across the Pakistan border. The ATS seized three pistols, 30 live cartridges, and Ricin-related materials during the operation.
Ricin, bioterror and the Jihadist obsession with poisons to kill Kafirs
Ricin is a highly toxic protein which is derived from the castor bean plant or Ricinus communis. Ricin is not a virus or bacterium; rather, it is a lectin toxic to inhibits protein synthesis in cells. Its consumption can lead to organ failure and quick death. Extraction of Ricin involved mashing castor beans, removing the oil, and then chemically processing the remaining mash to isolate the Ricin-rich pulp. Although a sophisticated work, this process requires only basic lab equipment, gloves and acetone.
The danger associated with Ricin can be understood from the fact that a mere 500 micrograms, which is less than the size of a grain of salt, can kill an adult if swallowed, inhaled or injected. The worst part is that there is no antidote.
Those exposed to Ricin exhibit varying symptoms depending on the route of exposure. If ingested, the symptoms may include nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, gastric haemorrhage, and shock. If injected, internal bleeding and tissue death and eventual collapse of major organ systems. If inhaled, Ricin will irritate the lung linings and airways, leading to weakness and fever, lesions in the lungs resulting in tissue swelling and more damage. In all cases, death and a very painful one at that, is almost certain within five to six days.
The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has classified Ricin as a category B bioterrorism agent. Ricin is also listed as a Schedule I toxic chemical under the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). The CDC describes Ricin as a “natural poison that can harm the body” through multiple routes, asserting its potential for mass exposure if aerosolised into mists, powders or contaminated food and water supplies.
Ricin has been used for assassination and terror plots since the 1970s. The first reported use of Ricin for assassination was in 1978 to eliminate a Bulgarian dissident and journalist, Georgi Markov. An agent from the Bulgarian secret police shot a Ricin pellet into Markov’s leg from a modified umbrella at the Waterloo Bridge in London. Markov died within days after being shot.
Islamic terrorist organisations have particularly eyed Ricin, considering it as a “poor man’s atomic bomb” since it’s a cheap but lethal means for asymmetric Jihad.
Al Qaeda set up a lab to make Ricin in the early 2000s
In the early 2000s, the Islamic terror group Al-Qaida turned to Ricin to carry out its jihadist agenda. Back in 2003, an Al-Qaida module had set up a lab to carry out attacks on the streets of the United Kingdom with Ricin and other poisons. The British authorities launched a counterterrorism operation and recovered 22 castor beans, equipment and a recipe for Ricin from an address in London. The authorities arrested six Algerian men. Later, an Algerian national, Kamel Bourgass, was sentenced to 17 years in prison for “conspiracy to cause a public nuisance by the use of poisons and/or explosives to cause disruption, fear or injury.”
In his 5th February 2003 speech to the United Nations, then US Secretary of State Colin Powell linked this incident to the Abu Musab al-Zarqawi global terrorist network. By 2004, Zarqawi’s Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), the precursor of ISIS, experimented with Ricin in Fallujah labs; their tests also involved cyanide, etc.
In 2003, it happened twice between October and November that two Ricin-laced letters were found. One of the letters was mailed to White House; it was, however, intercepted at a processing facility.
In a separate incident that year, the US coalition forces captured a chemical weapons facility in northeastern Iraq’s Khurmul and found traces of Ricin and other poisons. In the early 2000s, the US coalition forces found numerous chemical weapons laboratories operated by the Islamic State (ISIS) and other Islamic terror outfits in Iraq and Syria. ISIS is reported to have captured stockpiles from Saddam-era sites and tested toxins on captives, including Ricin derivatives, for terror attacks and executions.
ISIS tested on Ricin during their rule
As per the UN, ISIL/ISIS developed eight chemical agents, tested them on humans and animals, and carried out at least 13 attacks during its four-year reign. These chemical agents included aluminium phosphide, botulinum toxin, chlorine, cyanide ion, nicotine, ricin, thallium sulphate and sulphur mustard or mustard gas. The ISIS used these chemicals banned by the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) for mortars, rockets and IEDs. The use of chemical weapons was approved by then-ISIS head Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.
