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Poverty reduction success story: How household economy in new India shows improved allocation of funds for children and women, driven by women-centric schemes of Modi govt

Shraddha Pandey
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Poverty reduction success story: How household economy in new India shows improved allocation of funds for children and women, driven by women-centric schemes of Modi govt

India has witnessed a dramatic shift in intra-household resource allocation, leading to a significant reduction in poverty among children and adult females between 2011-12 and 2023-24. In a groundbreaking study published in the Economic & Political Weekly on 9th August 2025, economists Shamika Ravi and Mudit Kapoor analyzed various factors which have led to a remarkable decline in poverty rates for children and women.  

The EPW article headlined “Intra-household Resource Allocation and Changes in Child and Gender Poverty between 2011–12 and 2023–24” states that while most poverty estimates based on household consumption surveys assume equal distribution of resources among household member, this study relaxed this assumption by using household expenditure data on privately assignable items to estimate resources allocated to children (0–14 years), adult females, and adult males (15–79 years).

Historically, gender imbalance and bias has been observed in household consumption surveys. The EPW paper points out that if resource allocation within the household is skewed, there is always a possibility that some household members are poor while others are not.

Given the focus of the Modi government on inclusive and women-led development, the paper authored by Shamika Ravi and Mudit Kapoor, delves in to the changes in intra-house allocations, particularly towards women and children, and their impact on the changing nature of the poverty distribution among men, women, and children.

Notably, the study, relies on the data of Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) for 2011-12 and 2023-24, conducted by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI).

The researchers employed a sophisticated econometric model, building on prior work by Dunbar et al. (2013) and Calvi (2020), to estimate resource shares “using Engel curves and non-linear regression techniques.”

Share of adult females in household resources increased drastically in over a decade

While analysing the coefficient on the estimates of adult females’ share in household resources, a measure of their bargaining power, the research found that the share of household resources to adult females was positively associated with the number of adult females, higher the fraction of female children (for households with children) if the leading woman in the household was eligible for inheritance in ancestral property, if the household belonged to either Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST) or Other backward Classes (OBC), and if there was a college-educated female or male member in the household.

It was also found that the resource share of adult females was negatively associated with the number of adult males and the presence of widows in the household with children.

“Interestingly, for 2011–12, adult females in Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, and Sikh households were negatively impacted compared to those who did not belong to these religions. However, in 2023–24, the reverse was true. Compared to the urban areas, adult females in rural areas had a lower share of household resources,” the research paper reads.

The paper states that in contrast to the western states, adult females in northern, eastern, and southern states had lower share in household resources. Meanwhile, adult females in the north-eastern region had a higher share of household resources.

Analysing the share of adult females in household resources across the average age of adult women (15 to 79 years) in the household, the authors found that the estimated share of adult females in household resources varies significantly across age and also if the households had children (0 to 14 years).

For the years 2011-12, the estimated share of adult females in household resources is typically below the equality line, only for urban households without children, in the average age group of 20 to 30 years and for urban households with children, in the average age group of 45 to 55 years, it is slightly above the equality line (50%), as seen in the point density graphs. The equality line here indicates equal resource distribution.

Source: Economic&Political Weekly

These density graphs visualise the data with a smoothed-trend line (bold in greyscale, red online), to highlight the relationship between resource shares and age, with pale-yellow (or darker greyscale) areas indicating higher data point concentrations, the report mentions.

The 2011-12 data indicates a generally much-lower household resource share for adult females across all age groups with or without children. The graphs show that the share is slightly above the equality line, for urban households with children in the 45-55 age group. These numbers indicate  limited instances where women received a higher-than-equal share.

A similar trend is seen in the case of households without children. The household resource share of adult females is below the equality line for most age groups, except for urban households in the age range of 20-30. In this age range, adult female household resource share marginally exceeds equality. The figures for 2011-12 indicate that adult females generally had lower bargaining power compared to adult males, with “resource allocation skewed against them.”

In contrast, the adult female household resource shares after over a decade, 2023-24, witnessed a notable shift. In house with children, adult females in 2023-24 received a higher-than-equal share of household resources, reflecting a remarkable increase in their bargaining power relative to adult males.

Meanwhile, in household without children, this trend is even more pronounced in rural and urban areas. The density graphs indicate that for rural households, the smoothed-trend line is above the equality line for adult females aged 15–55 years. For urban households, it extends to ages 15–65 years, indicating a broader age range where women command a higher household resource share compared to 2011–12.

The consistent elevation smoothed trend line across age groups by 2023-24 reflects a more uniform improvement in resource allocation to women, especially in. households with children. In fact, presence of children seems to influence resource allocation dynamics. In 2023-24, households with children registered a more notable pivot toward higher female household resource shares. It can interpreted as increased prioritisation of resources toward family units where women have a central role. These positive numbers reflect a broader societal and policy-driven empowerment of women.

27 crore people lifted out of poverty between 2011-12 and 2023-24

In the next section, the paper focuses on poverty across the states and union territories. “We present three sets of results: (i) poverty rate, which measures the proportion of poor people; (ii) poverty gap, which measures for a poor person the difference between the poverty line and the expenditure as a percentage of the poverty line, a measure of poverty intensity; (iii) poverty upliftment, which measure the absolute number of people that have been lifted out of poverty between 2011–12 and 2023–24,” the report reads.

“We provide estimates of poverty rate, poverty intensity, and poverty upliftment, (i) when household resources are assumed to be equally distributed among household members, rural and urban poverty line for each state/union territory for 2023–24,” it adds.

The analysis, based on Rangarajan poverty line, estimates that more than 27 crore people were lifted out of poverty over the last decade, with 15.6 crore children and 12.3 crore adult females accounting for the majority. However, the number of poor adult males surged by nearly 0.36 crore due to slower poverty reduction relative to population increase.

Bihar and West Bengal registered a remarkable decline in poverty

For poverty rates where the researchers assumed the household resources are equally distributed, it was found that at all-India levels, poverty rates have declined from 29.5% in 2011–12 to 4% in 2023–24.  

The EPW report highlights that in the eastern region of Bihar, pverty declined from 41.3% in 2011–12 to 4.4%, while in West Bengal, the poverty rate was lower at 30.4% in 2011–12 as compared to Bihar, and it declined to 6% in 2023–24 which was higher than what was observed for Bihar. In Uttar Pradesh, the poverty rate fell from 40% in 2011–12 to 3.5% in 2023–24.

“However, when we account for intra-household allocation of resources, which allows for household resources to be unequally distributed across members, we found that poverty rates in 2011–12 and 2023–24 were typically higher than when we assumed equal sharing of household resources,” the report reads.

Despite the unequal sharing of household resources, the researchers Professor Shamika Ravi and Mudit Kapoor point out that poverty rates have declined between 2011–12 and 2023–24. For example, at the all-India levels, the poverty rate in 2011–12 was 34.7%, while in 2023–24, it was 10.5%, a decline of almost 15 percentage points. The decrease in poverty rate was observed across all the states.

The report also highlights the inequality in poverty rates across children, adult females, and adult males. In 2011–12, the overall poverty with unequal sharing of households was 34.7%; however, for children, it was 58.3%; for adult females, it was 33.3%; and for adult males, it was the lowest at 15.1%. This pattern was seen across all states of India except for the north-east states. In northeast states, poverty among adult males was higher than poverty among adult females and children. In Rajasthan, the overall poverty with unequal shares in household resources was 31.2%; however, for children, it was 57.8%; for adult females, it was 28.9%, while for adult males it was 5.5%, the report estimates.

