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Who is Ashok Ozha? The AAP leader seen with Kejriwal, Bhagwant Mann and Sisodia, now arrested in the fake ‘IB call’ case

What began as a political controversy over alleged intimidation of AAP workers in Gujarat has now taken an unexpected turn, with the investigation leading directly back to the party itself. AAP leaders, including Arvind Kejriwal, Gopal Italia, and Durgesh Pathak, had publicly alleged that party workers were receiving threatening phone calls from individuals claiming to be officers of the Intelligence Bureau (IB). The issue was amplified on social media, with questions raised about the alleged misuse of government agencies against political workers.

However, as the police investigation progressed, the narrative changed dramatically. The very case that AAP leaders had used to target the government and administrative machinery has now resulted in the Vadodara city president of the party, Ashok Ozha, being named as an accused.

Notably, Ashok Ozha is not an obscure figure within the Aam Aadmi Party. He has been associated with the party in Gujarat for several years and played an active role in its organisational expansion across the state. Throughout the period when AAP was attempting to establish itself as a major political force in Gujarat, Ozha was frequently seen alongside the party’s top leadership and enjoyed direct access to senior leaders.

Arvind Kejriwal with Ashok Ozha

Photographs and records from various party events show Ozha in the company of AAP national convenor Arvind Kejriwal, Gujarat leaders Isudan Gadhvi and Gopal Italia, Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, senior leader Manish Sisodia, and several other prominent faces of the party. He was also actively involved in organisational work and reportedly travelled to Delhi on multiple occasions to coordinate party activities.

Ozha with Gopal Rai and Bhagwant Mann

Ozha’s proximity to the party’s top leadership was not limited to occasional appearances. He was regularly present at key organisational events and maintained close working relationships with senior leaders. He was often seen with Gopal Rai, who previously served as AAP’s Gujarat in-charge, and was considered an influential organisational figure within the state unit.

Ozha with Manish Sisodia and Manoj Sorathiya

He also shared close ties with several Gujarat AAP leaders, including state president Isudan Gadhvi, Gopal Italia, and Manoj Sorathiya. Numerous photographs and public appearances over the years reflect his deep integration within the party structure.

What is the controversy?

The controversy began when several AAP leaders claimed that party workers and office-bearers in Gujarat were receiving suspicious phone calls from individuals introducing themselves as officers of the Intelligence Bureau (IB).

The issue gained significant attention after former Delhi MLA and AAP leader Durgesh Pathak publicly alleged that party workers in Gujarat were being contacted from a particular mobile number by a person claiming to be an IB officer.

Soon afterwards, Arvind Kejriwal himself raised the matter on social media. He claimed that one of the party’s workers had received such a call and further stated that he personally dialled the number in question. According to Kejriwal, when he asked whether the caller was from the IB, he received an affirmative response. However, after identifying himself as Arvind Kejriwal, the caller allegedly disconnected the call.

Kejriwal subsequently questioned under what law the Intelligence Bureau could conduct verification of citizens travelling from one state to another for political activities. Other AAP leaders echoed similar concerns, portraying the episode as evidence of political surveillance and harassment. The issue quickly evolved into a broader political controversy, with allegations that a government agency was targeting opposition workers.

The matter eventually reached the police after Anand-based AAP worker Keshav Chauhan reported receiving a similar call. A complaint was registered with the Anand Cyber Crime Police Station, which initiated an investigation using call records, mobile data, and technical evidence.

The first breakthrough came when investigators traced the controversial phone number to Nitin Dobariya, a resident of Anand. During questioning, Dobariya allegedly admitted that he had made the calls at the instruction of Vadodara AAP president Ashok Ozha and had, on some occasions, falsely identified himself as an Intelligence Bureau officer.

Following this revelation, police expanded the investigation and questioned Ozha. According to findings that subsequently emerged, the episode was not linked to any government agency or political rival but instead stemmed from internal factionalism and organisational rivalries within the Aam Aadmi Party.

Reports suggest that discontent had surfaced within sections of the Gujarat unit after senior Delhi leader Durgesh Pathak was assigned a more active role in the state. Investigators reportedly believe that Ozha feared growing intervention from the central leadership could weaken his influence within the local organisation.

According to the investigation, the alleged fake IB-call operation was orchestrated to create pressure on certain leaders and shape internal power dynamics within the party.

The development has turned the controversy on its head. What was initially projected by AAP’s top leadership as an example of alleged state intimidation has now led to the arrest of one of the party’s own city presidents and his associate. The same case that was used to raise questions about government agencies has ultimately exposed what investigators describe as an internal political tussle within the party itself.

The Hindware-Google trademark dispute explained: Why the Delhi HC held Google liable for trademark infringement and how the ruling could reshape digital marketing in India

In a landmark judgment that could change the way online advertising works in India, the Delhi High Court has ruled against Google in a trademark dispute filed by bathware company Hindware. The Court held that allowing competitors to use the trademark “HINDWARE” as a keyword in Google Ads amounted to trademark infringement and unfair commercial exploitation of the company’s brand reputation.

Delivering its verdict on 22nd May, Justice Mini Pushkarna imposed a ₹30 lakh penalty on Google and permanently restrained the tech giant from allowing the use of “HINDWARE” and similar trademark-related combinations as advertising keywords within its AdWords system.

The 163-page judgement [pdf] also directed Google to stop auctioning Hindware’s trademark and ordered the company to pay the damages within eight weeks.

The ruling is being viewed as one of the most important judgments in India’s digital advertising space because it directly addresses how trademarked keywords are used in search engine advertising and whether platforms like Google can escape liability by calling themselves “intermediaries”.

What was the dispute between Google and Hindware?

The case began after Hindware, formerly known as HSIL Ltd, discovered that rival sanitaryware companies were bidding on its trademark “HINDWARE” through Google Ads.

According to Hindware, whenever customers searched for “Hindware” products online, advertisements of competing brands started appearing prominently in search results. The company argued that this practice diverted potential customers and unfairly benefited competitors by exploiting the goodwill attached to the Hindware brand.

The dispute was part of two commercial suits filed during 2013 and 2014 against Google entities, along with rival companies including Grohe India, Cera Sanitaryware and Omkara Infoweb.

Hindware told the Court that keyword combinations such as “Hindware Sanitary”, “Hindware Sanitaryware” and similar phrases were being purchased by competitors to redirect online traffic.

The company argued that Google was not merely a passive platform but an active commercial participant because it suggested keywords, conducted auctions, ranked advertisements and earned revenue from every click generated through those ads.

Hindware also pointed out that its trademark had already been recognised as a well-known trademark by the Delhi High Court and that the company had been using the mark since 1991.

What Google argued in court

Google strongly opposed the allegations and argued that keywords are invisible backend tools that users cannot directly see.

The company claimed advertisers independently selected the keywords and created advertisements, while Google merely operated a neutral advertising platform.

Google also attempted to shield itself under Section 79 of the Information Technology Act by claiming intermediary protection.

“Since users can neither see nor otherwise perceive the keywords provided by the advertiser, such use of trademarks as keywords, being imperceptible or invisible to consumers, cannot be said to amount to ‘use’ under the Trade Marks Act,” Google argued before the Court.

The company maintained that it played only a technical role and therefore could not be held responsible for trademark infringement committed by advertisers.

Court rejects Google’s intermediary defenc.e

The Delhi High Court, however, rejected Google’s argument completely.

Justice Mini Pushkarna held that Google was actively involved in the AdWords ecosystem through keyword suggestions, ad ranking systems, monetisation mechanisms and advertising auctions.

“The present issues are decided in favour of the plaintiff (Hindware) and against the defendants (Google),” the Court ruled.

The Court said Google could not continue earning money from trademark-linked searches while simultaneously claiming it had no responsibility for the resulting infringement.

“Google cannot be permitted to shrug off responsibility by making available a tool that leads to infringement, and then turning around to claim that the said tool was not mandatory,” the judgment stated.

An excerpt from the judgment

The Court further observed that Google actively monetised trademark searches and therefore could not seek safe harbour protection as a passive intermediary.

“It has been admitted by Google that it allows use of trademarks as keywordtoto seek out users interested in the goods or services covered by the registered trademark,” the Court noted.

An excerpt from the judgment

The bench added that Google’s advertising programme actively encouraged advertisers to use trademarked search terms.

“The Ads Programme of Google encourages the users to use various search terms, including trademarks as keywords for display of the advertisements to the target audience,” the Court observed.

Invisible keyword use is also trademark infringement, says the Court

One of the most significant aspects of the judgment was the Court’s finding that even invisible use of trademarks as keyword triggers amounts to trademark infringement under Indian law.

The Court compared keyword advertising to unlawful meta-tagging practices and held that redirecting online traffic using hidden trademark usage could still manipulate consumer behaviour.

“It is clear that the use of the mark as meta-tags was held to be infringement of trademark,” the judgment stated.

The Court added that invisible use of a trademark to divert traffic from the trademark owner’s website to a competitor’s website would qualify as “use in advertising” under Section 29 of the Trade Marks Act.

An excerpt from the judgment

“Google suggests, offers, and sells words, including trademark terms, as keywords to advertisers. This active offering and selling of trademark terms to advertisers is not mere internal use of the trademark term, and is clearly a commercial use,” the Court observed.

This part of the judgment is particularly important because it establishes that even backend keyword use, which users cannot directly see, can still violate trademark rights if it commercially exploits brand reputation.

Settlements with rival companies

During the long legal battle, rival companies, including Grohe India, Cera Sanitaryware and Omkara Infoweb, settled their disputes with Hindware through mediation and consent decrees.

