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Who are Maya Tudor and Faisal Devji, whom Telangana CM Revanth Reddy met at Blavatnik School of Government? Uncovering the anti-India and anti-Hindu bias of these Oxford-linked professors

Shraddha Pandey
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Who are Maya Tudor and Faisal Devji, whom Telangana CM Revanth Reddy met at Blavatnik School of Government? Uncovering the anti-India and anti-Hindu bias of these Oxford-linked professors

Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy is on an official visit to the United Kingdom. During this visit, CM Revanth Reddy arrived at the Blavatnik School of Government and met professors Maya Tudor and Faisal Devji as a part of the state’s “global education outreach”. CM Reddy’s meeting, however, has triggered outrage back in India.

The Telangana Chief Minister’s Office (CMO) informed that CM Revanth Reddy visited the Blavatnik School of Government, which is an institution affiliated with the University of Oxford. CM Reddy was accompanied by a delegation, including K Ramakrishna Rao, the advisor and ex officio special chief secretary to the chief minister, among others.

CM Reddy presented the overview of Telangana Rising and the plan to transform Hyderabad into a global education hub.

However, the meeting between Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy and Maya Tudor and Faisal Devji has triggered outrage in India over the duo’s record of peddling anti-India propaganda. The BJP has accused CM Revanth Reddy of coddling anti-India propagandists.

‘Maya Tudor believes under the Modi government, ‘India’s Democracy is dying’

Maya Tudor is a professor of Politics and Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of Government and a Fellow of St Hilda’s College, University of Oxford. Tudor’s research and work centres on the origins of effective and democratic states, with regional emphasis on South Asia.

Tudor, however, has received flak earlier for her biased assessment of India’s democracy.

In July 2023, Maya Tudor published an article headlined “India’s Democracy Is Dying” in the Journal of Democracy. The piece contends that India exemplifies global democratic recession and emphasises that India has been downgraded to a hybrid regime.

Maya Tudor cited dubious democratic freedom indices like Freedom House that downgraded India to the “Partly Free” category, and V-Dem, which declared India an “electoral autocracy”.

Back in 2021, according to the ‘renowned’ think tank Freedom House in Washington, India’s freedom score had been downgraded from “free” to “partly free,” with the organization citing attacks on Muslims, the use of the sedition law, and the government’s response to the coronavirus, which included the lockdown, as reasons why rights and civil liberties “have been eroding since Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014”.

Freedom House had made this outrageous assessment about India’s democracy based on the reports published by Islamo-leftist propaganda rag The Wire.

Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar slammed Freedom House for their “hypocrisy”. He called them “self-appointed custodians of the world who find it very difficult to stomach that somebody in India is not looking for their approval”.

Interestingly, back in November 2022, Freedom House, which had downgraded India from ‘Free’ to ‘Partly Free’ based on The Wire’s now retracted reports on Tek Fog, said it had updated its FreedomOnTheNet 2022 report and claimed that Tek Fog stories had no impact on India’s score. It, however, was evident that Freedom House was attempting to distance itself from The Wire’s Tek Fog fiasco.

Freedom House’s downgrading of India’s status also relied on the fake news peddled by Alt News co-founder Mohammed Zubair, The Wire, and several other left-leaning websites about the assault of an elderly man in Ghaziabad. It also relied on crowdfunding scam-accused Islamist propagandist Rana Ayyub to tarnish India’s reputation internationally. 

Maya Tudor’s journal also relied on the George Soros-funded V-Dem Institute’s report to back up her claim that somehow India’s democracy is ‘dying’ under PM Modi’s watch.

The Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute is an independent research organisation created in 2014 and funded by many other institutions and governments. Fund contributors to the institute range from the Canadian International Development Agency to the World Bank Group.

The Open Society Foundation, which George Soros leads, also funds the institute. Soros is a self-proclaimed philanthropist and Hungarian-American investor who has sworn to ‘fight nationalists’ and conservative governments throughout the world, which he commonly refers to as ‘authoritarian governments.’ Soros has publicly expressed his disdain for India and the Modi government.