“By 2023–24, we see a remarkable decline in poverty among adult females and children,” the paper states.

The key findings of the research show that in 2011–12, poverty rates were starkly unequal: 58.3% for children, 33.3% for adult females, and 15.1% for adult males. However, by 2023–24, these figures slumped significantly to 17.8% for children and 2.2% for adult females.

Meanwhile, adult male poverty marginally declined to 13.5%. This significant shift reflects a reallocation of household resources toward women and children, attributed to enhanced female bargaining power.

“Based on these results, it could be argued that the substantial decline in poverty between 2011–12 and 2023–24 is primarily driven by poverty reduction among adult females and children,” the report states.

The authors of this EPW paper, however, noticed some variations across states. In Chhattisgarh, a substantial decline in poverty rate among adult females from 50.7% to 4.3% between 2011–12 and 2023–24. However, it reduced marginally for children, from 68.2% to 54.7%, and for adult males, it marginally increased from 25.1% to 25.5% during the same period.

In Uttar Pradesh, during the same period, poverty among children declined from 72.2% to 11.1%; for adult females, it decreased from 42.4% to 2.3%; for adult males, it increased marginally from 13.3% to 13.6%.

“For adult males between 2011–12 and 2023–24, we observed a significant decline in poverty rates in Odisha from 24.1% to 13.7%, Tamil Nadu from 13.9% to 2.8%, and Tripura from 51.1% to 25.1%,” the report reads.

In the National Service Scheme (NSS) regions, with equal sharing of household resources, a significant decline in poverty across all areas was noted. Across most of the NSS regions, poverty rates among children were the highest in 2011–12, followed by poverty rates among adult females, while it was typically lower for adult males.

However, the report found that by 2023-24, poverty among children and adult females declined sharply, although poverty in the eastern states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Odisha, and West Bengal remains high. “We also observed a significantly higher poverty level among adult males in north-east states, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and parts of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh (MP), Maharashtra, and West Bengal,” the research paper states.

Poverty gap comes down from 18.4% in 2011-12 to 10.2% in 2023-24, Bihar’s adult female poverty gap dropped to unbelievable low

In its analysis of poverty gap, which is a measure of the shortfall of expenditure below poverty line, the study found that it was higher when accounting for unequal household resource allocation compared to equal sharing assumptions.

In 2011–12, with equal sharing of household resources, the research estimated the poverty gap at the all-India level to be an average of 18.4%, but 35.6% for children, 21.5% for adult females, and 13.5% for adult males (unequal sharing).

By 2023-24, however, the gap reduced to 10.2% (equal sharing), 17.9% for children and 6.4% for adult females, while adult males witnessed a slight increase to 15.1%.

The researchers observed variations in these numbers across states, with most notable variation being in Bihar, where adult female poverty gap dropped from 23.4% to 4.8%.

The study found that for adult females across all the NSS regions, poverty has reduced significantly between 2011–12 and 2023–24. It also observed that children’s poverty gaps were considerably higher in the eastern states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Odisha, and West Bengal than in other NSS regions.

In north-east states, poverty gap for adult males “worsened”. In regions of Bihar, West Bengal, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Gujarat, MP, Maharashtra and Odisha the numbers increased.

Poverty upliftment tells a success story, though challenges remain

The study proceeds to analysing poverty upliftment. The researchers define poverty upliftment as “Poverty Upliftment 2011–12 to 2023–24=Poverty Rate2011–12×Population2011–Poverty rate2023–24×Projected Population2021.”

The research estimates that between 2011-12 and 2023-24, 27.58 crore people were lifted out of poverty in Indian households with unequal resource allocation, compared to 30.24 crore assuming equal sharing.

Researchers point out that this upliftment is driven by 15.61 crore children and 12.32 crore adult females, although the number of poor adult males increased by 0.35 crore due to slower poverty reduction relative to population growth.

The study highlight various across state including, Uttar Pradesh where 6.47 crore people (mostly women and children) were pulled out of poverty, Rajasthan, where .44 crore, with 1.08 crore children and 0.54 crore women, with Chhattisgarh registering marginal child poverty reduction, Madhya Pradesh 2,38,10,548, Bihar 2,63,43,197, West Bengal 1,68,92,626.

“When resources are equally shared, our estimates of poverty rates, which are based on the Rangarajan poverty line, indicate that 30,24,63,543 people were lifted out of poverty between 2011–12 and 2023–24. However, when we account for the unequal allocation of household resources, which typically results in higher poverty rates, 27,57,58,449 people were lifted out of poverty,” the report reads.

“We also observe that, with unequal resource allocation across the household, the entire poverty upliftment is on the account of children and adult females. We estimated that 15,61,53,865 children and 12,32,20,396 adult females, were lifted out of poverty from 2011–12 to 2023–24. However, for adult males, the absolute number of poor has increased by 36,15,812. This is primarily because the reduction in poverty rates among adult males has been lower than the population growth of adult males during the same period,” it adds.

By 2023-24, however, there has been a significant shift in household resources away from adult males to adult females and children, as a result of which children’s poverty rate fell to 12.6% and that of adult females declined to 2.8%; however, for men, it increased to 10.9%. As a result, Rajasthan witnessed a poverty upliftment for 1,07,89,197 children and 53,98,621 adult females, while for adult males, it increased by 18,27,592.

“This example illustrates that a large part of poverty upliftment is perhaps an outcome of improvements in the bargaining position of women, which has resulted in significantly higher allocation of household resources towards women and children and away from men,” the study notes.

The study broadly attributes Modi government’s initiatives like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana and MUDRA Scheme, Lakhpati Didi Yojana, as these initiatives have prioritised women’s financial independence and property co-ownership. In April this year, as MUDRA Yojana completed 10 years, OpIndia reported that under this scheme, 52 crore loan account openings were facilitated, with nearly 70% beneficiaries being women.

“These programmes highlight the intention of the government to empower women. Prime Minister Modi, repeatedly in his vision for India to become a developed nation by 2047, has emphasised the role of women in leading this development effort,” the study highlights.

In conclusion, the authors of the EPW study summed up the transformational impact of Modi era. It points out that across rural and urban areas in most states and union territories, on average, the resource share of adult females was significantly lower than that of adult males in 2011–12.

By 2023–24, the situation had “reversed” as across all states and UTs, on average, the estimated resource share of adult females was greater than that of adult males. This dramatic shift in women’s bargaining power has resulted in the massive decline in poverty between 2011–12 and 2023–24 is concentrated in adult females and children, with a modest decline for adult males.

“Our estimates reveal that, on average, adult female poverty is lower than adult male poverty across all states and union territories in 2023–24, while in 2011–12, it was the opposite. These results are evidence of significant gains in women’s empowerment in the last decade,” the research paper concludes.

Days after claiming oil reserves in Pakistan, Trump admin declares BLA and Majeed Brigade a terror organisation: Is Balochistan the next oil war destination for USA?

Anurag
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Days after claiming oil reserves in Pakistan, Trump admin declares BLA and Majeed Brigade a terror organisation: Is Balochistan the next oil war destination for USA?

On 11th August (local time), the United States placed the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and Majeet Brigade on its list of Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs) under an Executive Order. This action, which mirrors the 2019 decision, blocks any assets the group may have under the jurisdiction of the United States and restricts American citizens or entities from conducting transactions with it.