After those settlements, the litigation continued only against Google India and Google LLC. Although the Court described the matter as one deserving “nominal damages”, it still awarded ₹15 lakh in each of the two suits, bringing the total compensation to ₹30 lakh.

“Accordingly, this Court awards nominal damages of Rs. 15,00,000/- (Rupees Fifteen Lacs only) each in the present suits, totalling to Rs. 30,00,000/- (Rupees Thirty Lacs only) in favour of the plaintiff,” the court said. 

An excerpt from the judgment

The court also clarified that the amount was not meant to compensate the actual losses and said, “The aforesaid amount shall be paid by the defendants, i.e., Google LLC/Google India, jointly and severally, within a period of eight weeks. The said amount has been awarded not towards the actual loss or damages suffered by the plaintiff, but as a minimal compensation in the light of the finding of this Court regarding infringement by the defendants.”

Why this verdict matters for India’s digital marketing industry

The judgment is now being viewed as a possible turning point for India’s digital advertising ecosystem.

Competitor keyword bidding has become a common strategy across industries, including e-commerce, fintech, travel, food delivery, banking and direct-to-consumer brands. Companies regularly bid on rival brand names so their advertisements appear whenever users search for competitors online.

Following the verdict, several industry leaders and marketing experts said the judgment could completely reshape performance marketing strategies in India. Vijay Shekhar Sharma reacted to the verdict on X and wrote, “Competitor keyword bidding on your brand name is now legally actionable in India.”

Prashant Puri, Co-founder and CEO of AdLift, told MoneyControl that the judgment addressed a long-standing concern among brands. “For years, brands have raised concerns that competitors could bid on their trademarked names, effectively using brand equity built over decades to intercept high-intent customers at the final stage of their purchase journey,” he said.

Puri also explained how many companies were forced into “defensive spending”, where they had to purchase advertisements on their own brand names simply to stop competitors from hijacking traffic. “One brand bidding on another’s name often forces companies to spend defensively on their own trademarks, increasing auction competition and costs,” he explained.

Could Google’s ad business model face changes in India?

The ruling may also create serious challenges for Google’s advertising business in India.

Trademark-linked searches represent some of the most commercially valuable searches in digital advertising because users searching for a brand often have very high purchase intent.

According to industry estimates, branded keywords often generate significantly higher conversion rates than generic advertisements. The judgment now raises questions about whether Google will need to redesign parts of its advertising system in India if more trademark owners begin filing similar cases.

Several brands across sectors like finance, consumer goods, electronics and travel may now seek legal protection against competitors using their trademarks as advertising triggers.

Nithin Kamath also reacted to the verdict and pointed out that competitor ads had appeared alongside searches for Zerodha for many years. “Even today, if you search for Zerodha, you will see search results from competitors. This has been happening for well over a decade,” Kamath wrote.

Despite those concerns, the Hindware judgment is likely to become a landmark precedent in India’s digital economy. It signals that Indian courts are increasingly willing to treat trademark-linked search advertising as a serious intellectual property issue rather than merely a technical advertising practice.

For brands, advertisers, regulators and tech platforms alike, the ruling may now force a complete rethink of how digital marketing works in India’s rapidly expanding online economy.

From Narendra Modi Stadium to SVP Sports Enclave: Read how Ahmedabad is building a world-class ecosystem to become India’s sports capital

On 28th May, Union Home Minister Amit Shah reviewed preparations related to the 2030 Commonwealth Games, the 2036 Olympics, and other major international sporting events planned for Ahmedabad. During the meeting, he once again said that work is moving quickly to develop Ahmedabad as India’s sports capital.

Usually, such statements are seen as political promises that may or may not become reality. But Ahmedabad’s case appears different. Over the last few years, the city has witnessed the construction of world-class sports infrastructure, large-scale investments in sporting facilities, and several projects designed specifically to support future international competitions.

From the Narendra Modi Stadium in Motera to the Veer Savarkar Sports Complex in Naranpura, from new sports facilities across different neighbourhoods to major events such as the Khel Mahakumbh and National Games, Ahmedabad’s sports journey is no longer limited to a few isolated projects. Instead, an entire sports ecosystem is taking shape.

Today, sports are becoming a major part of Ahmedabad’s identity, just as industry and business once were.

A city that has reinvented itself before

Ahmedabad has a long history of changing and expanding its identity. Decades ago, it was known across India as the “Manchester of India” because of its textile mills. The textile industry played a huge role in the city’s growth and economy.

As time passed, Ahmedabad evolved into one of India’s major centres for trade, manufacturing, finance, and modern urban development. It became the economic powerhouse of Gujarat and developed a strong reputation for business and entrepreneurship.

Now, the city is entering another phase of transformation. This new chapter is not centred on factories or trade. Instead, it focuses on sports, youth participation, international competitions, tourism, and world-class infrastructure. Looking at the developments that have taken place during the last five to six years, it is becoming increasingly clear that Ahmedabad is trying to build a unique identity around sports.

How the sports city vision started

The year 2022 became a turning point in Ahmedabad’s sports journey. That year, Gujarat hosted the National Games, bringing athletes, coaches, officials, and sports enthusiasts from across the country. The event generated fresh excitement about sports throughout the state.

During the National Games, Amit Shah stated that Ahmedabad would become the world’s largest sports city in the future. At that time, many people considered the statement ambitious. However, the speed at which sports-related projects have moved forward since then has made that vision look far more realistic.

The National Games also highlighted an important reality. Hosting large sporting events requires much more than stadiums. A city needs training facilities, athlete accommodation, transport systems, medical support, recovery centres, practice venues, and modern urban infrastructure.

Several projects that were already underway in Ahmedabad received fresh momentum after the National Games. From that point onward, the idea of turning Ahmedabad into a sports capital became more visible and more structured.

Narendra Modi Stadium: The symbol of Ahmedabad’s sports ambition

If one structure represents Ahmedabad’s sports transformation, it is undoubtedly the Narendra Modi Stadium in Motera.

Narendra Modi Cricket Stadium

With a seating capacity of more than 100,000 spectators, it is the largest cricket stadium in the world. But its importance goes beyond numbers and records.

The stadium has helped place Ahmedabad on the global sports map. It has hosted major international cricket matches, ICC tournaments, World Cup games, and other large sporting events that attracted visitors from across India and abroad.

The stadium has shown how sports can contribute to a city’s image, economy, tourism sector, and international recognition. It has been demonstrated that sports are not only about competition and entertainment. They can also become a tool for branding a city and attracting investment.

For Ahmedabad, the Narendra Modi Stadium was not the final goal. It was the starting point of a much larger vision.

SVP sports enclave: the heart of the sports city project

While the Narendra Modi Stadium opened the door, the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (SVP) Sports Enclave is being viewed as the centrepiece of Ahmedabad’s long-term sports strategy.

Spread across more than 236 acres in Motera, the project is much more than a sports complex. It is being developed as a complete sports city designed to support future international events, including the Commonwealth Games and the Olympics.

The Sports Enclave will include an aquatics centre, indoor arenas, tennis facilities, athlete accommodation, training centres, and several other modern sports amenities. The idea is to create a complete ecosystem where athletes can train, compete, stay, recover, and improve performance without needing to move between different locations.

Many successful Olympic cities around the world have adopted this model. Ahmedabad is trying to build something similar by integrating multiple sports facilities within a single large campus.

SVP Sports (Image via TOI)

One of the most important aspects of the Sports Enclave is that it combines sports development with urban planning. Instead of constructing isolated stadiums, the city is building an interconnected sports ecosystem. This approach makes the project one of the most important pillars of Ahmedabad’s sports vision.

Veer Savarkar Sports Complex turns vision into reality

Large plans and announcements often take years to become visible on the ground. The Veer Savarkar Sports Complex is one project that has helped turn Ahmedabad’s sports vision into reality.

Built at an estimated cost of around ₹825 crore, the complex is considered one of the largest and most modern sports facilities in India. It includes swimming facilities, indoor sports infrastructure, training areas, and several other amenities designed for athletes.

Veer Savarkar Sports Complex

When the complex was inaugurated in September 2025, Amit Shah said that Ahmedabad was moving steadily toward becoming a sports capital. The statement carried weight because the infrastructure was already standing before people’s eyes.

Unlike projects that exist only on paper, the Veer Savarkar Sports Complex demonstrates how large-scale investment in sports infrastructure is becoming a reality in Ahmedabad.

Sports infrastructure is expanding across the entire city

Building a single stadium or one large sports complex is not enough to become a sports capital. For sports to become part of a city’s identity, facilities must be available across neighbourhoods so that children and young athletes can easily access them.

This is where the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) has played an important role. Over the last few years, the civic body has focused on expanding sports infrastructure throughout the city.

Plans are underway to develop 10 new sports complexes and 27 new playgrounds. These facilities are being spread across areas such as New Wadaj, Ranip, Nikol, Naroda, Vatva, Sarkhej, and several other localities.

The goal is to ensure that sports opportunities are not limited to premium or central areas. Instead, sports infrastructure should be available to residents in different parts of Ahmedabad.

According to AMC data, the city already has numerous gymnasiums, tennis courts, skating rinks, sports centres, and recreational facilities. The new projects are expected to strengthen this network even further.

This broader expansion is important because a sports capital is not defined only by international tournaments. It is also defined by how easily ordinary citizens can participate in sports.

Khel Mahakumbh: Creating athletes along with infrastructure

Sports infrastructure alone cannot create a sports culture. Stadiums and complexes need athletes, and athletes need opportunities to compete and develop their skills. This is where Gujarat’s Khel Mahakumbh has played a major role.