The ISIS’s use of chemical agents for terrorist attacks is studied in three phases. During the first phase (between June 2014 and June 2015), the Jihadis relied on tried and tested techniques and available industrial chemicals like chlorine and phosphine. The intent was mostly to create crude improvised explosive devices (IEDs). ISIS’s propaganda magazine, Dabiq, and Rumiyah were continuously promoting ‘Poison Jihad’ and encouraged lone-wolf Jihadis to use readily available materials for carrying out mass casualty attacks. The Islamic terror group encouraged unconventional methods such as chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) materials.
In the second phase (June 2015 to January 2017), the ISIS Jihadis had developed enhanced capabilities by combining the production of sulphur mustard agent with the means to deliver it using projectiles, like mortar bombs and improvised rockets. In this phase, chemical attacks were carried out simultaneously across the caliphate, from Aleppo province in Syria in the west to Iraq’s Kirkuk province in the east. These attacks increased significantly in April 2016, with around 8 incidents in that month. In total, ISIS used chemical weapons in over 37 separate terror attacks in Syria and Iraq. In at least 20 cases, they used chlorine.
During the third phase, there was a last recorded chemical attack in Syria on 8th January 2017. The chemical attacks menace ended with the Islamic State’s apparent discontinuation of its chemical weapons production following the loss of Mosul in July 2017.
In May 2016, the Kenyan and Ugandan law enforcement agencies arrested two ISIS-linked men named Ahmed Hish and Farah Dagane. These Jihadis were planning a terror attack using the lethal Anthrax.
Notably, Anthrax has also been used by terrorists to carry out attacks. One of the first known uses of Anthrax to kill people was the September 2001 Amerithrax case, wherein Anthrax-laced letters were mailed to various media offices and two senators, Tom Daschle and Patrick Leahy. In this case, over seventeen people were injured, while five were killed.
In 2017, the ISIS Jihadis reportedly ordered the construction of a chemical dispersal device in Sydney. Back then, a 40-year-old man named Khaled Merhi and three others were arrested by Australian Police in an alleged plot to blow up a passenger flight. He was later charged with possession of a prohibited weapon. Khaled and his brother, Mahmoud Khayat, were both charged with plotting the attack.
Back in 2011, it was reported that Al-Qaida was trying to produce Ricin poison to carry out multiple attacks in the United States.
Notably, letters laced with Ricin were once intercepted en route to former US Presidents Barack Obama in 2013 and Donald Trump in 2020 before reaching them.
In February 2015, a 31-year-old software programmer from Liverpool in the UK named Mohammed Ali was jailed for eight years after he was found trying to purchase Ricin from the Darknet. Going by the online moniker “Weirdos 0000”, Ali approached a supplier “Psychochem”, on the Darknet to negotiate the price of Ricin. Ali made a payment in bitcoins for 500 mg of Ricin powder. This quantity was enough to kill 700 to 1400 people. It, however, turned out that the vendor was an FBI agent, who informed the UK Police. Although it could not be established that Mohammed Ali was planning a terror attack, he was sentenced to eight years in jail considering the risks of possessing a lethal poison.
From trucks to toxins, ISIS propaganda machinery encouraged Islamic Jihadist lone wolves to carry out vehicular attacks involving trucks or other vehicle-ramming to kill people.
The 2016 Nice attack carried out by a Tunisian national living in France named Mohamed Lahouaiej-Bouhlel, wherein over 86 people died, the 2016 Berlin attack carried out by a Tunisian national Anis Amri, which claimed 12 lives, the London Bridge Islamic terror attack, carried out by Pakistani-British national Khurram Butt, Rachid Redouane (Moroccan) and Youssef Zaghba (Italian) that killed 8, and the New York attack in 2017, carried out by Sayfullo Saipov (from Uzbekistan) that claimed 8 lives are just a few of the many vehicular attacks that have been carried out Similarly, the Jihadist outfits promoted and glorified toxin-based attacks.