The BLA operates in the Balochistan province of Pakistan. It has long described its activities as part of the Baloch struggle for self-determination. Over the years, the BLA struck Pakistani military and Chinese personnel along with projects linked to Beijing’s investments in the province as they exploit the Baloch resources. The Baloch people, who are among the most marginalised communities in Pakistan, accuse the Pakistani government and China of exploiting the resources without providing any benefit to the locals. Majeet Brigade is fidayeen unit of BLA and was behind recent train hijack.

The BLA has initiated military action in several regions including Gwadar, Karachi and other parts of Balochistan. These military campaigns have been deemed by the group as resistance against external control and economic marginalisation.

Baloch groups have objected to the US designation of the BLA as a terror outfit, stressing that the BLA is not a terrorist organisation. They argue that Balochistan is a nation that has endured 78 years of state violence, economic exploitation, and even radioactive poisoning from Pakistan’s nuclear tests. They have accused Islamabad of weaponising extremist proxies such as IS-Khurasan to crush peaceful political voices. They also note that the Baloch have historically shown goodwill towards the United States and have never targeted American forces or interests, even during the Soviet war in Afghanistan or the post-9/11 NATO operations.

Trump announces plans to tap oil in Pakistan

US President Donald Trump recently unveiled a new trade agreement with Islamabad to jointly develop Pakistan’s “massive oil reserves”. The announcement came just hours after he slapped the first round of 25% tariff and additional penalties on Indian imports. Interestingly, Trump claimed that someday Pakistan might be selling oil to India.

In a post on social media platform Truth Social, Trump said, “We have just concluded a Deal with the Country of Pakistan, whereby Pakistan and the United States will work together on developing their massive Oil Reserves… Who knows, maybe they’ll be selling Oil to India some day!”

Source: Truth Social

While there were no timelines or corporate partners mentioned in the post, the statement hinted at a potential deepening of US involvement in Pakistan’s energy sector. Given that most of Pakistan’s known oil and much of its gas, as well as prospective reserves, lie in Balochistan, the move stirred political conversations about what role Washington could play in the resource-rich but politically restive province already being exploited by Pakistan and China.

Balochistan’s vast and largely untapped resource wealth

Balochistan is often described as the most resource-rich province in Pakistan. However, it remains the most underdeveloped region. The rugged terrains of Balochistan hold a vast variety of minerals and energy reserves. If properly harnessed, these reserves could transform not only the economy of the province but also Pakistan’s industrial and energy landscape.

The extensive list of reserves includes coal, chromite, barites, sulfur, marble, iron ore, quartzite, and limestone along with world-class copper and gold deposits. The Chaghi district alone hosts sulfur at Koh-e-Sultan, vast marble stretches near the Iranian border, high-grade onyx, and an estimated 30 million tons of iron ore. Khuzdar boasts the country’s largest barytes reserve at over 2 million tons, while Muslimbagh and Lasbela’s chromite mines account for over 80 percent of Pakistan’s total production.

The energy resources of Balochistan are equally significant. The Sui Gas Field, which was discovered in 1952, still produces around 300 MMSCFD of natural gas. The Saindak Copper-Gold mines yield over seven tons of processed metal annually while the Reko Diq deposit has an estimate of 5.9 billion tons of ore containing copper and over 41 million ounces of gold.

Beyond fossil fuels and minerals, the province holds immense renewable energy potential. With some of Pakistan’s highest levels of solar radiation and strong wind corridors, Balochistan could, in theory, become a hub for clean energy generation.

However, actions of the Pakistani government have always been against the people of Balochistan. The resistance in the region is caused by the discriminatory behaviour of the Pakistani government towards the people of Balochistan.

The Baloch struggle for freedom

Recently, amid the backdrop of military tensions between India and Pakistan following the Pahalgam terrorist attack, the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) reiterated its call for independence from Islamabad and urged the United Nations to recognise what it terms the Democratic Republic of Balochistan. The province is home to the Baloch ethnic group for centuries and has endured a long history of armed resistance against central rule.

Historically, Balochistan was an independent entity under the Khan of Kalat. When the British withdrew from India in 1947, a Standstill Agreement was signed on 11th August which recognised Kalat as an independent state under British supervision. However, in March 1948, Pakistan coerced the Khan of Kalat into signing an instrument of accession which was against his will and the wishes of the Baloch people. The forced merger marked the beginning of a turbulent relationship with the Pakistani state.

Since 1948, Balochistan has witnessed five major insurgencies which happened in 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973-77 and the ongoing conflict that began in the early 2000s. The grievances have remained consistent including political marginalisation, resource exploitation, and a systematic campaign of violent suppression.

Under the infamous ‘Kill and Dump’ policy, which began in 2009, countless Baloch activists, leaders, and sympathisers have been abducted, tortured, and killed. Today, the BLA remains at the forefront of the movement, continuing its struggle despite relentless attempts by the Pakistani regime to crush it.

Pakistan blames India for Baloch rebels; India pushes back, as Trump’s tilt could amplify Islamabad’s line

For years, Islamabad has framed the Baloch insurgency as an Indian project. The pattern continued this summer. After a deadly school bus blast in Khuzdar in May 2025, Pakistani officials publicly claimed an Indian hand. New Delhi, however, rejected the claims as “baseless” and an attempt to “hoodwink the world”.

Army Chief of Pakistan, Asim Munir, has repeatedly pointed to India’s RAW as the driver of violence in Balochistan, even as attacks on rails, convoys and outposts have intensified. Indian media and analysts have noted the familiar script and India has dismissed the charges as diversionary rhetoric.

The blame against India is not new. In June 2020, then-Prime Minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, accused India of orchestrating the Karachi Stock Exchange attack soon after officials said it bore the hallmarks of BLA operations. Pakistani police also floated an Indian link while probing the 2018 assault on the Chinese consulate in Karachi. India condemned those attacks and denied any involvement.

Even routine security steps are narrated through that prism. On 8th August 2025, Islamabad suspended mobile data across Balochistan and officials again cited BLA activity and Indian backing.

Why this matters now? Washington has just tightened the screws on the BLA and moved it onto the Foreign Terrorist Organisation list and updated aliases. It has strengthened Pakistan’s talking points on the international platform. At the same time, Trump has touted a US-Pakistan push to tap “massive” Pakistan oil reserves, a political signal that could see him echo parts of Islamabad’s narrative as the energy angle intersects with security messaging around Balochistan.

The combination of fresh US terror designations and Trump’s oil overtures risks giving Islamabad more airtime to sell its India-centric story abroad.

Could Balochistan become the next US “war front”?

As the US increasingly deepens its engagement with Pakistan, especially via an oil and energy agreement that touches on Balochistan, it is worth pondering if this volatile region could emerge as a new battlefield in Washington’s global strategy following Ukraine, Iran, Iraq and Syria.

India has repeatedly rejected Pakistan’s narrative regarding Baloch unrest. However, the evolving US-Pakistan relations may unwittingly legitimise Islamabad’s framing. American involvement in Balochistan’s resource sector will not stabilise the region but risks exacerbating tension and militarisation. There is a possibility that US involvement will amplify violence, worsen militarisation, and fuel the ongoing repression of the Baloch people.

Meanwhile, Baloch voices themselves are pushing back. Mir Yar Baloch, a prominent leader in the region, recently wrote to Trump and said that Pakistan had deliberately misrepresented the location of valuable oil, gas and mineral reserves. He argued that it lies in the “Republic of Balochistan” and not Pakistan proper. He warned that the resource deal could mistakenly empower Pakistan’s intelligence apparatus.