For years, the event has provided a competitive platform for millions of students and young participants across the state. It has encouraged grassroots participation and helped identify sporting talent from different regions.

The importance of Khel Mahakumbh lies in the fact that it complements infrastructure development. While Ahmedabad is building world-class facilities, programs like Khel Mahakumbh are helping create the next generation of athletes who will use those facilities.

The combination of infrastructure and grassroots participation is what makes a sports ecosystem sustainable in the long run.

Sports Zone and the Changing City

Ahmedabad’s sports strategy is not limited to stadiums and training centres. Urban planning is also being shaped around sports. One important example is the Sports Precinct Corridor project.

This planned 7-kilometre corridor connecting different parts of the city with the SVP Sports Enclave is not simply a transportation project. It is designed to make sports a visible and permanent part of Ahmedabad’s urban identity.

Many leading sports cities around the world have dedicated sports districts where sporting activities influence public spaces, city design, tourism, and community life. Ahmedabad is trying to adopt a similar model.

By integrating sports into urban planning, the city hopes to create an environment where sports become a regular part of everyday life rather than something limited to major events.

International events are strengthening Ahmedabad’s position

Hosting international competitions is another important requirement for any city that wants to become a sports capital.

In recent years, Ahmedabad has made significant progress on this front as well. The city has hosted events such as the Asian Aquatics Championships and demonstrated its ability to manage large international sporting competitions. Looking ahead, Ahmedabad is also preparing to host the World Police and Fire Games in 2029.

Asian Aquatics Championship, Ahmedabad

Such events bring multiple benefits. They improve infrastructure, strengthen event-management capabilities, expose local athletes and officials to international standards, and increase global visibility.

Every successful event helps Ahmedabad move one step closer to its long-term goal of becoming a globally recognised sports destination.

Preparing for the Commonwealth Games and Olympics

Perhaps the most ambitious part of Ahmedabad’s sports journey lies in its plans for future mega-events.

Preparations related to the 2030 Commonwealth Games and the 2036 Olympics are already influencing infrastructure development in the city. These preparations involve much more than sports venues. They include transportation networks, athlete housing, public spaces, urban development, logistics systems, and various support facilities needed to host international competitions.

When viewed together, projects such as the SVP Sports Enclave, athletes’ village, aquatics infrastructure, sports precinct developments, and citywide sports facilities clearly show that Ahmedabad is planning not just for the next few years but for the coming decades.

A City building a new identity

When all the developments are viewed together, a clear picture emerges.

The world’s largest cricket stadium, the massive SVP Sports Enclave, the ₹825 crore Veer Savarkar Sports Complex, citywide sports infrastructure projects, plans for 10 new sports complexes and 27 playgrounds, grassroots initiatives like Khel Mahakumbh, international sporting events, and preparations for future Commonwealth Games and Olympic ambitions are all connected pieces of a much larger vision.

This is no longer a story about a few standalone sports projects. It is the story of a city trying to build an entire sports ecosystem.

Ahmedabad’s journey is still underway. Several projects remain under construction, and many goals are yet to be achieved. But the direction is now clear. Over the last few years, the city has moved beyond being known only for cricket or commerce.

Today, Ahmedabad is steadily building a reputation as a city where sports, youth development, international events, and modern infrastructure come together. That is why the idea of Ahmedabad as India’s sports capital is no longer just a slogan. It is becoming a reality that is taking shape year after year.

Norwegian propagandist Helle Lyng endorses The Wire: How foreign ‘activists’ and India’s left-wing media collaborate to push anti-India narratives

Fresh controversy has erupted online after pro-China propagandist and Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng publicly endorsed far-left propaganda portal The Wire, a platform notorious for spreading misinformation and pushing politically motivated narratives against India. The endorsement has once again triggered discussion on how India’s left-liberal media ecosystem uses foreign commentators and publications to amplify propaganda targeting India’s democratic institutions and leadership.

The latest controversy began after The Wire posted on X on Friday, 29th May, to celebrate 11 years of its existence, despite being marred with fake news and disinformation like the Tek Fog and Meta controversies. Sharing the post, Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng wrote, “I cannot recommend The Wire enough. Will be relying on them for reading about India moving forward.”

The post quickly attracted attention because Lyng herself had become a controversial figure earlier this month after she attempted to publicly heckle PM Modi during his visit to Norway.

Who is Helle Lyng, and why did she suddenly become famous?

Helle Lyng, who works with Norwegian publication Dagsavisen, was largely unknown outside a limited social media circle until 18th May, when she tried to confront PM Modi during a joint India-Norway statement event.

At the time, Lyng had barely 800 followers on X, and her account had remained inactive for months. However, after she shouted questions at PM Modi regarding alleged “human rights violations” in India, clips of the incident rapidly went viral across Indian opposition circles and left-liberal social media networks.

Screengrab via X

As PM Modi walked away after the joint statement without taking questions, Lyng shouted, “Prime Minister Modi, why don’t you take some questions from the freest press of the world?” She later proudly posted online that she had not expected him to answer.

Soon after, several opposition leaders and anti-Modi commentators amplified her videos. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi shared the clip and wrote, “When there is nothing to hide, there is nothing to fear.”

Screengrab via X

TMC MP Mahua Moitra and propagandist Rana Ayyub also praised Lyng’s actions. Rana Ayyub posted, “Indian democracy on display as Prime Minister Modi visits Norway.”

The Indian Embassy in Norway later pointed out that the event was never meant to be an open press conference. It was a joint statement by the Prime Ministers of India and Norway, while a separate media briefing by Ministry of External Affairs officials had already been scheduled later in the evening.

Lyng comes out of the woodwork to express her sudden interest in India

Interestingly, Lyng’s own publication had rarely focused deeply on India earlier. Most of its coverage on India revolved around routine global developments such as tariffs, trade or earthquakes. Yet suddenly, during PM Modi’s visit, the publication aggressively pushed stories questioning India’s democracy and political system.

Critics also pointed to Lyng’s social media activity, noting that she had recently purchased X Premium verification in May 2026, just before the controversy exploded online. It clearly proved that the viral campaign around her was not organic and carefully amplified for political messaging. She had barely posted about India on her social media accounts before suddenly developing an intense interest in the country’s politics and democracy, fuelling speculation about who or what might be driving her newfound activism on Indian affairs.

Screengrab via X

MEA officials firmly responded to Lyng’s allegations

The Indian Embassy in Norway later invited Lyng to attend the official media briefing organised by the Ministry of External Affairs. During the interaction, Lyng again attempted to corner Indian officials with loaded questions regarding democracy and human rights.

However, MEA Secretary Sibi George firmly responded and repeatedly reminded her not to interrupt while he was answering.

“You asked me a question, let me answer it,” George said.

When Lyng continued interrupting, he added, “Please don’t interrupt me. This is my press conference.”

George defended India’s democratic credentials by pointing to India’s constitutional framework, massive voter participation and the country’s global contributions during the Covid pandemic and G20 presidency.

“We are proud that we are a civilisational country of 5,000 years old,” he said.

He also criticised those who form opinions about India through selective reporting and “ignorant NGOs.”

“People read one or two news reports published by some godforsaken, ignorant NGOs and then come and ask questions. Don’t worry about it. We are proud to be a democracy,” George remarked.

By the time George completed his detailed response, reports suggested that Lyng had already left the room.

The Wire’s long history of peddling fake news and narrative building

Lyng’s endorsement of The Wire has also revived criticism of the publication’s own journalistic track record. Over the years, The Wire has repeatedly faced accusations of publishing misleading reports, half-verified claims and politically charged narratives targeting the Indian government and Hindu organisations.

The platform often prioritises narrative-building over factual reporting, especially in sensitive communal or political issues. The publication has previously faced legal notices, defamation cases and public rebuttals over several controversial reports.

One of its most high-profile controversies involved a report targeting Jay Shah, son of Home Minister Amit Shah. The report led to a ₹100 crore defamation case against The Wire.

In another major editorial failure, the platform published an investigative piece alleging significant financial misconduct by Union Minister Piyush Goyal regarding his investments with the Piramal Group, claiming he kept the PMO completely in the dark. The Piramal Group immediately issued an official statement calling the report ” completely “baseless” and “devoid of merit.” Independent media watchdogs later dismantled the financial premises of the report, exposing significant structural irregularities in the writing. The portal targeted Goyal again in a piece written by Rohini Singh regarding a defaulting company named Shirdi Industries, but basic fact-checks revealed that the corporate loans in question were taken years before Goyal ever assumed public office.

The Central Board of Excise and Customs (CBEC) had also publicly criticised The Wire in the past over what it described as “factually and legally incorrect” reporting regarding the Adani Group.

The platform has also repeatedly faced criticism for the conduct and reporting style of some of its associated journalists and commentators.

The publication also has a predictable routine of prioritising narrative-building over objective reporting, especially when it involves heinous crimes committed by members of the Muslim community. For years, the organisation has consistently worked to whitewash such incidents, often flipping the script to portray the perpetrators as victims and the actual victims as the aggressors. 

This pattern is not new; from downplaying the 2002 Godhra carnage and the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots to the brutal murder of Kanhaiyalal in Udaipur, The Wire has a track record of framing reactionary Hindu outrage as a greater threat than the Islamist attacks that caused the outrage in the first place. 

Questions over coordination and global narrative-building

The latest endorsement by Helle Lyng has once again raised broader questions about how certain international propagandists, so called journalists and sections of leftist Indian media like The Wire and Newslaundry, frequently amplify anti-India narratives together.