Notably, the 2018 Cologne plot was the pinnacle of bioterrorism, wherein a Tunisian migrant, Seif Allah H., an ardent ISIS jihadist, produced 84 milligrams of impure ricin in his apartment in Germany’s Cologne. He planned to smear it on door handles or inject it via syringes. In the latter half of 2017, Seif attempted to travel to Syria twice to join the Islamic State; however, he was stopped in Turkey. Seif’s missing Tunisian passport brought him under the radar of the German counterterrorism forces, and in 2018, the British intelligence agency informed German authorities about suspicious online shopping activities by a Tunisian living in Germany. Seif’s wife, Yasmin, was also aware of his jihadist proclivities.
In June 2018, Seif Allah H. was arrested, although by then, he had already produced 84.03 milligrams of Ricin and stored 3,150 castor beans.
In October 2024, 18-year-old accused Axel Rudakubana was charged with three murders and ten cases of attempted murder after a violent stabbing at a Taylor Swift-themed dance class in Southport, England. The UK police searched Rudakubana’s residence and reportedly uncovered a PDF titled ‘Military Studies in the Jihad Against the Tyrants: The Al-Qaeda Training Manual,’ which prompted the terror-related charge. Authorities also allege that Rudakubana produced the deadly toxin ricin, resulting in an additional charge for creating a biological weapon.
India’s crackdown on ISIS has continued since 2014: Conventional weapons and Jihadist drivers are old, the Ricin bioterror plot adds a new layer
From busting the 2016 Kerala module, probing the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter bombings’ India links, 2022 Bihar terror module, 2023 Pune ISIS terror module, 2025 multi-state operations to nab jihadist planning terror attacks in Pune, Jammu and Kashmir, and Delhi, 2024 Lashkar-e-Taiba terror module in Bengaluru to the ISIS-linked terror module in Delhi, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) and the Anti-Terrorism Squads in each state have been arresting ISIS and other Islamic terror outfit-linked Jihadis and busting terror modules. The Indian agencies have been dismantling the recruitment and financial network of various Islamic terror groups, trying to deepen their roots in India.
However, the sinister biological warfare (bio war) or bioterrorism plot busted by Gujarat ATS is a concerning exposé. After IEDs, shootings, bomb blasts and Islamic radicalisation, India faces the ‘toxic threat’. Reports stated that the ISIS-linked jihadists arrested had prepared to use Ricin as part of their plan to cause mass casualties. For this, these terrorists were surveying crowded food markets and supply chains in Gujarat and other states as potential targets for attacks. The Jihadis planned to poison public food supplies to cause mass killings, as per reports.
While the security agencies remain vigilant and are investigating the Ricin bioterror plot, such cases cannot be dismissed as isolated incidents or mischief or stupidity by ‘Bhatke huye naujawan’ (misled Muslim youth); rather, the busting of the bioterrorism plot should be an eye-opener for the nation to understand the many unique threats it faces from Islamic terrorists.
These Jihadis are highly radicalised, Hoor-seeking terrorists, schooled in encrypted networks, trained to use science technology to make weapons for killing innocent people merely for not following the religion they follow, and are backed by well-oiled jihadi ecosystems.
Although conventional explosives or firearms are never going out of fashion for jihadists, in an era of asymmetric warfare, chemical weapons offer a blend of accessibility and terror amplification. Chemicals like Ricin or Sarin can be synthesised from everyday precursors, such as industrial solvents or castor beans, in basic labs, which would be convenient for lone wolves or small terrorist cells.
The cost-effectiveness, the lesser need for a large-scale infrastructure, and lower chances of being caught make it a preferable option. Preferability increases the probability frequency, making Racin-laced plots or any other form of bio-war a real, though silent, scalable and perfectly suited for killing a large number of people (read non-Muslims).
In a chilling revelation that has left the national security establishment on high alert, investigators have unearthed a “white-collar terror network” involving doctors, clerics, and professionals allegedly working for Pakistan-backed terror outfits Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind (AGH).
The discovery of nearly 2,900 kilograms of explosive material from two houses in Faridabad, just 45 kilometres from Delhi, has exposed one of the most sophisticated terror modules in recent years, one that operated under the unsuspecting cover of educated professionals.