Trump’s energy overtures should be seen as a strategic lever against India, and of course, China, which is already present in the region exploiting the resources. There is a possibility that future US policy could become entangled in Balochistan’s insurgency, making it another geopolitical flashpoint. Just as Washington has been drawn into theatres as varied as Eastern Europe and the Middle East, Balochistan may yet become the next frontier, unless its people’s own aspirations are acknowledged and represented.

From polo tragedy to power struggle: The Rs 30,000 crore estate dispute of Sunjay Kapur, Karisma Kapoor’s ex-husband —Explained

Rukma Rathore
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From polo tragedy to power struggle: The Rs 30,000 crore estate dispute of Sunjay Kapur, Karisma Kapoor’s ex-husband —Explained

Divorces and deaths represent not merely personal matters but also significant property disputes for the wealthy and famous. The division of joint property has become more complex with the addition of overseas assets, opulent homes and farmhouses. When former spouses, current partners, stepchildren and offsprings are involved, the situation becomes greatly exacerbated, transforming it into a spectacle as each side strives to assert their maximum dominance.

The same has been unfolding following the unexpected death of actress Karisma Kapoor’s ex-husband Sunjay Kapur, on 12th June. He was the chairman of auto components major Sona BLW Precision Forgings Limited also known as Sona Comstar.

The 53-year-old suffered a heart attack after ingesting a bee during a match at Windsor’s Guards Polo club in London. Along with the sorrow left in the wake of his passing, the family is now also dealing with the complications related to the inheritance of his 30,000 crore fortune.

They are currently embroiled in an inheritance battle that only grew uglier after the billionaire’s mother, Rani Kapur claimed to be the legitimate heir and accused some people of attempting to “usurp the family legacy.” The tragedy triggered various top-tier changes in the company leading to her outburst. She even described his death as “highly suspicious and unexplained.”

Mandhira Kapur shares cryptic post

Mandhira Kapur Smith who acknowledged her estrangement from her late brother posted a cryptic message on Instagram after Raksha Bandhan with an image posing alongside Sunjay and their mother.

“The thread that binds us, invisible yet strong, remains unbroken, as eternal as our memories. I relive the moments spent with you, and now, I find myself protecting what you would have wanted, and what dad dreamed, though it was always meant to be the other way around. If you were still here, everything would be different, everything would be better, my dear Bhaiya,” she wrote on social media.

Mandhira added, “You carried dad’s legacy with strength. I know you would’ve kept building upon it. Protecting your memory is my sacred duty. We are brave and I know you’ll continue to protect us.”

Mandhira also opened up about the distance between the siblings along with their photographs, a few months ago. “My brother and I may not have spoken for the last 4 years, a silly sibling squabble escalated to crazy levels due to egos and natural bullishness, however, that will never take back what we were and what we had,” she disclosed.

She further conveyed, “What happened towards the end has been both horrible and pointless. I will never have my moments with him again. We will never be us and it is devastating that we didn’t fix what had become broken and so now my heart is the same. I am sure he knew despite our recent estrangement that I loved him and in my soul I am sure he shared the same hope as I that one day we would be as amazing as we were for the first 47 years. Of this I am sure and take some small comfort.”

The Sona Group founder Dr Surinder Kapur died in 2015 after a brief illness in Munich. Afterward, his son Sunjay assumed control of the business.

Boardroom drama and Rani Kapur’s allegations

The authorities in the United Kingdom concluded that Sunjay’s death was caused by natural causes while his mother cried foul play. According to the coroner’s findings, it happened due to ischaemic heart disease and left ventricular hypertrophy. The report was shared by his third wife Priya Sachdev Kapur’s office.

The results coincided with Rani’s demand of a thorough investigation into the circumstances surrounding her son’s death and she even approached the authorities. “For my client, as a mother, it’s deeply painful to watch this being dismissed as a mere freak accident and cardiac arrest. The truth doesn’t match the headlines,” pointed out senior advocate Vaibhav Gaggar.

On 23rd June the board unanimously elected Jeffrey Mark Overly as chairman of the firm. In a letter dated 24th July, Rani accused that while the family was grieving, some individuals took advantage of the moment to capture power and hijack the family’s heritage.

The former chairman of the Sona Group even maintained that she was coerced into signing some paperwork while suffering mental turmoil soon after the death of her son and was subjected to financial restrictions.

She also asked for the company’s annual general meeting to be postponed which interestingly included a resolution designating Priya as a non-executive director. She had warned against appointing new directors but the latter’s appointment was accepted by the shareholders on 25th July with the requisite (99% votes) majority.

Rani asserted that she was the only beneficiary of her late husband estate, based on a 30th June 2015 will and hence held a controlling stake in the Sona Group which comprised of Sona Comstar. She additionally expressed worries regarding the company’s management of its legacy.

Sona Comstar, however, countered in a regulatory filing that according to the company’s records, Rani hasn’t had stock in the business since at least 2019. It stressed that she has not been involved with the company since then and it has served her with a legal notice for making what was characterised as “false” statements. Sunjay was identified as the only beneficial owner of the RK Family Trust.

Sunjay Kapur’s wives and children

Forbes estimates that Sunjay had a net worth of $1.2 billion (₹10,300 crore), reaching a peak of $1.6 billion (₹13,000 crore) in 2022 and 2024. He is the only beneficiary of the RK Family Trust, which owns the promoter stake in Sona Comstar through Aureus Investments Private Limited. Interestingly, Priya would inherit his wealth and estate management after his death.

Sunjay married three times. His first wife was fashion designer Nandita Mahtani and the couple had no kids. He then married actress Karisma Kapoor and they had two children. He gifted his daughter Samaira (20) and son Kiaan Raj (14), bonds totalling ₹14 crore which ensured an income of ₹10 lakh a month for each of them. A house that had belonged to Surinder Kapur was given to Karisma Kapoor.

The actor is not involved in the dispute and has no intention of pursuing any portion of the property, reported Times Entertainment. However, Samaira and Kiaan were termed as the “rightful heirs to their father’s estate.” A source unveiled, “Karisma Kapoor is not involved in any inheritance or property-related matters. She has no claim, nor is she seeking any share in the estate. Her only concern is the well-being and future of her children. They will receive what is due to them. Karisma’s focus remains entirely on them.”

The business magnate took model Priya Sachdev as his third spouse. The pair has a son named Azarias. He also adopted Safira Chatwal, Priya’s daughter from her previous marriage and she changed her surname to Kapur. Priya and Azarias are now in charge of the trust through Aureus Investment which owns a significant portion (28% or ₹8,000 crore) of Sona Comstar, based on a report in Mint.

The company’s current ownership dynamic

Given their holdings of RK Family Trust and Raghuvanshi Investment, Aureus Investment which is the only major shareholder in Sona Comstar notified the Union Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA) that Priya and her son are the company’s significant beneficial owners. 92% of Aureus is owned by the other two businesses together.

65% of Aureus Investment is controlled by RK Family Trust while 27% is held by Raghuvanshi Investment Private Limited. Furthermore, Aureus Investment possessed 39% of Raghuvanshi Investment while the trust maintained 48%. The major promoter entity of Sona Comstar, Aureus Investment belongs to the family members that control the trust under this firm ownership structure.

Priya, Azarias, Samaira and Kiaan are the major beneficial proprietors of the businesses and the RK Family Trust, according to Aureus Investment. This indicates that Rani Kapur is not the key trust’s beneficiary owner.

Vivek Vikram Singh, the MD and Group CEO of Sona Comstar, stated that the company had not been made aware of Sunjay Kapur’s successor as beneficiary owner of the RK Family Trust, after the company’s earnings release on 4th August. Afterward, Aureus Investment was notified of the same within two days of the remarks.