During the Norway controversy, Lyng’s content was rapidly promoted by opposition politicians, left-liberal influencers and media figures who are often critical of PM Modi and the BJP government.

Questions were also raised over the visible coordination between some Indian journalists and Lyng during the Norway visit. While Lyng shared videos involving the Hindu journalist Suhasini Haider, Haider also amplified Lyng’s clips online.

Screengrab via X

Such incidents show how global anti-India ecosystems increasingly rely on selected Indian media platforms to reinforce narratives portraying India as authoritarian or anti-democratic.

Outlets like The Wire and some similar digital platforms frequently become reference points for foreign commentators who wish to target India at the Global stage.

The controversy surrounding Lyng’s endorsement has therefore gone beyond a simple social media post. It reflects a larger ecosystem where foreign commentators, opposition politicians, activist journalists and ideological media platforms work together to create global narratives against India’s image and institutions.

Cow head severed, Hindu boy slaughtered and more: Read about 9 incidents of communal violence by Muslims during Bakrid 2026

The Islamic ‘festival’ of Eid-ul-Adha or Bakrid in India was celebrated across the country on 28th May by slaughtering goats and other permissible animals. The celebration of bloodshed, however, was in some places claimed blood of Hindus as well.

From tensions in Mira Road housing society over Muslim bringing Qurbani goats inside, court petitions seeking permission for the slaughter of cows, which Hindus revere, to full-fledged violence in Nuh, Bakrid this year witnessed communal tensions in some places and clashes between rival groups in others. OpIndia has brought to its readers a compilation of all major such incidents of violence on Bakrid 2026.

Blood was spilt on the streets of Hindu colonies in Hyderabad on Bakrid, outrage erupted

While social media was replete with greetings and messages calling Bakrid a festival of ‘humanity’, ‘compassion’ and ‘sacrifice’, several videos of the aftermath of Qurbani of innocent animals showed a contrary reality. A disturbing video from Telangana’s Hyderabad surfaced on social media on 27th May, showing blood flowing on the streets of Musheerabad after animal sacrifices on the occasion of Bakrid.

Blood of the slaughtered animals flowing on the streets not only showed the sheer lack of sense of hygiene but also came across as a deliberate act of asserting intimidating dominance over local Hindus. Clearly, what’s a sacrifice for Muslims became stress for Hindus, and yet the local police took no strict action.

MP: Communal tensions flare up in Ratlam after the discovery of a severed cow head on Bakrid

In Madhya Pradesh’s Ratlam, a severed cow head was found on Bakrid, triggering protests by local Hindu rights organisations. Hindu activists blocked the road and demanded action against those behind cow slaughter, giving a seven-day ultimatum to the police.

The police detained some people after an initial investigation. Meanwhile, Hindu activists alleged that such incidents have occurred earlier as well and raised concerns that slaughtering cows indicates a deliberate attempt to stoke communal tensions.

MP: Meat thrown outside a Hindu home in Ujjain on Bakrid

Outrage erupted in Madhya Pradesh’s Ujjain on 28th May, after a piece of meat was found outside the home of a Hindu family. Local Hindus demanded action against those harassing Hindus on Bakrid.

Snehlata Gupta, a resident of Gandhinagar, said she had cleaned outside her house as usual that morning. When she returned a short while later, she saw pieces of meat lying in a polythene bag near the gate. Seeing this, she immediately alerted her neighbours. In no time, a crowd gathered and informed the police about the matter. The investigation is underway.

Qurbani of Hindus on Bakrid? Hindu youth stabbed to death by Muslims in UP’s Ghaziabad

In Uttar Pradesh’s Ghaziabad, a Hindu youth was stabbed to death by Muslims with a knife, leaving him severely injured on Bakrid. The horrific anti-Hindu crime was committed by Muslim men in the Navneet Nagar area. The victim’s family alleged that the Muslim attackers hurled religious slurs against the Hindu boy and said that they will slaughter the Hindu boy as ‘Qurbani’ on Bakrid. The Hindu youth was rushed to a nearby hospital; however, he succumbed to his wounds.

“It’s Bakrid, let’s slaughter him today,” the accused said, as per the account of the victim’s family. Following the incident, members of several Hindu organisations and local residents gathered at the Khoda police station and staged a protest. The police have arrested the Muslim accused, and further action is underway.

Maharashtra: Ruckus in Kalyan over closure of Durgadi Temple on Bakrid

On the occasion of Bakrid, communal tensions heated up in Maharashtra’s Kalyan, after the closure of the Durgadi Fort and the Durga Mata Temple due to Bakrid namaz. Several Hindu organisations, joined by both rival factions of the Shiv Sena as well as local BJP leader Mahesh Patil held a protest, calling the suppression of the Hindu community’s faith to accommodate that of Muslims is intolerable.  

The protesters contended that preventing the ringing of bells and darshan at the temple violated the rights of Hindu devotees. This tradition of ringing bells at the Durga Mata Temple is 40 years old, and began during the 1986 “Ghantanad Movement”.

A heavy police force was deployed to maintain law and order.

UP: Muslim man chased and beaten outside mosque in Bhadohi for asking questions about Sharia on Bakrid

In Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi, a Muslim youth named Intekhab Alam was assaulted by a mob comprising 25 to 30 of his co-religionists outside a mosque on Bakrid. His crime? Asking questions about the Islamic Sharia.

The incident unfolded in the Ghosia town of the Aurai police station area. Victim Intekhab was coming out of the mosque after offering namaz when he was chased and thrashed by a Muslim mob. He was attacked after the mosque’s Hafiz dog whistled some Muslim men over the 34-year-old victim, for asking Sharia-related questions. The attackers first hurled verbal abuses and heckled him, and soon assaulted him with sticks and iron rods, the police said.

UP: Hindu man attacked by Muslim village head in Hardoi in Bakrid

On Bakrid, a Hindu man named Sanjay Rathour was brutally attacked with sharp weapons by village head Sharif Siddiqui and his nephews Javed, Junaid and Chhote while he was working in his field. The Muslim attackers fled the spot, leaving the Hindu man in severely injured condition.

The Hardoi Police confirmed the incident and said that a case has been registered and necessary action is being taken.

“In the referenced case, an FIR has been registered at Hariyawan Police Station under the relevant sections. Other statutory proceedings are underway,” the police said.

Haryana: Two rival Muslim groups clash in Nuh

A dispute between two villages in Haryana’s Nuh district escalated into violence after Bakrid prayers on Thursday (May 28, 2026). In Nizampur village, an old dispute related to Panchayat elections escalated into a heated argument between two groups, which then escalated into stone-pelting, lathi-charge, and axes. Six people were injured in the incident.

The second incident occurred in Singar village, where two groups clashed over an old rivalry. About six people were injured here as well. A total of 12 people were injured in both incidents, with one person in critical condition being referred to a medical college. Police increased surveillance in both villages and reported the situation under control.

UP:  Hindus catch Gada Khan cooking meat inside Durga temple on Bakrid, police arrest the accused

In Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district, an outrage erupted after a Muslim man was caught cooking meat inside the Durga Temple premises on Bakrid (28th May). The Muslim accused has been identified as Gada Khan, a resident of Rajasthan.

Upon receiving information, Narsingh Vahini activists, along with Kartik workers, arrived at the scene and staged a protest. The Nauchandi police station arrived at the temple premises and recovered meat. The police have taken the accused Gada Khan into custody.

Centre considering IAF deployment for NEET UG question paper transportation: The questionable move shows deep distrust in the current exam administration

Days after the NEET UG paper leak scandal rocked the nation, the Central government is reportedly planning to deploy the Indian Air Force (IAF) for the transportation of the question paper of the NEET UG reexam on 21st June.

On 28th May, a high-level meeting involving Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, Defence Minister Rajnath, Communications Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia, and others was held, wherein the ministers discussed using IAF aircraft and logistics for the secure transportation of NEET UG question papers from printing presses to exam centres across the country.

The rationale behind involving the IAF is the goal of tackling multifaceted challenges, particularly the paper leak that led to the cancellation of the original NEET UG exam held on 3rd May.

Post Department earlier, IAF now: Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan on why defence forces will likely be involved in NEET UG exam

Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan has confirmed the role of IAF in assisting with transportation to ensure a “foolproof” NEET exam is being considered. The minister says that this is a part of a broader “whole-of-government” security push involving central agencies, the Home Ministry and state police.

“In previous examinations, there was a major role for the postal department, the Home Ministry, and state governments. We have taken their help earlier and will continue with a whole-of-government approach to ensure smooth, free, and fair examinations,” Pradhan said. Minister Pradhan cited logistical and security factors, and monsoon weather conditions, for using the IAF for transportation of question papers to exam centres.

“The work earlier done by the postal department will now also be supported by the Indian Air Force so that question papers reach their destinations on time, considering all factors. The government is serious and fully prepared to conduct free and fair examinations,” Pradhan said. A final decision in this regard is expected to be taken by the Prime Minister’s Office in the coming days.

The proposal to use the defence forces to transport question papers indicates that the govt has lost trust on the current system used for the task. It has been found that the papers were leaked at multiple points during the entire transit from printers to exam centres, and it is not easy to fix this problem soon. Therefore, the govt is considering the use of IAF for the upcoming re-NEET in June.

Meanwhile, politics has intensified on the matter, with many opposition leaders alleging that the idea of involving the IAF in conducting exams, which should be handled by civilian authorities, reflects the government’s failure and incompetence.

Social media debate is also divided, with many criticising the move as reducing the IAF to a ‘courier service’. Meanwhile, those in support of the move argue that with defence forces involved, the possibility of a paper leak will be near dead.

Should IAF be used for facilitating a foolproof NEET UG re-exam?