According to V-Dem, India had ‘lost’ its status as an electoral democracy and had devolved into an electoral autocracy.

The credibility and unbiasedness of V-Dem’s reports can be understood from the fact that back in 2022, it placed Pakistan and Taliban-ruled Afghanistan above India in the Academic Freedom Index

Coming back to Maya Tudor, in her journal ‘India’s Democracy Is Dying’, she audaciously equated ‘Modi’s India’ with the June 1975 to March 1977 Emergency imposed by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi-led Congress government.

“No country is a better exemplar of our global democratic recession than India. Most unlikely at its founding, India’s democracy confounded legions of naysayers by growing more stable over its first seven decades. India’s democratic deepening happened in formal ways, through the consolidation of civilian rule over the military as well as decades of vibrant multiparty competition, and informal ways, through the strengthening of norms around Electoral Commission independence and the increasing participation of women and other social groups in formal political life. India has also witnessed two significant democratic declines: the 21-month period from June 1975 to March 1977 known as the Emergency and a contemporary decline beginning with Narendra Modi’s election in 2014,” Tudor wrote.

“During Modi’s tenure, key democratic institutions have remained formally in place while the norms and practices underpinning democracy have substantially deteriorated. This informal democratic decline in contemporary India stands in stark contrast to the Emergency, when Indira Gandhi formally eliminated nearly all democratic institutions- banning elections, arresting political opposition, eviscerating civil liberties, muzzling independent media, and passing three constitutional amendments that undermined the power of the country’s courts…While democracy-watching organizations categorize democracies differently, they all classify India today as a “hybrid regime” that is, neither a full democracy nor a full autocracy. And this is new,” she added.

Back in 2021, Maya Tudor had written an article headlined “How India exemplifies the world’s democratic recession”. This piece was riddled with usual Islamo-leftist villainisation of Hindus, Hindutva and ‘Hindu nationalism’. Tudor argued that India is witnessing a democratic decline because “Hindu nationalism has today become the fundamental currency of India’s politics.”

Citing Freedom House’s propaganda, Tudor peddled the typical Islamo-leftist one-sided Muslim victimhood bogey.

In addition to writing journals and op-eds steeped in anti-India and anti-Hindu bias, professor Maya Tudor has also been actively participating in events and seminars to further her apocryphal ‘India’s democracy under threat’ narrative.

In May 2023, Maya Tudor appeared as a speaker on an online event titled “Democracy – at death’s door in Modi’s India?”  While the title itself is quite self-explanatory about the kind of anti-India and anti-Modi alarmist propaganda must have been peddled during the event, the discussion organised by ‘Index on Censorship ’ was attended by ‘journalist’ Salil Tripathi.

Source: Index on Censorship

Salil Tripathi is the contributing editor at the leftist propaganda magazine ‘The Caravan’. Back in August 2024, when Islamic fanatics were killing, raping, and looting Hindus, and vandalising Hindu temples after PM Sheikh Hasina’s forced ouster, Tripathi was at the forefront of peddling the Islamist narrative of ‘Muslims protecting Hindu temples in Bangladesh’ without highlighting the religious affiliation of the attackers. He also downplayed Islamic mob attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh.

From opposing Narendra Modi’s UK visit in 2013 to villainising his government, Faisal Devji pushes Islamo-leftist narratives with nuance

Beit Professor of Global and Imperial History, Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford (previously St Antony’s), Faisal Devji is a Canadian citizen of Indian origin.

Faisal Devji has also been churning out propaganda pieces vilifying Hindutva and the PM Modi-led ruling dispensation.

In his 2024 article, “The end of India’s politics of necessity”, Devji characterised the BJP’s electoral rise as linked to Hindutva. He insinuated that the ‘Hindu nationalist’ BJP is essentially opposed to and intolerant of Muslims and Christians.

While the article hailed Congress leader Rahul Gandhi for focusing on “unity, justice, and love in large, country-wide rallies that hark back to the Mahatma’s still living political tradition”, it calls Hindu Nationalism’s vision of collective identity a tool for ‘self-interest’.