According to practicing company secretary Gaurav Pingle, declaration of changes in significant beneficial owners is required if an entity owns more than 10% of an Indian company. Singh also downplayed the family conflict and argued that the media exaggerated it.

Pakistan: Hindu and Christian children being forced to convert to Islam and girls being forced to marry older Muslim men, says NCRC report

OpIndia Staff
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Pakistan: Hindu and Christian children being forced to convert to Islam and girls being forced to marry older Muslim men, says NCRC report

A report from Pakistan’s own National Commission on the Rights of the Child (NCRC) has exposed the serious and long-standing discrimination faced by children from minority religions, especially Christians and Hindus in the country.

The study, titled “Situation Analysis of Children from Minority Religions in Pakistan,” paints a worrying picture of bias, neglect, and abuse, and urges the government to take immediate action. But many doubt whether this call will lead to any real change.

According to a report by Christian Daily International, the minority children in Pakistan face “severe challenges”, that are part of a wider, ongoing pattern, not just isolated cases. Problems like forced religious conversions, child marriages, and child labour, often in bonded or slave-like conditions are a daily reality for thousands of Christian and Hindu children.

One of the most disturbing findings is that young girls from minority communities are still being kidnapped, forced to convert to Islam, and married to much older Muslim men. The report says victims have “few legal options” because of bias in the system, weak law enforcement, and huge social pressure.

The report also discusses the number of Christian and Hindu children trapped in bonded labour, particularly in brick kilns or farm work. Such families are already caught in the cycle of poverty and discrimination, and little has been done by the government to safeguard them or end the cycle.

The NCRC is demanding immediate reforms legislation to safeguard against forced conversion and child marriage, education policies that accommodated all religions, and effective enforcement of child labour laws. But the Commission’s chairperson, Ayesha Raza Farooq, admits progress has been very slow because of “fragmented efforts, lack of coordination, and limited political will.”

Pirbhu Lal Satyani, the NCRC’s representative for minority rights in Sindh, said this study maps out the many layers of vulnerability these children face. He described them as “the most marginalised,” facing “stigma, stereotyping, and structural exclusion.”

The evidence is clear. The abuse and neglect of minority children is not a rumour, not an exaggeration, it’s documented by the country’s own institutions. The real question now is whether Pakistan will take action to protect these children, or continue to turn a blind eye.

Uttar Pradesh: Hindu organisations look to reclaim the temple site in Fatehpur, they say that the tomb there is a temple site

OpIndia Staff
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Uttar Pradesh: Hindu organisations look to reclaim the temple site in Fatehpur, they say that the tomb there is a temple site

An ancient tomb in Fatehpur district of Uttar Pradesh was desecrated on Monday, 11th August, by members of a Hindu organisation. The medieval-age monument was constructed above an ancient temple. Now, the Hindus are trying to get it back by protesting around the tomb. The vandalism has seen the police intensify their deployment in the area, and barricades have been erected to lock down the contested site.

The building is situated in Abu Nagar, Rediya locality of Sadar tehsil. In government land records (Khasra number 753), it has been described as Maqbara Mangi and is regarded as national property. Members of the Math Mandir Sanrakshan Sangharsh Samiti and BJP activists stated that the place was initially a temple of Thakurji and Lord Shiva, dating back more than a thousand years.

Hindus are protesting by waving saffron flags, shouting religious slogans, and encircling the tomb. The protest gained steam after BJP district president Mukhlal Pal stated that the location, which has been identified as the tomb of Nawab Abdus Samad, was an old temple that had been modified over the years.

Pal said that lotus patterns and trident motifs within the building established it as a temple. He blamed former authorities for turning it into a mosque and promised not to let what he termed “temple encroachment.”

He said prayers would be performed at the site despite the administration’s opposition and invited followers to assemble at Puri Thakur Dak Bungalow for a march and prayer.

Vishwa Hindu Parishad member Virendra Pandey supported these statements. “The place was dedicated to Lord Bholenath and Shri Krishna,” he said, citing religious symbols, a temple well, and a circumambulation path. They were going to clean the place for Janmashtami on 16th August, he added. He also attacked the administration for not listening to their pleas despite earlier intimation.

Speaking to the media, Fatehpur District Co-convenor of Bajrang Dal, Dharmendra Singh, said, “We will offer prayers here at noon. The Administration will not be able to stop us. In the Hindu religion, no one can take away our right to offer prayers. It is our temple, which they are referring to as a tomb.”

Meanwhile, National Ulama Council national secretary Mo Naseem criticised the vandalism. He described it as an effort to rewrite history and incite communal tensions. Naseem stated that the site has graves centuries old and is listed in government records. He questioned if the same objection would now be raised against every mosque and tomb in the country. He threatened that his organisation would call protests if the 11th August programme proceeded.

Pakistan’s Asim Munir threatens Mukesh Ambani: From Adani to Ambani, how US backed elements are trying to target India’s industrialists – with the tacit support of Rahul Gandhi

Amit Kelkar
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Pakistan’s Asim Munir threatens Mukesh Ambani: From Adani to Ambani, how US backed elements are trying to target India’s industrialists – with the tacit support of Rahul Gandhi

The spectacle of Pakistan’s Field Marshal Asim Munir, in full rhetorical overdrive at a private dinner in Tampa, Florida, reveals us far more than it seems at first glance. In what should have been a harmless diaspora meet-and-greet, Pakistan’s most powerful man, a uniformed madrasa-bred jihadi who effectively controls Islamabad’s foreign and security policy, turned the evening into a sermon of bile, nuclear threats, and religiously-charged warnings against India, once again proving Pakistan has gone to the dogs, with its reins in the hands of deluded Islamic supremacists and not men of character.

But the truly chilling moment came when Munir shifted from the familiar Pakistan Army playbook of spewing venom against India and boasting imaginary victory to targeting an individual, Mukesh Ambani, Chairman and Managing Director of Reliance Industries. Here, the tone moved from geopolitical rivalry to something personal and insidious: an explicit invocation of Quranic imagery to threaten a private Indian citizen whose only “crime” is building one of the most successful companies in Asia.

The Ambani threat: Surah Al-Fil and economic warfare

Munir proudly recounted that during the recent Four-Day War, he had authorised a social media post pairing Surah Al-Fil, the Quranic chapter describing the destruction of an enemy’s war elephants by divine intervention, with Ambani’s photograph.

“Ek tweet karwaya tha with Surah Fil and a picture of [industrialist] Mukesh Ambani to show them what we will do the next time,” he bragged.

In Islamic tradition, Surah Al-Fil is a story of overwhelming, almost miraculous destruction. By juxtaposing this imagery with Ambani, Munir wasn’t making a poetic point, he was issuing a coded, religiously loaded threat. And it wasn’t just bluster about missiles and dams; it was an explicit signal that Pakistan could try to strike at India’s economic core by targeting its business elite. This wasn’t a Field Marshal speaking; it was an Islamic Mullah peddling vitriol against one of India’s most successful businessman.

He went further:

“We’ll start from India’s East, where they have located their most valuable resources, and then move westwards.”

This is economic targeting wrapped in military threat, cloaked in theological symbolism. It marks a shift in Pakistan’s propaganda from attacking India’s territorial integrity to trying to sabotage its financial ecosystem.