The busting of the NEET UG 2026 exam paper leak came as a monumental disappointment for 22 lakh aspirants who appeared for the high-stakes exam. The cancellation of the NEET exam by the National Testing Agency (NTA) on 12th May burdened lakhs of aspirants with going through the same exhausting preparation process they had undergone for a year. Students are already frustrated with a year of their efforts going in vain; the Central government and NTA cannot afford to disappoint the candidates once again.

Apparently, it is for this reason that the Central government is considering what obviously comes across as an extreme measure, involving the IAF.

The idea carries several merits. The Indian Air Force’s stringent protocols, secure air transport, and oversight would reduce tampering risks during transit, especially during such tight timelines and the monsoon season, as defence logistics are hardened against breaches.

A direct involvement of armed forces would deter leak mafias from attempting any misadventure during transit. If Indians trust anyone as much as they trust God, it is the Indian Armed Forces. Thus, their presence would restore public confidence.

However, the Indian Air Force is for national defence. Their job is to defend Indians from the enemies of the nation. The forces have time and again contributed to rescue missions during natural disasters and other emergencies. However, a paper leak, although a very serious issue, is not a national emergency warranting IAF’s intervention. Involving defence forces in a strictly civilian matter is the last resort.

Diverting IAF aircraft and personnel for exam papers transportation comes across essentially as an admission by the Education Ministry that it is incapable of conducting leak-proof exams. Such dramatic, quick fixes might get the government through this one exam; however, deploying the IAF for NEET or any such exams would violate their dignity.

Is the Education Ministry admitting that civilian institutions, postal, police, and especially the NTA are incompetent for these basic tasks? Would the Ministry not be turning education into a national security spectacle? Can’t law enforcement authorities provide appropriate logistical support for the question paper transportation during the monsoon season?

Most importantly, the NEET UG 2026 paper leak did not happen only during the transportation of the question paper; the rot lies within the exam-conducting authorities and processes.

The origin of the paper leak was a Nashik printing press. The leak was an insider job involving professors, NIA-linked individuals and a coaching nexus in Rajasthan. Question paper copies are alleged to have been accessed and copied pre-distribution. The leak happened at the source; the question paper was circulated and sold as a ‘guess paper’ through Telegram and other online mediums. It is not that a group of gun-yielding men intercepted vehicles transporting question papers, took the papers and fled.  

When GPS, CCTV, biometrics and other such measures could not prevent a paper leak due to insider complicity, why does the government think involving IAF for paper transportation will fix everything? How will IAF fix the rot within the exam-conducting bodies? Will IAF officers replace NTA insiders?

Intentions aside, the armed forces are meant to protect the country and its honour, not do damage control for the government in civilian matters. Yes, the Central government has announced a complete CBT transition from next year to prevent leaks in the NEET exam; however, the examination process in India needs reform, a complete overhaul, not diversion of the resources of the armed forces into such civilian matters.

The Impact of Wearables on Health Insurance Premiums in India  

India’s wearable devices market, already among the top 3 globally, is projected to expand at a CAGR of 23.17% in the coming years. If this number makes you think of it as just another trend, you are missing the point. The wearable market is beginning to shape how health status and progress are understood. That’s not all. PWC highlights that over 80% of Indians now use at least one wearable or health app to track various fitness-related goals. And that’s a big plus for health insurance companies.

The use of wearable devices gives insurers leverage over real-world data. Here’s what this means: They no longer need to rely on static inputs (age, medical history, and one-time disclosure) to determine the premiums. That model is now being backed by observable behaviour. As this development deepens, we are set to witness a massive change in the way insurers assess, price, and even engage with risk, for the better.

Why is static underwriting losing its edge?

Traditional underwriting was designed when real-time health data didn’t exist. Health insurance companies had no option but to depend on snapshots, medical tests, declarations, and records. Let’s talk about how this practice is headed for a change.

The limitation of a one-time health assessment

Insurers can rarely rely on a single medical to capture how a person’s health evolves. Someone may pass all tests today but develop poor lifestyle habits in the future. And just like that, an individual with minor health flags may actively improve their condition through a consistent routine. Static underwriting fails to account for this movement. It freezes risk at one point in time, while actual health keeps changing.

The growing demand for dynamic pricing

Policyholders are now becoming more aware. Many expect fair pricing instead of broad categorisation. They question why two individuals of the same age pay similar premiums when their lifestyles are completely different. This demand for personalisation is pushing insurance companies to tap into models in which pricing is shaped by an individual’s medical history and behaviour.

And that’s where wearables and health apps enter the equation.

How are wearables turning lifestyle into measurable risk?

Wearables have done one thing that insurance has struggled with for decades: they’ve made everyday health behaviour visible and quantifiable, raising awareness among a massive number of people.

Earlier, insurers relied on self-declared habits such as being a non-smoker or having an active lifestyle. These factors were surface-level details and lacked traceability, leading to misinterpretation.

Now, wearable devices provide measurable indicators:

  • Daily step count and activity intensity
  • Resting heart rate trends
  • Sleep duration and consistency
  • Calories burned and movement frequency

These metrics create a clearer picture of how a person actually lives, not how they describe their lifestyle. In addition, insurers prefer consistent performance over sudden spikes, even if they are not sustained. Regular movement, stable sleep cycles, and gradual improvement are the patterns that strongly indicate long-term health outcomes.

Health apps are filling the gaps that wearables cannot

While wearables monitor physical metrics, health apps capture the context (what those numbers mean). Here’s how they complement wearables:

Creating a more compatible health profile

Health apps are not limited to heart rate and steps. They track behaviours and decisions that influence health outcomes.

  • Diet logging and nutritional patterns
  • Medication adherence
  • Mental wellness tracking
  • Appointment histories and follow-ups

When combined with wearable data, this creates a more all-in-one view of an individual’s health.

Closing the loop between data and action

Data doesn’t change the outcome unless it’s acted upon. Health apps play an important role in nudging behaviour. Reminders for medication, personalised health tips, and consultations help people stay on track. This allows health insurance companies to manage the risk.

How insurers are actually using this data

The idea of linking wearables to insurance often sounds futuristic, but it is already happening in controlled, structured ways.

Incentives instead of penalties

At this stage, insurers are cautious. They are not aggressively penalising unhealthy behaviour based on wearable data. Instead, they are rewarding healthy practices with:

  • Discounts on renewal premiums
  • Wellness points are redeemable for benefits
  • Access to improved coverage benefits

This approach encourages adoption without creating resistance.

What this means for policyholders

This isn’t a one-sided shift. It changes how people interact with their own health insurance policies. Health behaviour starts influencing financial decisions. Everyday habits like walking regularly, maintaining sleep discipline, and following medication schedules can directly or indirectly impact premiums. This creates a tangible relationship between lifestyle and financial benefit.

The challenges insurers need to solve

The model is promising, but it comes with its own set of complexities. Here’s what needs attention:

Standardising data measuring practices

Variations in sensors, algorithms, and usage patterns can affect reliability.

Health insurance providers must standardise the framework to ensure the data they use is consistent and credible.

Avoiding over-dependence on metrics

Health cannot be measured based on a few numbers. While wearables provide signals, they do not give complete medical assessments. Insurers must avoid overinterpreting data or making decisions based on incomplete insights.

Balancing engagement without intrusion

There is a fine line between helpful nudges and constant monitoring. If users feel watched rather than supported, adoption will ultimately drop. The experience needs to remain optional, transparent, and user-controlled.

Wrapping up

Wearables and health apps are not dramatically disrupting the health insurance space overnight. They are steadily setting new standards for how risk can be understood and priced. They introduce a layer of continuous insight that traditional models never had access to. Insurers can leverage this to improve predictions and potentially reduce claims, while policyholders can use it as an opportunity to secure better premiums through everyday behaviour. Not to mention, the shift is still evolving, particularly in sensitive areas like critical illness insurance, where accuracy and fairness matter deeply. But one thing is clear: insurance is no longer confined to forms and medical tests.


Apoorvanand defends Muslims, spews venom against Hindus in propaganda article for “The Wire” on Bakrid: Truth behind “selective secularism” of the DU Professor linked to Delhi riots

In our country, there are certain “educated” people who regard themselves as committed liberals. However, they have effectively taken on a predetermined agenda. Their focus is restricted to two primary aims: First, unwaveringly supporting Islamic fundamentalism and archaic social evils and second, criticising Hindu festivals and traditions. All their notable academic credentials and intellectual abilities are utilised solely for this singular cause. An article authored by Professor Apoorvanand of Delhi University has again exposed their real face to the public.

Just ahead of the Eid al-Adha (Bakrid) festival, he authored an article for The Wire, an utterly biased narrative peddling alleged agony far from any neutrality. Its every aspect displayed a clear animosity towards the nation’s systemic framework and the Hindu community. The entire agenda is built around one primary strategy: to represent Muslims as perpetually innocent victims, while depicting Hindus and the country’s democratically elected government as the “villain” or perpetrator.

This perspective is frequently referred to as the “Urban Naxal” mindset, a phenomenon that needs to be brought to light. Therefore, we are conducting a thorough and detailed examination of Professor Apoorvanand’s column. We will refrain from mere assumptions and are going to rather rely on verifiable facts and evidence to illustrate the truth and separate it from the false narratives currently being circulated.

Why are liberals so irked by the rule of law

Apoorvanand’s argument: Bakrid is approaching. How do we know that? It is not the word of the local maulvi, but the statements of Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, ministers and chief ministers of the BJP-led governments – all filled with warnings and threats directed at Muslims – that indicate another Muslim festival is close. In West Bengal, minister Dilip Ghosh issued a warning in Hindi that everything must happen “according to the law” and that nobody would be allowed to violate it. But in what context – and to whom – was he saying this?