Faisal Devji claimed that Hindu nationalism turned out to be about granting impunity to its adherents to attack ‘minorities’, by which he essentially meant Muslims.

Cited by Islamist organisation Justice for All in its 2020 article, Faisal Devji opines, “Increasingly associated with violence in the west… Islamophobia’s brutality is most readily seen in Asia, a continent awaiting its recognition as capitalism’s new home.”

Interestingly, Justice For All has been at the forefront of the ongoing campaign against Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat ahead of his New York visit.

Faisal Devji has earlier been interviewed by Pakistani-born American imam, author and media operator Imam Malik Mujahid, who is also the founder of Justice For All, the outfit that equates the RSS activities and ideology to Nazism. Mujahid, who was born and educated in Sindh, was also the president of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba (IJT), which is affiliated with Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan. Jamaat-e-Islami was created in British India to implement Islamic Law. 

In the interview uploaded on Muslim TV Network’s YouTube channel, Faisal Devji peddled nuanced propaganda against the RSS, painting it as an Islamophobic militia.

This interview was also published on Sound Vision, an offshoot of the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA) that has intimate links with terror groups such as Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, Jamaat-e-Islami, and other Islamic terror organisations.

Back in 2015, Faisal Devji authored an article headlined, “Fighting terrorism with the big boys”. In this article published in The Hindu, Faisal Devji claimed that despite its apprehensions, India is not a “serious target” for various Islamic terrorist outfits like the Islamic State (ISIS), Al-Qaeda and others.

He even argued that India was desperate to be seen by the world as a victim of globalised terrorism and thus an ally of Europe and America in the counter-terrorism fight.

“India isn’t a serious target for al-Qaeda and now ISIS despite appearing on their imaginary maps. But instead of being thankful for this situation, a number of Indian journalists and policymakers seem anxious that the country be recognised as a victim of globalised terrorism, and so an ally of the Europeans and Americans fighting against it,” Devji wrote.

Faisal Devji framed India’s supposed longing  to join the “all-white club of terrorism’s leading enemies” as a “perversion of the older desire that India take her place among the great powers.”

In this one article, Devji not only villainised the countries actively involved in the counter-terrorism fight, dismissed the fact that India indeed is a victim of Islamic terrorism and has been on the radar of ISIS, Al-Qaeda and other such jihadist groups, but also described the 26/11 Mumbai attacks “a novel form of militancy”, which was “coordinated, yet random, killing.”

In a 2023 article headline, The Fate of Muslim Politics in India, Faisal Devji lamented how Muslims have lost their ability to “mobilise” and are thus emptying their “political lives”. He claimed that Muslims were cowed by the Babri Masjid demolition-related violence and the 2002 Godhra riots, and did not mobilise despite the BJP government’s decisions like a ban on Triple Talaq, or the court-ordered construction of Ayodhya Ram Mandir, or the Hindu side’s pushback against Love Jihad.

He described the 2020 Anti-CAA protests as somewhat a partial return of Muslim mobilisation. While contrary to Devji’s observation, Muslims have in the last decade resorted to mob violence against Hindus over the BJP government’s policy decisions concerning Muslims, the Oxford scholar essentially lamented that Muslims are not violently pushing back against their supposed ‘persecution’.

Interestingly, the BJP has highlighted that Faisal Devji was also among the signatories of the 2013 letter opposing then Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi’s UK visit.

BJP MP from Telangana’s Nizamabad, Arvind Dharmapuri wrote on X, “Meet Faisal Devji of Oxford University. In 2013, he along with others had written an open letter opposing @narendramodi Ji’s visit to the UK. He in one of his interviews, said, “Indians repeatedly say India is great, but it really doesn’t look like that to many people. Shame on Revanth Reddy for meeting such a venom-spewing dimagi naxal.

It appears that Congress leaders, including Chief Ministers like Revanth Reddy, are following their boss Rahul Gandhi’s pattern of coddling anti-India and anti-Hindu elements during foreign visits, apparently because of their shared disdain for the Modi government and Hindutva.