From missiles to metaphors: India, a shining Mercedes and Pakistan, a dump truck

Munir’s Mercedes-versus-dump-truck analogy was another attempt to paint Pakistan as a “spoiler” power capable of inflicting damage on a far stronger neighbour.

“India is shining Mercedes coming on a highway like Ferrari [sic], but we are a dump truck full of gravel. If the truck hits the car, who is going to be the loser?”

The metaphor is telling. In his mind, Pakistan’s ability to self-destruct while causing collateral damage is not a bug; it’s a feature. And Ambani, representing the “Mercedes” of India’s corporate success, fits perfectly into this target profile.

Economic decapitation as a strategy

This is where Munir’s outburst connects with a larger pattern: anti-India forces, both domestic and international, have long recognised that undermining India’s business champions is an effective way to slow its rise.

India’s corporate giants: Ambani’s Reliance Industries, Gautam Adani’s conglomerate, Tata, Infosys, Wipro are not just companies; they are engines of GDP growth, employment, technological innovation, and global influence. Discrediting or damaging them doesn’t just hurt shareholders; it dents national confidence, slows infrastructure growth, and narrows fiscal room for strategic investments.

Munir’s playbook to intimidate the industrialists who fuel India’s rise dovetails eerily with the political strategy of one Indian politician: Rahul Gandhi.

Rahul Gandhi’s long war against India’s economic champions

For a long time now, Rahul Gandhi has obsessively targeted Ambani and Adani in speeches, Parliament, and on foreign tours, often using Ambani-Adani jibe to strike a resonance with the masses and insinuate that the current regime in India is a ‘suit boot ki sarkaar’. Though the charge has never struck, much like his diatribe against Rafale Deal and other issues, what began as rhetorical jibes (“Modi-Adani-Ambani nexus”) has now evolved into something darker: actively amplifying foreign attacks on Indian companies, sometimes at moments of high geopolitical sensitivity.

The Adani hit job and the Hindenburg web

In early 2023, US-based short-seller Hindenburg Research released a scathing report on the Adani Group, accusing it of stock manipulation and accounting fraud. The allegations, which the Supreme Court of India later found unsubstantiated, came just days before Adani was to finalise the $1.2 billion acquisition of Haifa Port in Israel, a strategic move welcomed by the Israeli government.

According to an unverified but widely-circulated report attributed to Sputnik India, Israeli intelligence agency Mossad believed the timing was no coincidence. Mossad allegedly traced a web of communications suggesting coordination between Hindenburg, certain Western activist networks, Chinese economic interests, and a “key face from India’s opposition dynasty”: Rahul Gandhi.

The report even claimed Mossad hacked into Sam Pitroda’s servers (Pitroda being the head of the Indian Overseas Congress) and found incriminating exchanges discussing how to maximise the political fallout from the Hindenburg allegations.

While the full veracity of these claims remains to be proven, the circumstantial alignments, from Gandhi’s rapid and sustained public amplification of the Hindenburg report to his meetings with known Soros-funded activists, have raised eyebrows in Indian security circles.

Soros, OCCRP, and the NGO nexus

The Open Society Foundations of George Soros have openly declared a desire to see regime change in India. Soros-funded projects include the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), which published follow-up reports against Adani.

Rahul Gandhi’s 2023 US visit saw him share a stage at the Hudson Institute with Sunita Vishwanath, co-founder of “Hindus for Human Rights”, an outfit notorious for anti-Hindu rhetoric and funded by Soros’s network. This was no coincidence. Soros himself, at the Munich Security Conference, made no secret of his hope that Adani’s troubles would weaken Modi politically.

It’s here that the overlap with Asim Munir’s strategy becomes glaring. Soros, Hindenburg, OCCRP, all push narratives aimed at discrediting India’s corporate champions. Munir openly fantasises about physically or economically “removing” them. Rahul Gandhi obligingly echoes and legitimises these talking points inside India.

Rahul Gandhi’s call for US intervention

However, the most brazen episode came when Rahul Gandhi tweeted that PM Modi could not stand up to US President Donald Trump because of an ongoing US investigation into Adani, hinting that Washington should use this “leverage” against India. The most shocking part was the timing of the insinuation, which came bang in the middle of an ongoing escalation between India and the United States as Trump kept imposing successive waves of tariffs, apparently to force India into signing an unfair trade deal with America.

While India stood its ground and refuse to cave under pressure, it showed how the Leader of Opposition was willing to use a tricky geopolitical situation for the nation to his political advantage.

This was no less than a political dynamite: an Indian opposition leader inviting a foreign power to use a corporate investigation as a pressure tactic against his own country’s Prime Minister.

At precisely the moment Washington was trying to force India into an unequal trade deal and threatening tariffs of up to 25% on Indian goods, Gandhi was effectively handing them a tool to coerce New Delhi. From Pakistan’s point of view, this is perfect alignment: the enemy’s internal politics doing the work you hoped to achieve through coercion.

Munir and Gandhi: Using different routes to reach the same destination

On the surface, Asim Munir and Rahul Gandhi could not be more different. One is a career soldier who rose to the top of a military dictatorship’s food chain; the other, a dynastic politician in a democracy.

Both Asim Munir and Rahul Gandhi, though operating from entirely different positions, ultimately contribute to a similar outcome: undermining India’s economic backbone. Munir seeks to delegitimise India’s corporate champions like Mukesh Ambani through overt threats, destruction imagery, and religiously-charged intimidation, while Gandhi chips away at them politically by relentlessly vilifying industrialists and echoing or amplifying hostile foreign reports.

In doing so, both risk eroding investor confidence, knowing that jittery markets and wary global investors can slow India’s growth, stall expansion plans, and weaken its strategic leverage. They also attempt to leverage foreign powers for this purpose: Munir by courting Western capitals and diaspora audiences with anti-India rhetoric, and Gandhi by nudging the US and its allies to pressure New Delhi under the pretext of “investigations” or “human rights” concerns.

The psychological component

Munir’s targeting of Ambani is not just about calling for an economic attack against India; it is also about creating fear. If Indian business leaders begin to feel that their prominence makes them targets of not just political attacks but transnational threats, they may be more cautious in backing large national projects or investing in risky but strategically vital sectors like defence manufacturing or 5G infrastructure.

Pakistan, on the other hand, is a basket-case, surviving on western alms and paralysing its public with brute force, most evident with the imprisonment of former Prime Minister Imran Khan after he rebelled against the Pakistan Army. What Munir has successfully executed in Pakistan is what he is urging his loyal “pious Muslim followers” to try with Ambani: create a fear psychosis and break the back of India’s economy.

Gandhi’s rhetoric, on the other hand, amplified by media outlets aligned with anti-India lobbies, serves a similar purpose domestically: it paints business-government cooperation as inherently corrupt, thereby disincentivising bold investments in national projects.

Operation Sindoor’s resounding success and India’s economic boom sends Asim Munir into a full-blown religious frenzy

It is no coincidence that Munir’s nuclear threat came hours after the Indian Air Force Chief revealed damaging costs, including five fighter jets and a likely AWACS aircraft, inflicted on Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. The Indian Navy was also well-prepared to take down Karachi Port. Still, it was restrained by PM Modi after the Pakistani DGMO came begging for a truce along the Line of Control and the International Border. The recent declaration runs against Pakistan’s fake narrative of giving India a bloody nose during the conflict and undermines the already diminishing credibility of Asif Munir and his country’s defence forces.