Response: Upon reviewing this propaganda by Apoorvanand, it becomes clear that what actually bothers him is the insistence of India’s administrative machinery for the Muslim community to comply with the law. After decades of the corrupt politics of Muslim appeasement, these “Urban Naxals” are unable to accept the fact that the “Rule of Law” (one law applicable to all) is now being enforced nationwide.

They want the minorities to continue to enjoy special privileges and have the unchecked freedom to act as they wish in public spaces. When governments encourage citizens to celebrate festivals within legal parameters, these individuals interpret such guidance as “warnings” and “threats.”

Why advocate for holding roads hostage

Apoorvanand’s argument: Everyone knows these warnings were aimed at Muslims ahead of Bakrid. Even earlier, Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari had threatened that nobody would be allowed to offer namaz on the streets. Orders were issued against the cow sacrifice. Mosques would not be allowed to make the azan call for prayers. And just before Bakrid, it was announced that the customary two-day holiday would now be reduced to a single day.

The Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh warned Muslims that they would not be permitted to offer prayers on the roads. If they failed to get the message, he said, they would be “made to understand” through other means. We all know what those “other means” signify.

Response: The persistence in collectively performing Namaz by blocking public roads could only be supported by an anarchist. The governments of Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal have explicitly stated that roads are designated for the general populace, ambulances and traffic, not for disturbing public order by hindering movement for the purpose of religious observances.

Does Apoorvanand genuinely think that obstructing other people’s path is a religious entitlement? CM Yogi’s reference to “administrative action” against breaches of the law should not be used to disseminate the bogus narrative of “covert threat” or “alternative measures.” The imposition of the law is aimed at offenders and troublemakers, not at law-abiding citizens.

Why did the advice to respect “Sanatan sentiments” cause such anger

Apoorvanand’s argument: The Chief Minister of Assam advised Muslims to conduct sacrifices “properly.” He praised Muslim voices that appealed against cow sacrifice. Himanta Biswa Sarma went so far as to say that Bakrid should eventually become entirely free of sacrifice. Muslims, he declared, were respecting “Sanatan sentiments,” and this, he said, would preserve peace in society.

Response: In a nation as diverse as India, when a Chief Minister calls for respect towards the “Sanatan sentiments” of the majority community, as well as for the veneration of cattle, in the interest of maintaining social harmony, why does this incite such discomfort and unrest among the Leftists? The Chief Minister of Assam expressed these views to promote peace and brotherhood within society.

Nevertheless, persons like Apoorvanand apparently do not seek a peaceful society and appear to favour conflict. They want these issues to persist, thus exacerbating polarisation so that their business of being “intellectuals” can continue to flourish.

Brazen defence of cattle smuggling and unlawful activities

Apoorvanand’s argument: Videos are circulating in which we see vehicles being stopped and attacked on suspicion that cows are being transported illegally for sacrifice. But the matter no longer ends with cows. Goats, too, are being seized. In Delhi, just before Bakrid, public activity in Nehru Hill Park was prohibited because of apprehensions that goats might be bought and sold there. Gau Rakshak bands are being formed on the eve of Bakrid to monitor the transportation of the sacred animal.

Response: There is a legal restriction on cow slaughter and smuggling in this country. Apoorvanand is skillfully referring to illegal cow smuggling as “transportation for sacrifice.” The fact remains that preventing the unauthorised transfer of animals is legally justified. This leftist professor acts as if he is entirely unaware of how Islamic mobs engage in violent attacks on police and civilians trying to halt such cow smuggling.

When the government increases security in public places like Nehru Hill Park to stop this trade alongside littering, depicting it as a “ban” targeting a specific religion shows their frustration.

Irritated by the truth about Mecca and PETA’s campaign

Apoorvanand’s argument: One television channel even travelled to Mecca to investigate whether cows and camels were being sacrificed there. These channels never went to Gaza while children were being slaughtered, nor to Sudan, where massacres continue unabated. But on the eve of Bakrid, they found it worthwhile to undertake the noble journalistic exercise of travelling to Mecca to collect this “important” information and disseminate it to the Indian audience – only to show that the “real” Muslims of Arabia are more reasonable than the “converted” ones of India.

The animal rights organisation People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, or PETA, launched a campaign in which a goat pleads with people not to sacrifice it. Children pause lovingly to caress the animal. Could anyone be so heartless, the campaign asks, as to slaughter such a helpless creature? Significantly, this campaign has been launched precisely before Bakrid.

Can PETA run a similar campaign at the Kamakhya temple? Could it carry out such a campaign in my own ancestral town of Deoghar, where multiple animal sacrifices take place during sacred-thread ceremonies, weddings and other rituals? It never has. It never will. There is less compassion for goats in PETA’s campaign than there is hostility toward Muslims.

Response: When a media channel shows that, even in core Islamic regions (such as Saudi Arabia or Mecca), affairs are managed strictly in accordance with local laws and order, the deceptions spread by Indian liberals are busted. Consequently, they resort to denigrating the media.

As for PETA, why do individuals like Apoorvanand keep their eyes closed when the group issues sanctimonious advisories, filled with unsolicited wisdom, urging people to save water during Holi or not burst firecrackers during Diwali? At those times, those posts never seem anti-Hindu to them. Furthermore, why did these people choose to remain silent over the murder of Tarun Kumar, which took place amid Holi? The young man was killed by Muslims, and Apoorvanand had published an article at the time to paint the Islamists as victims.

In his effort to rationalise the killing of goats during Bakrid, he intended to defame revered sites like Kamakhya and Deoghar. He conveniently overlooked that even in cases where these age-old customs continue to exist within Hindu culture, blood is not spilt publicly on the streets, nor are animals sacrificed in the thoroughfares. Moreover, it is often the members of Hindu society who lead the charge in courts and through reform movements in the battle against animal cruelty.

A vile attempt to sling mud at Hindu festivals

Apoorvanand’s argument: What is most distressing is that even decent Hindus often fail to see or feel this hatred directed at Muslims. Many Hindus innocently ask why prayers should be offered on roads at all. They regard restrictions on namaz as reasonable measures meant to ensure smooth traffic flow. But they never ask why roads outside Hanuman temples remain blocked for hours every Tuesday. During almost every Hindu festival, roads are occupied by idols and processions.

Whether it is Ganesh Chaturthi, Rath Yatra, Ram Navami, Durga Puja, Saraswati Puja, Mahaviri Akhara processions, Hanuman Jayanti, or countless others, roads are seized not merely for a day but often for many days at a stretch. And then there is the month-long Kanwar Yatra, during which entire highways are officially surrendered to the Kanwariyas.

Response: Apoorvanand raised questions on nearly all significant Hindu celebrations, including Ganesh Chaturthi, Rath Yatra, Ram Navami, Durga Puja and Kanwar Yatra, only to justify arbitrary conduct witnessed during Eid al-Adha and in public venues. Nevertheless, this leftist academic shrewdly neglected to mention that the crowds on the streets during Hindu festivals gather only once a year for a limited time, and strictly follow routes and permissions set by the authorities. Hindu society honours the established administrative framework. From the volume of DJ music to the designated paths of processions, everything is regulated by the police.

In sharp contrast, there seems to be no end to the Friday prayers (Namaz) that are held weekly by blocking public roads. In any part of the nation, on any major roadway, thousands of Muslims might suddenly congregate, bringing traffic to a complete halt. Suddenly, bricks and stones are thrown from the vicinity of mosques, targeting both police officers and everyday citizens. This very situation was vividly observed in Bareilly and other districts of Uttar Pradesh. Only those who live in these areas can adequately convey to this leftist commentator just how massive a nuisance it becomes for ordinary citizens to navigate through Muslim-majority neighbourhoods on a Friday.

The claim of “Muslim restrain” vs. real incidents of “stone-pelting” outside mosques

Apoorvanand’s argument: Muslims do not create public hysteria during their festivals. Christians do not either. They never march before temples performing sacrifices. Even during Muharram, Muslims do not stand before temples to perform mourning. Hindus alone demand the right to play loud music before mosques, to enter mosque premises and to desecrate Muslim religious symbols.

They raise slogans against Muslims and play songs abusing Muslims in their religious processions. It is as though, without doing this, their religious pleasure now feels incomplete.

Response: Only an Ostrich-like approach of an “Urban Naxal” could turn a blind eye to ground realities and claim that “restraint” is apparent during Muslim festivals. Is Apoorvanand oblivious to the fact that Hindu processions, such as those during Ram Navami or Durga Puja Visarjan, are subjected to attacks from mosques and rooftops of Muslim houses with stones, petrol bombs and swords in multiple states across the nation? Does he believe that the blame rests solely on Hindus, even for the violent instances that transpire during Hanuman Jayanti processions?

Does the general public not experience any discomfort or fear concerning the unsheathed swords and weapons displayed during Muharram processions? Apoorvanand, who refers to Hindus as “mentally ill,” remains entirely silent about the blatant violence and arson that occur during Tazia processions, as these events do not provide an opportunity for him to advance his agenda of playing the “victim card.”

A long history of ideological hatred and conspiracy to provoke riots

The minds of these self-styled “intellectuals,” these frauds, have become utterly vacuous. If you want to observe their duplicity, merely remember the Sabarimala temple controversy. During that time, these same Leftists eagerly jumped into the fray, wielding judicial rulings. They exerted every effort to depict Hindu customs as “backward” and “anti-female.” However, when Bakrid comes around, they shut their mouths. As roads are obstructed and animals are publicly sacrificed in the streets, they suddenly start to articulate their views on “religious freedom.” In such instances, they conveniently disregard all their “insight” and retreat into silence.