After Arvind Kejriwal, CJP ‘cockroach’ Saurav Das peddles lies against Punjab & Haryana HC Acting Chief Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra over DA ruling: Debunking the ‘judiciary acting at BJP’s behest’ bogey

Shraddha Pandey
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After Arvind Kejriwal, CJP ‘cockroach’ Saurav Das peddles lies against Punjab & Haryana HC Acting Chief Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra over DA ruling: Debunking the ‘judiciary acting at BJP’s behest’ bogey

Throughout its journey from an online satire movement, orchestrator of violent protest to inducting former Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) functionaries in working committee post transition into a ‘pressure group’, the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) has been accused of being an unofficial B-Team of AAP. Despite the repeated denials, the ideological imperative has forced CJP leader Saurav Das to bat openly for the AAP government in Punjab and open a front against the Punjab and Haryana High Court’s Acting Chief Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra.

In an X post published on the evening of 20th August, CJP co-convenor Saurav Das claimed that the Acting Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra, withdrew a ‘politically sensitive’ case pertaining to Punjab State Power Corporation Ltd’s Dearness Allowance from another ‘independent’ bench.

Casting aspersions on the integrity of Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra, Saurav Das claimed that the ACJ heard this case himself by violating the roster as these matters were not before him. He further claimed that Justice Mishra passed an order on 3rd August against the AAP government, which is an ideological-political adversary of the BJP.

The CJP ‘cockroach’ further alleged that Justice Mishra not only created a financial liability of Rs 20,000 crore on the AAP government in Punjab, but also reduced the time period to pay the amount from 30 days to 15 days, to the employees.

“Another controversy has hit the Punjab & Haryana High Court again. Its Acting Chief Justice (ACJ) had withdrawn a politically sensitive case relating to Dearness Allowance of PSPCL from another bench that had a reputation of being independent, hears it himself in violation of roster since such matters were not before him, and passed an order on 3 August against the Government of Punjab, political adversary of the BJP, creating a financial liability of Rs 20,000 crores. He even reduced the time period to pay the amount from 30 days to 15 days, which in all terms is a practical impossibility. Remember, Punjab’s debt-related issue is being raked up before the upcoming state election,” Das wrote.

“Days later, on 6 August, the ACJ gets promoted as the Chief Justice of the same High Court. Is this a coincidence?” he asked.

The CJP ‘cockroach’ further targeted former Punjab and Haryana High Court Chief Justice Sheel Nagu, who was recently elevated to the Supreme Court.

“If you remember, I had reported how the previous Chief Justice too had violated the roster to withdraw and list politically sensitive cases related to AAP-to-BJP defector MPs. That Chief Justice was elevated to the Supreme Court recently. Why are roster violations and misuse of master of roster powers being accepted? Several such instances in opposition ruled states. We must guard our institutions from being weaponised to meet political ends,” Das added.

While the timeline of the events given by Saurav Das checks out, his claims of withdrawing the matter from an ‘independent’ bench, by which he meant politically unbiased, roster violation, liability figures and even those about Justice Mishra’s promotion are inaccurate. It is amusing how liberals glorify their failed or successful forum-shopping tactics as a preference for ‘independent judges’ over ‘biased judges’.

Notably, on 3rd August 2026, a Division Bench of the Punjab and Haryana High Court comprising ACJ Ashwani Kumar Mishra and Rohit Kapoor dismissed Letters Patent Appeals (LPA) filed by the State of Punjab and the PSPCL.

The court upheld a single-judge order dated 8th April 2026 and directed payment of pending Dearness Allowance (DA)/Dearness Relief (DR) to employees and pensioners at rates matching the Central pattern for All India Services officers.

Since the original single-judge deadline set for 30th June 2026 had expired while the appeals were pending, the Division Bench altered the timeline to “within a fortnight [15 days]”, with 6% simple interest on default and a bar on certain “unproductive expenditures”, including large-scale advertising until the dues are cleared. The court also sought a compliance affidavit from the Chief Secretary by 31st August 2026.