Another factor that may have played an instrumental role in pushing Munir towards regurgitating a jihadi bile is the realisation that India is poised to become an economic powerhouse in foreseeable future. Moreover, India’s rise in the last decade has been fuelled as much by private enterprise as by state policy. Reliance’s Jio revolutionised telecom and digital infrastructure. Adani’s port and energy projects have bolstered connectivity and supply chains. Tata’s acquisitions and tech expansion have raised India’s global profile.

To strike at these players, whether through Pakistani missile threats or coordinated global smear campaigns, is to attack India’s growth engine.

What Munir signalled in Tampa is that Pakistan sees this clearly. What should trouble Indians even more is that an influential domestic political leader appears to be running a parallel playbook, willingly or otherwise.

Convergence of Munir’s threats and Gandhi’s rhetoric should alarm patriotic Indians

This convergence between Pakistan’s military leadership and India’s internal political opposition on the economic front should set off alarm bells in New Delhi’s policy and intelligence circles. The response must be clinical, multi-layered, and unequivocal.

To safeguard its economic sovereignty, India must adopt a multi-pronged approach. Strategic communication should be used to expose and counter foreign propaganda targeting its corporate sector, while simultaneously highlighting the indispensable role these companies play in national development.

Legal safeguards must be strengthened to crack down on foreign-funded disinformation campaigns, with strict punitive measures for domestic actors who knowingly aid such efforts. Business diplomacy should proactively involve India’s corporate leaders in global strategic outreach, making them harder targets for international smear operations. Needless to say, security of such potential targets should be strengthened. Finally, political accountability is essential, all parties must draw an unequivocal red line against inviting foreign economic coercion, ensuring that partisan politics never compromises national economic security.

Rahul Gandhi is still below 60. He may well have a chance to govern the country a decade later if he course-corrects. But desperation to depose a democratically elected out of office based on cooked-up allegations of cronyism is not only wise political move; it also threatens to India’s economic growth trajectory.

Asim Munir’s Tampa dinner speech was more than a moment of diplomatic indiscretion; it was a declaration of intent. By explicitly invoking Mukesh Ambani alongside Quranic imagery of destruction, Pakistan’s army chief made it clear that India’s economic powerhouses are now squarely in his crosshairs.

Rahul Gandhi, through his relentless vilification of Ambani and Adani and his willingness to amplify foreign attacks on them, ends up advancing the very outcome Munir desires: a weaker, more hesitant, less confident India on the global stage.

It’s said that politics makes strange bedfellows. In this case, the bedfellows may never meet, but their strategies, intentionally or not, are pulling in the same direction. And that should concern every Indian who understands that economic strength is the bedrock of national security.

Air India debunks Congress leader KC Venugopal’s ‘harrowing journey’ claim over Air India Thiruvananthapuram-Delhi flight diversion

OpIndia Staff
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Air India debunks Congress leader KC Venugopal’s ‘harrowing journey’ claim over Air India Thiruvananthapuram-Delhi flight diversion

An Air India flight from Thiruvananthapuram to Delhi was diverted to Chennai following a suspected technical issue and weather conditions along the route on Sunday, August 10.

A political storm has erupted over the incident after Congress leader KC Venugopal, who was onboard the flight, claimed that he and other MPs onboard experienced a “harrowing journey”. However, the Congress leader got fact-checked by Air India.

Vengugopal said that while he, along with multiple other MPs, experienced a “harrowing journey” after AI 2455 flight from Trivandrum to Delhi experienced turbulence, leading to a precautionary landing in Chennai. He said in a post on X that while a landing was attempted for the first time, another aircraft was already present at the same spot, and the pilot’s “quick decision” to pull up at the last second saved the passengers. 

“Air India flight AI 2455 from Trivandrum to Delhi – carrying myself, several MPs, and hundreds of passengers – came frighteningly close to tragedy today. What began as a delayed departure turned into a harrowing journey. Shortly after take-off, we were hit by unprecedented turbulence. About an hour later, the Captain announced a flight signal fault and diverted to Chennai. For nearly two hours, we circled the airport awaiting clearance to land, until a heart-stopping moment during our first attempt – another aircraft was reportedly on the same runway. In that split second, the Captain’s quick decision to pull up saved every life on board,” Venugopal said.

“The flight landed safely on the second attempt. We were saved by skill and luck. Passenger safety cannot depend on luck. I urge @DGCAIndia and  @MoCA_GoI to investigate this incident urgently, fix accountability, and ensure such lapses never happen again,” he added.

Responding to the claims made by KC Venugopal, Air India said that no aircraft was present on the runway during that time, that standard protocols were followed, and diversion being done as a precautionary measures and their pilots are well trained to handle such situations. 

“Dear Mr Venugopal, we would like to clarify that the diversion to Chennai was precautionary due to a suspected technical issue and poor weather conditions. A go-around was instructed by Chennai ATC during the first attempted landing at Chennai airport, not because of the presence of another aircraft on the runway. Our pilots are well-trained to handle such situations, and in this case, they followed standard procedures throughout the flight. We understand that such an experience can be unsettling and regret the inconvenience the diversion may have caused to you. However, safety is always our priority. Thank you for your understanding,” Air India replied under KC Venugopal’s X post. 

Meanwhile, the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) on Monday released a statement on the diversion of Air India flight and said that the diversion was due to bad weather and the crew suspected a weather RADAR malfunction. The flight circled over Chennai to burn extra fuel and it aborted first landing attempt at Chennai as instructed by ATC after a departing Gulf Air flight reported debris on runway. 

Upon landing, the engineering inspection found no deficiency but as a precautionary measure, the radar transreceiver of the aircraft was replaced, the DGCA said in a statement today. 

“On 10.08.2025, Air India A320 aircraft VT-TNL was scheduled to operate flight AI2455 (Thiruvananthapuram-Delhi) with a scheduled time of departure as 19:15 IST. Due to the late arrival of aircraft from Delhi (Weather Diversion +consequential+commercial), the aircraft departed Thiruvananthapuram at 20:04 IST, i.e. with a total delay of 49 minutes,” the statement read.

“Crew observed that the weather information depicted on the weather RADAR was not accurate, suspecting weather RADAR malfunction diverted to Chennai,” DGCA added further in its statement. 

“To avoid an overweight landing and burn extra fuel, the aircraft with the ATC clearance orbited 25NM northeast of Chennai for 43 minutes (from 21:25IST to 22:08IST). After the aircraft was cleared for approach Runway 25 at Chennai, at 2219IST, the aircraft was instructed to carry out a missed approach by ATC as departing Gulf Air flight GFA053 Chennai -Bahrain reported debris on the left side of the runway,” read the lines of the statement.

As a precautionary measure, DGCA said that “Apron control carried out an inspection of the runway, and nothing was observed. The aircraft was given landing clearance and landed safely at 22:39 IST. During the engineering inspection, no deficiency was observed. However, as a precautionary measure, the WX radar transreceiver was replaced with a serviceable one.”

DGCA statement

Despite the authorities clarifying the facts of the incident, Congress leader KC Venugopal remains adamant and even went on to accuse Air India of lying. “There should be an inquiry into the issue. An unfortunate incident happened yesterday. It was announced by the pilot that there was another aircraft on the runway when we were going to land. I spoke to DGCA as well. Let them have an inquiry. Air India is lying…” he said.

Meawnhile, BJP leader Amit Malviya said that if venugopal’s claims are proven false, he should be put on a no-fly list. 