Today, on Bakrid, consider the historical actions of Professor Apoorvanand, the very individual who readily hits out at Hindus regarding their festivals. This is not the first instance of his hateful rhetoric. His name has even appeared in the charge sheets related to the anti-Hindu riots that occurred in Delhi. He has faced serious accusations of plotting to incite riots and provoking the mob.

Hence, for this professor to contribute to a disreputable platform like The Wire and write such an article is hardly a gesture of social reform. It is, quite frankly, a blatant move of defiance against the laws of India. It represents a malicious and calculated conspiracy to tarnish the reputation of the country’s majority community in the eyes of the global audience.


Read the original article in Hindi here.

Syllabus changed, books missing, students forced to study through PDFs: When will NCERT wake up to the ground reality?

NCERT’s textbook mess is taking a heavy toll on students. Nearly two months have passed since the new academic session began, summer vacations are already underway, yet there is still no certainty over the availability of textbooks, especially for Class 9 students.

While the books are available in PDF format digitally, the syllabus has undergone major changes this year. As a result, studies that should have properly begun in April are yet to take off. Even school bookshops are unable to confirm when the printed books will arrive. The situation is reportedly even worse in Kendriya Vidyalayas and other government schools. Students are frustrated, teachers are anxious, and parents, after understanding the extent of the chaos, are blaming the entire system.

Parents are asking why the books were not printed in advance if the syllabus changes had already been finalised. If NCERT was unable to ensure timely printing, why was there a need to implement the new syllabus this year itself? Many are also questioning the sudden imposition of the three-language formula in Class 9. Students are already under pressure, and parents wonder how they are expected to manage additional academic burdens without adequate preparation or resources.

Teachers worried over the uncertainty surrounding textbooks

Ms Shivani (name changed), a science teacher at a reputed school in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, expressed concern over the delay in textbooks after the revised Class 9 syllabus was introduced. According to her, schools have received no clear information regarding when the books will finally become available.

“Unfortunately, this has become a recurring problem. The academic session begins in April, yet textbooks often remain unavailable for months. With the implementation of the three-language formula, Class 9 students are now expected to study a third language as well, but even the required textbooks for these courses are missing,” she said.

She added that the situation is worrying both as a teacher and as a parent of CBSE students. Such delays create uncertainty for schools, teachers, students and parents alike. More importantly, she believes the situation exposes a lack of preparedness, continuity and planning in the system. Educational reforms and curriculum changes, she argued, require timely planning, proper resources and an effective implementation strategy so that students’ education does not suffer.

Seema (name changed), a social science teacher at a Kendriya Vidyalaya in Delhi-NCR, said Class 9 social science has undergone major changes this year. Teachers are now forced to teach students through PDFs because students do not have printed books in classrooms. She explained that teachers have asked students to print copies of the PDFs to follow lessons properly. Meanwhile, summer vacations have already begun, and there is still no sign of the books.”Examinations will also begin soon. What exactly are teachers supposed to do?” she asked.

After Advanced Maths, Advanced Science enters Class 9

This year, Advanced Science has been introduced alongside Advanced Mathematics in Class 9. In 2024, CBSE schools introduced Advanced Mathematics, but NCERT has still not released a dedicated textbook for it. Even if such books were printed, they never reached students in most places.

As a result, teachers continue using the standard mathematics textbook. Slightly difficult questions are labelled as “advanced maths”, while easier ones are treated as “basic maths”. Critics argue that this creates confusion within the same classroom, where some students attempt advanced-level problems while others study the basic curriculum.

Now, a similar model is being introduced for science. Students planning to pursue science in higher classes are expected to take Advanced Mathematics and Advanced Science, while students intending to opt for humanities or commerce are not required to focus as heavily on science subjects. Critics question the logic of introducing such segregation from Class 9 itself when these distinctions naturally emerge in Class 11.

Even students who received books are struggling

Akshara, a Class 9 student studying at DPS Noida, said she finally received some books two or three days ago, but the social science textbook is still unavailable. She explained that her school has long used separate mathematics books anyway, but the NCERT science book has completely changed.

“Earlier, the first chapter in maths used to be Number System, but now it starts with Geometry. Earlier, there were more calculation-based questions, but now language-based questions have increased. Even in mathematics, it feels like understanding the language is becoming more important. It is becoming difficult to understand,” she said.

She added that the science book also feels significantly tougher and requires much deeper conceptual understanding. According to her, only students genuinely interested in science may be able to cope with the new structure independently.

Riyana, a student from Somerville School, Delhi, said she has not received any textbooks yet. According to her, school bookshops repeatedly tell students they have no information about when the books will arrive. Teachers have been sending PDFs and asking students to print them. “We somehow managed studies in April through PDFs. Teachers themselves remain stressed. Students are frustrated because there are no books. Even our Term 1 exams have already happened,” she said.

When local booksellers inside school campuses were contacted, they admitted they had no idea when the textbooks would arrive. Since summer vacations are ongoing, students may now have to wait until schools reopen in July to know whether books will finally become available.

However, a bookseller at Uttarakhand Book Shop in Kondli claimed that most books are now available except the Class 9 social science textbook. He also said books for Advanced Mathematics and Advanced Science are expected in the market soon.

Three-language policy adding to pressure

While students continue struggling with unavailable textbooks, the mandatory three-language policy introduced in Class 9 this year has become another source of stress. Students are now expected to study a mother tongue, a regional language and a foreign language. In many schools, this effectively means Hindi, Sanskrit and English are being taught together, while foreign languages such as German, French and Spanish are being phased out. Teachers associated with those languages are also reportedly losing jobs.

Alpana Rai, mother of a Class 10 student studying at DAV School Ghaziabad and also a tutor herself, said students only received books a few days ago. She pointed out several shortcomings in the new books.

“The science syllabus is extremely vast and difficult for children to understand independently. Even teachers will have to study deeply before teaching it. Mathematics is similar. The social science book is still unavailable. Since April, students have had no books. The syllabus changed, yet books were unavailable. What is a child supposed to do?” she asked.

She stressed that Class 9 forms the foundation for students’ future education, making such negligence deeply concerning. In her view, the compulsory three-language formula is adding further burden on children.

Jasmine Tirkey, mother of a student studying at Somerville School Noida, said she opposed the mandatory three-language policy before the school administration. She explained that parents had already purchased old textbooks from schools in April because those books were still being sold then. Now, after the syllabus change, parents are being forced to buy new books again, resulting in double expenditure.

However, she clarified that she does not oppose syllabus revisions themselves. “Curriculum should evolve with changing times. But once the syllabus changes, textbooks must also be available on time. Otherwise, students depend entirely on PDFs. Our attempts to keep children away from excessive mobile usage become meaningless,” she said.

According to her, reforms should be implemented only after proper planning. “Changes are welcome, but not at the cost of disrupting students’ academic continuity. If the changes were implemented next year instead, textbooks would have been available, and students would have been better prepared,” she added.

The problem is not limited to Class 9

This crisis is not limited to Class 9 students. In 2025, the syllabus for Classes 4 to 8 was also revised, and students faced similar textbook shortages for months. Some Class 5 and Class 8 students reportedly waited until June to receive books.

Despite this previous experience, critics argue that NCERT learned no lessons and again failed to ensure textbook availability after revising the Class 9 syllabus in 2026. Once again, students are dependent on PDFs and teachers’ handwritten notes.

Observers also raise concerns about rural students. How will students in villages or small towns access PDF files? Do they even have stable internet access? Another criticism is that English-medium textbooks often reach markets earlier, while Hindi-medium books arrive much later, leading to allegations of inequality.

Beware of fake textbooks

Another issue complicating matters further is the widespread use of expensive private publisher books in private schools. Parents are often pressured into purchasing these books. The National Human Rights Commission has reportedly issued notices to state governments asking why schools force parents to buy costly private books when NCERT books are available at lower prices.

However, even the availability of NCERT textbooks remains questionable.

Because of the shortage, fake NCERT books have flooded markets in several places. Demand for textbooks remains extremely high while supply fails to keep pace. As a result, counterfeit and pirated book rackets have become active. These books are printed on poor-quality paper, use low-quality ink and often lack official logos, adversely affecting both students’ studies and eyesight.

In 2020 alone, fake textbook sales worth nearly Rs 5.64 crore were reported in Meerut and nearby areas. In 2025, authorities in Delhi’s Shahdara busted another fake textbook racket and seized more than 1.7 lakh counterfeit books worth approximately Rs 2.4 crore.

The larger point, critics argue, is that students and parents must now remain cautious not only about textbook shortages but also about fake textbooks thriving because of the shortage.

NCERT textbook controversies and revisions

NCERT has already faced multiple controversies over textbook revisions in recent years.

A major controversy erupted after a Class 8 social science book included references to “corruption in the judiciary.” The Supreme Court strongly objected to the content, calling it damaging to the institution’s dignity. NCERT later apologised and withdrew the book from the market.

Another controversy arose when a Class 8 social science textbook showed several Rajput princely states, such as Jaisalmer, Bikaner and Bundi, as part of the Maratha Empire in a 1759 map. Following criticism, NCERT admitted it had made a serious mistake and acknowledged that the map lacked any valid historical source.

Opposition parties also protested after chapters related to the Mughal Empire and Delhi Sultanate were removed from Class 7 and Class 12 textbooks. NCERT later expressed regret over the removal of certain portions related to the freedom struggle and promised corrections in future academic sessions.