Estimated liability not Rs 14,000 crore not Rs 20,000 crore

The court’s decision created a liability for the AAP-led Punjab government and PSPCL. As per reports, the estimated DA figure stands roughly at Rs 14,000-15,000 crore, while broader outstanding employees-related dues stand between Rs 18,000-21,000 crore. However, the Division Bench order itself concerned the DA/DR arrears, and thus, CJP ‘cockroach’ Saurav Das’s “Rs 20,000 crores liability” claim is an overstatement.

No proof that Punjab and Haryana HC Acting Chief Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra withdrew the PSPCL DA case from another bench in violation of the roster

Regarding Saurav Das’s claim that Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra withdrew the PSPCL DA case from ‘another independent bench’, there are no contemporaneous reports or court records that corroborate the CJP co-convenor’s conspiracy theory. There is no evidence that Justice Mishra heard the matter in violation of the roster because “such matters were not before him”.

As Acting Chief Justice, the judge is essentially the master of the roster and often heads such benches; beyond Saurav Das’s politically motivated conspiratorial insinuations, there is no public evidence of illegal assignment in this matter.

No, Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra did not reduce the DA payment window from 30 to 15 days, as claimed by CJP ‘cockroach’ Saurav Das

Saurav Das’s claim that the Division Bench led by Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra reduced the time period to make DA payments from 30 days to 15 days also doesn’t stand the scrutiny of facts.

While the single-judge order had set a deadline of 30 June 2026, which is around 2.5 months from the April ruling, the Division Bench made a 15-day deadline period modification only because that date had already passed during the pendency of the appeals.

This essentially means that the deadline for the state government to disburse DA to state employees was not reduced to 15 days but only adjusted to ensure that the government gets the requisite 30-day window.

If the court had set a fresh 30-day deadline, that would have meant allowing additional time beyond the fixed 30-day window to the state government, which would have translated into further delays in the release of an already much-delayed release of Dearness Allowance (DA).

Chronic delays by Punjab government in release of DA

Notably, Punjab had accepted the 6th Pay Commission recommendations 2021, adopting the Central Government’s pattern of deciding DA rates. The Punjab government released some instalments, reportedly reaching 42% in state rates and there have also been successive DA enhancements. However, the requisite full parity with All India Services officers, essentially central rates, was not maintained, and post 2022-2023, it remained staggered.

In February 2025, the AAP government approved a Liquidation Plan to pay the estimated Rs 14,191 crore DA/DR arrears in phased instalments over several years, up to 36 for employees and 42 for pensioners, without interest in many cases. The courts, however, quashed major parts of this plan as arbitrary and discriminatory.

Then, on 8th April 2026, a single-judge bench ordered a full release of pending DA/DR arrears at central rates by 30th June 2026, striking down the staggered plan.

In early August 2026, thousands of state government employees staged a protest in Chandigarh demanding payment of their pending DA arrears. Employees said that since the AAP government led by Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann came to power in March 2022, it has only released one DA instalment of 4% for July-December 2022.

On 21st August, it has been reported that the Punjab and Haryana High Court has issued contempt notices to the Punjab Chief Secretary, Finance Secretary and PSPCL Chairman-cum-Managing Director, over their alleged non-compliance with the court’s directions regarding the release of Dearness Allowance (DA).

Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra was not ‘promoted’ as Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court on 6th August

Saurav Das’s post claims that Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra was “promoted” as the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court on 6th August 2026. However, on 6th August, the Supreme Court Collegium had “recommended” Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra as the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court.

As of 21st August 2026, Justice Mishra is still the Acting Chief Justice (ACJ) of the Punjab and Haryana Court, and not yet ‘promoted’ as the Chief Justice, as claimed by CJP leader Saurav Das.

A formal issuance of the Central government’s notification and assumption of office as permanent CJ by Justice Mishra had not yet occurred. Therefore, Saurav Das’s “gets promoted as the Chief Justice” framing is imprecise.