“This is extremely serious. If senior Congress leader KC Venugopal claims an Air India flight had to abort landing in Chennai because another aircraft was on the runway and the airline immediately contradicts him, then one of them is misrepresenting facts. Aviation safety is paramount, and social media posts from supposedly responsible people cannot go unscrutinised. If the allegation is true, Chennai ATC and Air India have much to answer for. If not, Mr Venugopal should face consequences, including being put on a no-fly list for spreading falsehoods,” Malviya wrote on X.

Minister in Congress-ruled Karnataka questions why party did not raise objections to draft list when it was prepared, puts ‘vote chori’ propagandist Rahul Gandhi in tough spot

OpIndia Staff
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Minister in Congress-ruled Karnataka questions why party did not raise objections to draft list when it was prepared, puts ‘vote chori’ propagandist Rahul Gandhi in tough spot

Karnataka Cooperation Minister KN Rajanna has stirred up debate in his own party by openly questioning why the Congress stayed quiet about alleged voter list manipulation when it was in power. His comments came just days after Congress leader Rahul Gandhi accused the Election Commission of helping in “vote theft” during the last Lok Sabha elections.

According to the media reports, Rajanna said the voter rolls used in those elections were prepared when the Congress government was in charge. “If there were irregularities, why didn’t anyone speak up then? Why were we silent?” he asked, making it clear that he was challenging his own party colleagues.

“When the draft list was being prepared, wasn’t it our responsibility to check it?” KN Rajanna asked.

While Rahul Gandhi has been vocal now about “vote theft,” Rajanna expressed disappointment that nothing was said earlier. “These irregularities happened right in front of us. Staying silent back then is shameful for all of us. We should admit this and make sure we are more alert in the future under Rahul Gandhi’s leadership,” he said.

Rajanna also reacted to news that Rahul Gandhi reportedly went to Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge’s residence instead of complaining directly to the Election Commission. “I don’t know the details. After the Bengaluru event, I went straight to Tumakuru. I’m not aware of what happened after that,” he clarified.

Rajanna’s unusually frank statements have created a stir in the Congress, raising questions about whether the party has been careful enough in monitoring the electoral process and about how open members can be about mistakes made under their own watch.

Rahul Gandhi’s “vote chori” remarks 

Congress party leader Rahul Gandhi has recently accused the Election Commission of contributing to the creation of fake voters. At a press conference on Thursday, 7th August, he produced statistics from Karnataka’s Mahadevapura Assembly constituency in Bengaluru Central Lok Sabha constituency, saying that several voter entries in the voter list had “house number 0” and that numerous voters were listed at the same address. He called it a major conspiracy to steal elections in favour of the BJP.

However, when local Booth Level Officer (BLO) Muniratna was asked about it, he explained that the house in question was a rental property where tenants kept changing every year. No single family had stayed there permanently for the past 14 years. Many tenants, often migrant workers, had used their rental agreements to get voter IDs but later moved away without changing their registered address.

According to Muniratna, the list of people who no longer lived at that address had already been sent to the Election Commission, and their names will be struck off.  “These occupants are typically job seekers working as security guards, housekeepers, or domestic helpers. After acquiring voter IDs, many vacate the premises, but their names remain on the electoral rolls,” as per the India Today report. Although they were no longer residing there, they frequently kept their voter IDs listed at the old address so that they could continue to vote in elections.

This resulted in many voter IDs listing the same address, but it did not imply that everyone of them was residing there simultaneously or that there was any systematic fraud.

Despite this, Rahul Gandhi claimed that over one lakh votes in Mahadevapura out of a total of 6.5 lakh were either duplicates or linked to fake addresses. He presented these figures as proof of “vote chori” and argued that the BJP benefited from such irregularities.

Pakistan sinks to a new low, blocks supply of clean water, gas, and newspapers to Indian diplomats stationed in the country

OpIndia Staff
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Pakistan sinks to a new low, blocks supply of clean water, gas, and newspapers to Indian diplomats stationed in the country

Pakistan has been humiliated internationally following India’s “Operation Sindoor” as it sustained heavy losses during the conflict, leading it to sink even lower. Unable to confront India on the battlefield, the country has turned to crude tactics to express bitterness following its own incompetence and failures.

Islamabad has now resorted to targeted restrictions on basic services for Indian High Commission employees, escalating tensions between the two sides. According to senior government officials, the action was “deliberate, premeditated, and in breach of the Vienna Convention,” reported News18.

The development followed the suspension of the Indus Water Treaty as well as the successful military operation executed by New Delhi. Pakistan’s move is a part of a pattern of “petty retaliation” planned by its intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), to interfere with the living and working conditions of Indian diplomats in Islamabad, according to senior government officials.

Sui Northern Gas Pipelines Ltd (SNGPL) reportedly installed gas pipelines on the grounds of the Indian High Commission, however the supply has been purposefully stopped. Pakistani officials have told local gas cylinder sellers not to supply to Indian personnel. The vendors previously sold vital cooking and heating fuel earlier to the Indian mission.

As a result, diplomats and their families have been compelled to look for expensive and limited alternatives on the open market, frequently without success.

Furthermore, the harassment is not limited to fuel only. All outlets in Islamabad have been told not to supply mineral water to the Indian High Commission and its contracted supplier of clean drinking water has been prohibited from delivering. According to sources, this has caused quite a bit of inconvenience for the employees because the tap water in the area is unsafe to drink without thorough filtration.

Newspaper suppliers have also been instructed to completely cease providing publications to the mission in an effort to further limit the flow of information. Indian officials interpret the measure as an intentional strategy to deny regular access to print media to the staff and restrict their knowledge of local events, news and stories.

According to official sources, these acts undermine the already precarious foundation of India-Pakistan relations in addition to violating the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations which ensures the secure and dignified operation of embassies. The action is viewed as a continuation of Islamabad’s long-standing policy of applying pressure in unconventional and non-diplomatic ways rather than directly negotiating.

The 2019 Pulwama attack and the Balakot airstrikes that followed have put an end to India and Pakistan holding high-level bilateral discussions. “Operation Sindoor”, which dealt a serious blow to terrorists based in Pakistan, and Modi government’s resolute action to uphold the terms of the Indus Water Treaty in its favour have further choked the Pakistani lifeline and infuriated it causing new tensions in recent months.

Kerala: 23-year-old Christian woman commits suicide after being pressurised by her boyfriend Ramis and his family to convert to Islam

OpIndia Staff
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Kerala: 23-year-old Christian woman commits suicide after being pressurised by her boyfriend Ramis and his family to convert to Islam

The family of 23-year-old Christian girl Sona Eldos from Kothamangalam, Kerela has made serious allegations against her muslim boyfriend Ramis and his family after the girl committed suicide on Saturday, 9th August, in Kochi district of Kerala.

They said Sona was pressurised to convert to Islam for marriage and was subjected to harassment.

According to a report by News 18, Sona and Ramis, a native of Paravoor, fell in love during college. Later, Ramis’s family told her she would have to leave the church and convert to Islam if she want to marry him. Sona had reportedly agreed at one point, but her family says she was still treated cruelly.

Her brother told News18 that after their father passed away 40 days ago, the family had planned to hold the wedding for a year. However, he said that Ramis took Sona to his house, where she was locked in a room and beaten in the presence of family and friends.

The brother also claimed that in the past, Ramis had been involved in immoral activities but Sona had forgiven him. On the day of the incident, she was reportedly told again to register the marriage and change her religion. When she refused, Ramis told her she was “better off dead.”

Sona’s brother said she left a note saying she was being forced to convert to Islam. Soon after, she took her own life.

The family has called for a thorough investigation into the case, saying Sona’s death was the result of mental torture and religious pressure from her boyfriend and his family.

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