During the Covid period, NCERT also removed Darwin’s theory of evolution and the periodic table from the Class 10 curriculum, triggering criticism from educationists. NCERT later clarified that these topics had not been entirely removed but shifted to the more detailed science curriculum of Classes 11 and 12.

Environmental chapters such as Sources of Energy and Management of Natural Resources were also removed, attracting further criticism.

Overall, critics argue that NCERT urgently needs a more robust strategy both for curriculum revision and textbook distribution. Students have been facing textbook shortages for years. The question being repeatedly asked is simple: why are textbooks printed in insufficient quantities, despite knowing this leads to black market and counterfeit books?

When books themselves are unavailable in the market, what are students expected to do? Their studies suffer, learning gaps emerge and motivation declines. Schools often appear helpless. Critics say the situation is even more worrying for students in villages who are trying to study without proper books, stable internet access or clarity regarding the syllabus.

Supreme Court upholds ECI’s Special Intensive Revision exercise: A detailed look at what the verdict said on electoral roll purity, citizenship verification and constitutional powers

The Supreme Court on Wednesday, 27th May, upheld the Election Commission of India’s decision to conduct a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls and said the exercise was aimed at strengthening free and fair elections in the country. The judgment came in response to a batch of petitions challenging the Election Commission’s decision to conduct the SIR process in Bihar last year.

A bench comprising Chief Justice Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi held that the Election Commission has the constitutional authority to carry out such a revision under Article 324 of the Constitution, along with powers granted under the Representation of the People Act, 1950, and the rules framed under it.

The Court said the Special Intensive Revision was directly connected to ensuring the “integrity, accuracy and purity” of electoral rolls, which form the foundation of the democratic process.

The Supreme Court framed four key questions

Delivering its verdict [pdf] on a batch of pleas questioning the legality of the SIR exercise, the apex court identified four key questions for consideration:

  1. Does the Election Commission of India have the power to conduct the Impugned Special Intensive Revision?
  2. Whether the Impugned Special Intensive Revision is founded on a legitimate purpose, and if so, whether the measures adopted by the Election Commission of India are proportionate to the object sought to be achieved?
  3. Whether the procedure adopted by the Election Commission of India in conducting the Impugned Special Intensive Revision is contrary to, or in violation of, the provisions of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 and the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960?
  4. Whether, in the exercise of its constitutional mandate of preparation and maintenance of electoral rolls, and in furtherance of the statutory conditions governing such registration, the Election Commission of India is empowered to scrutinise the citizenship status of persons seeking inclusion or continuation in the electoral roll?

Court says ECI has constitutional power to conduct SIR

Addressing the first issue, the Supreme Court clearly ruled that the Election Commission was fully empowered to conduct the Special Intensive Revision.

The Court observed that the SIR process was authorised under Section 21(3) of the Representation of the People Act, along with Article 324 of the Constitution. It rejected arguments that the exercise violated existing election laws.

“The impugned SIR does not supplant the RP Act or the 1960 Rules. It rather breathes life into the constitutional mandate of Article 324,” the Court said.

An excerpt from the judgment

The bench further clarified that the Election Commission was allowed to adopt a different procedure from ordinary revisions if circumstances required it.

“So long as the Commission acts within the bounds of the statute, records reasons for recourse to the special power, and does not transgress any express prohibition contained in the Act or the Rules, the exercise cannot be struck down merely because it adopts a procedure different from that applicable to an ordinary revision,” the judgment stated.

The Court also linked the SIR directly with the constitutional requirement of free and fair elections.

“Free and fair elections do not rest merely upon the mechanics of polling. They equally depend upon the integrity, accuracy and purity of the electoral roll,” the bench observed.

The judges noted that more than two decades had passed since the last intensive revision and that rapid urbanisation, migration and large-scale additions and deletions in voter rolls justified the fresh verification exercise.

The court says SIR has a legitimate purpose

Addressing the second question, the Supreme Court held that the objective behind the SIR exercise was both legitimate and constitutionally necessary.

“The objective sought to be achieved by the Commission, namely, the restoration of accuracy, completeness, and integrity of the electoral roll, is not only legitimate but is integral to the constitutional mandate entrusted to it,” the Court said.

The Court rejected the argument that the SIR lacked a proper purpose or was politically motivated. It held that the reasons given by the Election Commission had a “direct and rational nexus” with maintaining a credible electoral process.

An excerpt from the judgment

The bench also examined whether the methods used during the SIR exercise were proportionate to the objective. The Court found that the measures adopted by the Election Commission, including house-to-house verification and collection of updated forms, were reasonable.

“These measures are not only logically connected to the stated objective but are, in fact, intrinsically designed to achieve it,” the Court observed.

The Court noted that physical verification helped identify outdated or duplicate entries, while standardised forms ensured uniform scrutiny across constituencies.

The judgment also highlighted that procedural safeguards existed within the process, including scrutiny by officers, notices in doubtful cases, hearings and appellate remedies.

“These procedural safeguards reinforce the rational connection between the means adopted and the objective sought to be achieved,” the Court said.

Concluding this issue, the Court ruled, “We are satisfied that the impugned SIR bears a direct and proximate nexus to ensure the purity and accuracy of the electoral roll.”

Court rejects challenge to SIR procedure

While examining the third issue, the Supreme Court rejected claims that the SIR process violated Rule 21A of the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960.

The petitioners had argued that the exercise allowed deletion of names without adequate safeguards. However, the Court said that safeguards such as notice, inquiry, hearing and reasoned determination were still available within the SIR framework.

An excerpt from the judgment

The Court clarified that these safeguards were spread across different stages of the process, including enumeration, draft publication and claims-and-objections proceedings.

“The statutory framework does not mandate a rigid or singular procedural format but instead requires fairness in action,” the Court said.

The Court also upheld the Election Commission’s decision to prescribe a documentary verification system.

According to the bench, the documentation requirement was aimed at ensuring “administrative consistency and evidentiary reliability.”

The petitioners had objected to the exclusion of documents like ration cards and voter ID cards from the accepted list. However, the Court refused to interfere with the Election Commission’s discretion in deciding which documents should be accepted.

“The choice of proposed documents for verification of electoral rolls and their evidentiary standards necessarily fall within the discretionary domain of the Commission,” the Court observed.

The Court finally held that the documentation framework was neither arbitrary nor illegal.

“We hold that the documentation regime prescribed by the Commission represents a considered exercise of its administrative discretion in furtherance of its Constitutional mandate,” the bench stated.

An excerpt from the judgment

ECI can examine citizenship for voter rolls, says SC

The fourth issue dealt with whether the Election Commission had the authority to examine questions related to citizenship while preparing electoral rolls. 

The Supreme Court ruled that the Election Commission does have the power to examine citizenship-related questions for the limited purpose of deciding eligibility for inclusion in electoral rolls.

However, the Court also made it clear that the Election Commission’s findings would not amount to a final declaration on someone’s citizenship status. “It concerns not merely the scope of the Commission’s powers, but the manner in which those powers are to be exercised in a domain that directly engages the status of citizenship,” the Court observed.

An excerpt from the judgment

The Court accepted the Election Commission’s argument that Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution, along with Section 16 of the Representation of the People Act, empower it to verify whether a person fulfils the conditions required for voter registration.

At the same time, the bench stressed that citizenship is a serious constitutional issue and cannot be conclusively decided by the Election Commission alone.

The judges clarified that if the Commission finds doubts regarding someone’s citizenship, it must refer the matter to the competent authority under the Citizenship Act for final adjudication.

Court’s concluding directions

The Supreme Court later clarified several questions and laid down clear safeguards regarding cases involving doubtful citizenship and rumoured claims. 

“In cases where the Commission is not satisfied that a person meets the statutory conditions for inclusion in the electoral roll, it would be incumbent upon it to refer such an individual to the competent authority within the Central Government for adjudication in accordance with law,” the Court said.

The bench added that the Election Commission’s findings would remain limited only to electoral purposes and would not finally determine citizenship.

The Court also directed the Election Commission to refer, within four weeks, all cases where names had been deleted from the 2003 electoral rolls on citizenship-related grounds.

The competent authority under the Citizenship Act was asked to decide such cases after giving proper notice and hearing to affected individuals. The Court further clarified that if any deleted individuals are later found to be Indian citizens, their names must be restored to the electoral rolls.

Background of the case

The controversy began last year when the Election Commission ordered a Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in Bihar ahead of the Assembly elections. Multiple organisations, including the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and the National Federation for Indian Women (NFIW), challenged the process before the Supreme Court.

The petitioners argued that the SIR exercise could lead to the arbitrary deletion of voters and might disenfranchise lakhs of genuine citizens.

However, the Election Commission defended the move, saying the revision was necessary to remove duplicate, inaccurate and ineligible entries from voter rolls.

Initially, around 65 lakh names were removed from Bihar’s draft electoral rolls published on 1st August. Later, after appeals and corrections, the number came down to around 47 lakh.

As the hearings continued over months, the Supreme Court stepped in to add balanced safeguards. The Court directed the ECI to issue a formal notice explicitly stating that Aadhaar would be accepted as a valid identity proof document for the inclusion of voters in the revised lists being prepared under the SIR. The SIR exercise in Bihar was completed on 30th September.

According to official figures, Bihar had 7.89 crore voters before the revision process began, while 7.42 crore voters remained on the revised list after completion of the exercise.

The Election Commission later extended the SIR process to other states as well and issued a notification on 27th October to conduct it in West Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, which led to further legal challenges and eventually resulted in the Supreme Court’s final verdict upholding the exercise.