Punjab’s struggling economy, AAP government’s prodigal advertisement spending, and Saurav Das’s ‘political’ outrage over judicial rulings and appointments

There is no doubt that Punjab is grappling with serious financial constraints. Punjab is facing high committed expenditures in the form of salaries and pensions, while around 70 to 85% of its revenue receipts are consumed by interest. The state has outstanding liabilities of around Rs 4.5 lakh crore, a debt-GSDP ratio around 44-46%, one of the highest in the country; in addition, the state is also struggling with revenue and fiscal deficits, and surging debt-servicing costs.

While Punjab’s plunge into the bottomless quagmire of economic crisis cannot solely be blamed on the AAP government, despite the financial challenges and dependence on borrowing, the AAP government doled out several freebies, including 300 units of free electricity.

Besides freebies, the AAP government in Punjab has also been accused of squandering taxpayers’ money, essentially the funds from the state exchequer for needless advertising and even for AAP’s electoral victory marches.

Back in April 2022, it was reported that AAP spent over Rs 14.63 lakh from the state exchequer for its electoral victory celebration march.

While the state’s financial health was worsening, the AAP government prioritised “image management” more than economic management. In March 2024, it was reported that the AAP government in Punjab spent Rs 7 crore in the Ludhiana district alone on promotions.

In October 2022, it was reported that the debt-ridden AAP government in Punjab spent over Rs 1.8 crore on Facebook ads, with over 77% in the then poll-bound Gujarat.

In 2025, an RTI reply revealed that over the last eight years, the Punjab government, with a notable portion under AAP, spent over Rs 1,500 crore on print and electronic advertisements.

Taking note of the AAP government’s misplaced priorities in terms of spending state funds, the High Court recently explicitly barred the Punjab government from running “large-scale advertising campaigns in print or social media” until the DA dues are cleared, calling them “unproductive expenditures” that in no way justify denying employees their legitimate dues.

The previous and the current AAP government failed to honour dues that became legally binding since the state adopted the Central DA pattern. Both employees and pensioners have waited through inflation and endured great difficulties to receive their legitimate dues. And yet, the AAP government prioritised advertisements and freebies while the DA of employees remained unpaid.

While Saurav Das claims that Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra ‘created’ Rs 20,000 crore liability for the AAP government, particularly to overburden it ahead of elections and to give ammo to the Opposition (BJP) to attack AAP Punjab, the court only enforced the state’s own policy commitments and is preventing indefinite deferral in DA/DR payments.

Instead of accusing the courts of acting at the behest of AAP’s political adversaries, the BJP specifically, Saurav Das should demand accountability from the AAP government.

However, how can the unofficial B-Team of AAP, the CJP, demand accountability from its own ideological overlord? Through its selective targeting of the BJP on paper leak and exam irregularities, and government school infrastructure issues, the CJP has demonstrated that it’s outrage and activism are reserved only for their one single bete noire, the BJP.

Interestingly, earlier this month AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal had also made claims similar to the conspiracy theory Saurav Das is peddling now about Justice Mishra’s recommendation as permanent CJ, and Justice Sheel Nagu’s elevation to the Supreme Court. The liberal cabal has this shared penchant for casting aspersions on the integrity of everyone, be it the Election Commission, the judiciary, and even common voters, whose actions do not align with their whims.

The anti-BJP cabal first hated and villainised Justice Bela Trivedi and ex-CJI DY Chandrachud, and has now painted a target on the back of Justice Ashwani Kumar Mishra and Justice Sheel Nagu.

H1N1 cases surge in Delhi-NCR: What you need to know about the rising Swine Flu threat

Aditi
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H1N1 cases surge in Delhi-NCR: What you need to know about the rising Swine Flu threat

The national capital region is looking at a potential health crisis as cases of H1N1 and other respiratory infections have surged in the past few days. Amid the emerging situation, the Delhi Health Department reportedly held a meeting on Thursday (20th August) with the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) health department and hospitals to review preparedness. The department has been instructed to step up surveillance, strengthen preparedness and implement necessary health protocols. Hospitals across the Delhi NCR have geared up to handle cases of the infection, including any complications.