Doctors turned terror operatives
The key accused, Dr Muzammil Shakil, a 35-year-old physician from Pulwama, and Dr Adeel Ahmad Rather, from Kulgam, were allegedly in direct contact with terror handlers in Kashmir and Pakistan. According to interrogation reports, both were awaiting final instructions for a major strike in the Delhi-NCR region.
The handlers, sources say, specifically chose doctors believing “no one would suspect well-educated professionals in white coats.”
Investigators also revealed that both doctors had earlier treated injured terrorists in Kashmir between 2018 and 2021. Their radicalisation was allegedly guided by a cleric named Molvi Irfan Ahmad, the imam of a mosque and a close associate of slain terrorist Zakir Musa.
The Kashmir connection: Posters and the first clues
The investigation began on October 19, when police in Nowgam, Srinagar, discovered posters of Jaish-e-Mohammed threatening security forces. Surveillance footage led to the identification of Dr Adeel, who had been working at Government Medical College, Anantnag, before shifting to Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh.
When Jammu and Kashmir Police traced and arrested him, they found an assault rifle in his college locker, the first sign of how deeply radicalised professionals were embedded within civilian institutions.
Further leads from Adeel’s interrogation led authorities to Faridabad, where the trail widened dramatically.
The Faridabad explosive haul
Raids on Dr Muzammil’s two rented homes in Dhauj and Fatehpur Taga villages of Faridabad left investigators stunned. Over 350 kilograms of explosives, 20 timers, assault rifles, handguns, and ammunition were recovered from a house in Dhauj. In another recovery from a house in Fatehpur Taga, a staggering 2,563 kilograms of ammonium nitrate was found, a chemical commonly used in large-scale bombings.
In total, the two raids yielded nearly 2,900 kilograms of explosive material, including electronic circuits, wires, remote controls, batteries, and metal sheets, enough to assemble multiple powerful Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs).
Police also recovered a Beretta pistol, a Chinese Star handgun, an AK-56 rifle, and an AK Krinkov rifle.
Faridabad ACP (Crime) Varun Dahiya confirmed that the Fatehpur Taga house had been rented from a maulana, who has since been detained for questioning.
The third doctor and the expanding network
During questioning, Dr Muzammil revealed that a colleague, Dr Shaheen Shahid, a woman doctor from Lucknow, had provided logistical support. When her Maruti Swift Dezire was searched, police found an AK-47 rifle and ammunition concealed inside.
Dr Shaheen was arrested and flown to Srinagar for interrogation, marking the third doctor arrested in this terror module.
With her arrest, the total number of people detained in the case has risen to eight, including Dr Muzammil Shakil (Pulwama), Dr Adeel Ahmad Rather (Kulgam), Dr Shaheen Shahid (Lucknow), Cleric Molvi Irfan Ahmad (Shopian), Arif Nisar, Yasir-ul-Ashraf, Maqsood Ahmad Dar, and Zameer Ahmad Ahanger (all from Srinagar and Ganderbal).
Pakistan’s shadow and encrypted channels
Investigators have traced the origins of this network to Pakistan, with operational instructions being relayed through handlers in Kashmir. The group used encrypted messaging apps for coordination, logistics, and fund transfers, often disguised as charitable donations or academic grants.
Jammu and Kashmir Police described the syndicate as a “white-collar terror ecosystem”, comprising radicalised professionals and students who used their social credibility to recruit others, move funds, and procure materials for bomb-making.
A terrifying near miss
While investigators are still piecing together the exact plot, early interrogation hints suggest that the intended target was somewhere in the Delhi-NCR region, possibly designed to trigger communal unrest.
The magnitude of the explosive cache, recovered barely an hour from the national capital, has triggered nationwide alarm. Senior security officials admit the plot could have caused devastation on an unprecedented scale, had it not been intercepted in time.
A new face of terrorism
This operation has jolted intelligence agencies into reassessing the evolving face of terrorism in India, one that hides behind the respectability of degrees, stethoscopes, and professional credentials.
From Kashmir’s medical colleges to Delhi’s suburbs, terrorism has changed its strategy. It has spiralled from conventional battleground into academic institutions and hospital corridors, where terrorists don’t wear battle fatigues but don lab coats and wield surgical instruments, waiting to no longer wears fatigues but lab coats.
The issues highlighted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during the Bihar assembly elections have altered the trajectory and focus of the electoral process. On 24th October, he commenced his election campaign by visiting the family of Jannayak Karpuri Thakur in his native village. PM Modi made a special appeal to women and emphasised the welfare initiatives undertaken by the NDA government.
The infrastructure developments that are propelling the pace of progress were notably addressed, showing considerable improvement in recent years. PM Modi tried to capture the hearts of the populace by enumerating the accomplishments of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government alongside pointing out the shortcomings of the Lalu-Rabri regimes and the scandals associated with the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) rule.
पीएम श्री @narendramodi ने आज बिहार के समस्तीपुर स्थित कर्पूरी ग्राम में जननायक 'भारत रत्न' स्वर्गीय कर्पूरी ठाकुर जी को श्रद्धांजलि अर्पित की। pic.twitter.com/bthGwhrktJ
PM Modi has conducted 14 rallies and made seven visits to Bihar. He travelled to Begusarai, Muzaffarpur, Saharsa, Chhapra, Katihar, Arrah, Nawada, Bhagalpur, Araria, Aurangabad and Bhabua, followed by Sitamarhi and Bettiah. He went to the state 4 times and addressed 12 rallies there during 2020 assembly election too. This time around, he has spoken at at least 2 rallies in each visit.
‘Women hold the key to power’
Women accounted for approximately 65% of voter turnout in the initial phase of elections with their voting rate exceeding that of men by 8%. It is believed that the rise is a result of programs aimed at their welfare. Notably, the recent deposit of ₹10,000 into women’s accounts under a welfare initiative has played in a crucial role in boosting confidence. Additionally, the promise of loans up to ₹2 lakh for business growth is also appealing to them.
Women in Bihar have demonstrated a preference for the benefits being offered by the NDA government, including free rations for women and bicycles for schoolgirls. Thus, it is considered that they have leaned towards the NDA and participated in voting in considerable numbers.
This leads to the question: will women’s votes be instrumental in shaping the government? Nitish Kumar, who rose to power in 2005, prioritised women’s welfare and introduced numerous schemes for them. This is why women of Bihar have been a steadfast vote bank for Nitish Kumar’s leadership.
Secondly, women in Bihar are regarded as more politically conscious compared to those in other states. They illustrated increased enthusiasm upon receiving ₹10,000 in their accounts. If the NDA government regains power following the assembly polls, the credit will certainly be attributed to women. This might set a national precedent for perceiving women as an important voting bloc.
Issue of demeaning Chhath
PM Modi also brought attention to the disrespect shown towards Chhath, the most significant festival in Bihar. This celebration is predominantly observed by women and is profoundly embedded in the beliefs of the entire state. PM Modi recounted how the Mahagathbandhan insulted Chhath and unmistakably signaled the intentions for Bihar, through a warning tone in campaign.
Lalu-Rabri’s “Jungle Raj”
Those who experienced the 15-year reign of Lalu Yadav and Rabri Devi prior to 2005 still remember the vivid, painful details of the chaos and violence that ruled the state. During his rally, PM Modi targeted the mafia and their political connections while also outlining the “Jungle Raj.”
The NDA has effectively invoked memories of the horrifying past after Osama, the son of mafia leader Mohammad Shahabuddin, received a ticket from Siwan. The younger generation was told to read and learn about the state of affairs during the Jungle Raaj period.
After the first round of voting, PM Modi spoke at a rally in Sitamarhi on 8th November and thanked the people for their spirited participation in the assembly elections. He stated, “The proponents of Jungle Raj have felt a 65-volt shock.” He further conveyed, “Jungle Raj signifies violence, cruelty, bitterness, poor values and corruption.” He explicitly mentioned that Bihar requires liberation from such misgovernance.
सुशासन का सबसे अधिक फायदा हमारी माताओं-बहनों और बेटियों को होता है। बिहार में आज इसके एक नहीं, अनेक उदाहरण हैं… pic.twitter.com/sAMsPXcdYG
Both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar are free from allegations of nepotism and corruption. As a result, both leaders launched vigorous attacks against the opposition regarding this matter. During multiple rallies, PM Modi charged former Congress chief and its prominent campaigner Rahul Gandhi alongside his RJD (Rashtriya Janata Dal) counterpart as well as chief ministerial candidate Tejashwi Yadav with nepotism and corruption.
PM Modi stated, “These parties revolve around merely two families. One represents Bihar’s most corrupt family while the other signifies the nation’s most corrupt family.” He further remarked, “Those who did fodder scam believe they can fool Bihar. Those who promised employment to the underprivileged in exchange of land will not be able to deceive the public once more. The people of Bihar have now understand everything.”
Bihar is home to a large number of small-scale farmers. Hence, PM Modi also talked about their welfare and expressed, “To date, farmers in Bihar have received around 30,000 crore rupees. This entire sum has been credited to their accounts without any commission fees.”
“The individuals responsible for establishing the Jungle Raj, with their allies from the Congress party, would have misappropriated all this money that rightfully belonged to you and enriched themselves had they been in power. I am not the one making this claim. A former Congress Prime Minister (late Rajiv Gandhi) once declared that if one rupee is issued from Delhi, it becomes 15 paise by the time it arrives in the villages,” he added.
PM Modi also consistently highlighted the benefits that the poor receive from all the schemes of his government, including free ration, permanent housing and sanitation facilities.
Nationalism and the matter of infiltrators
PM Modi responded to Rahul Gandhi’s inquiry regarding the army’s valor during “Operation Sindoor.” He voiced, “Terrorists were eliminated by crossing into Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. The Congress-RJD coalition disapproved of this military action. Bombings were occurring in Pakistan while the first family of Congress was restless.” He mocked that both Pakistan and the Congress leaders have yet to overcome the impact of the operation. He charged the I.N.D.I. Alliance with being soft towards infiltrators and vowed to create an “infiltrator-free India.”
‘Mahagathbandhan will be at each other’s throats after the assembly polls’
PM Modi poked fun at the Mahagathbandhan for their inability to achieve a complete agreement on seat-sharing, their failure to announce Tejashwi Yadav as the chief ministerial candidate during Rahul Gandhi’s visit to Bihar and then announcing his name for the post under pressure.
He commented, “The Congress not only put the prince of Jungle Raj in a difficult position but also declined to concur on the chief minister position. The RJD in response decided to teach Congress a lesson by nominating its own candidate against the Bihar Pradesh Congress Committee president. These two parties are in conflict and reports disclose that Congress members are resolute in their efforts to defeat RJD at every polling station.”
‘Rahul Gandhi fled just before the state elections’
Rahul Gandhi commenced his election campaign in Bihar with considerable enthusiasm. He even spearheaded a “Nyay Yatra” (Justice March) in the state, striving to engage with the public. However, he quickly lost his passion. The Lok Sabha MP was “absent” from Bihar for 57 days, despite the election campaign being in full swing. During this time, he was seen travelling overseas, meeting with supporters in Uttar Pradesh and Haryana as well as enjoying sweets in national capital.
He contested the SIR (Special Intensive Revision) and alleged vote theft yet he was unable to persuade the public that the drive had “cut” votes. His repeated allegations against the Election Commission of India have failed persuade the voters.
No resentment towards Nitish government
Despite Nitish Kumar’s two-decade governance, there has been a lack of public anger towards him. Hence, the usual anti-incumbency sentiments that many political leaders inadvertently trigger have been largely absent in Nitish Kumar’s case. Nevertheless, there was notable public discontent in relation to employment opportunities. Therefore, the NDA pledged to generate 10 million jobs in Bihar as part of its manifesto.
PM Modi also reiterated this promise during his rally. Furthermore, the issue of migration has been a major concern for Biharis. PM Modi reassured the public that the government was paying heed to these matters by promoting education, skill development and advocating slogans like “Work in Bihar and make Bihar proud.”