Union Health Minister JP Nadda also convened a meeting with the Delhi Health Minister and officials from the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and the Government of NCT of Delhi on Friday (21st August) to review the ongoing situation. According to the Health Ministry, Nadda reviewed the national surveillance and epidemiological situation, trends in influenza-like illness (ILI) and severe acute respiratory infections (SARI), testing and laboratory surveillance, and preparedness of healthcare facilities to manage seasonal influenza cases.

“The Ministry continues to coordinate with States/UTs, hospitals, laboratories and other stakeholders to ensure effective surveillance, early detection, timely clinical management and proactive preparedness for seasonal influenza, including H1N1,” the Ministry said. Health authorities have urged people not to panic as the situation cannot be described as an outbreak. At the same time, people have been advised to exercise caution to avoid catching the infection.

Delhi health minister Pankaj Kumar Singh also attended the meeting. “A report is being prepared to assess the number of cases and the overall situation. Everything is under control. There is no need for general panic. All government hospitals have been directed to ensure adequate treatment facilities,” Singh reportedly said.

The H1N1 infection, commonly known as the Swine Flu, has spread rapidly across the Delhi NCR region, with several people, including journalists and health professionals, testing positive for the infection. Patients are reporting flu-like symptoms and falling oxygen levels, indicating the severity of the respiratory illness.

A look at the numbers shows a sharp increase in the cases of Swine Flu this year compared to last year. Delhi has recorded over 1700 H1N1 infection cases so far this year compared to 229 cases during the corresponding period last year. Humid weather amid the monsoon seems to have exacerbated the situation.

What is H1N1 infection?

H1N1 is a respiratory infection caused by the influenza A(H1N1) virus. Its symptoms can include fever, cough, sore throat, runny or blocked nose, body aches, headache, chills and fatigue. In some cases, patients can develop breathing difficulties and low oxygen levels. People are advised to seek medical attention if they experience breathlessness, chest pain, persistent high fever, confusion, bluish lips or worsening symptoms.

Since the infection is contagious, its spread can be prevented by following basic hygiene, including washing hands and avoiding touch, following cough etiquette, avoiding close contact with others when unwell, staying home while symptomatic and seeking medical advice if symptoms become severe. Influenza vaccination can also help reduce the risk of infection and complications.

The infection shows influenza-like symptoms in healthy people, who recover faster. In elderly people, children, pregnant women and people with conditions such as diabetes, chronic heart or lung disease, or weakened immunity are at greater risk of severe illness. In cases of high-risk patients and those with moderate to severe disease, treatment plays an important role.

Fight against food adulteration: How Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation is cleaning up restaurant kitchens

Divya Bharti
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Fight against food adulteration: How Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation is cleaning up restaurant kitchens

The Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) has intensified its action against unsafe food and poor hygiene in restaurants across the city. On Wednesday, the AMC health department issued an advisory to 11,123 restaurants and food business operators, asking them to install CCTV cameras in kitchen areas and display the live feed near the reception or seating area. This will allow customers to see how food is prepared and whether basic hygiene standards are being followed.

The civic body said food businesses must follow cleanliness and sanitation standards under the Food Safety and Standards Act and Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) guidelines. These include maintaining personal hygiene among food handlers, keeping raw and cooked food separate, using clean water, storing food safely, controlling pests and disposing of waste properly. Kitchens and utensils must also be cleaned and sanitised regularly.

Restaurants have also been told to protect food from dust and contamination, use only FSSAI-approved colours and ingredients and handle cooking oil properly. The AMC has warned that negligence can lead to legal action. Repeated or serious violations could result in licence cancellation and sealing of premises.

Although live kitchen CCTV is not legally mandatory, the AMC has strongly encouraged restaurants to adopt the practice voluntarily. The move comes alongside inspections that have already found several serious violations. Some establishments were sealed during Wednesday’s inspections.

Ahmedabad restaurants face action

Mad Over Grills in Kankaria was sealed after inspectors found pests in stored refined flour. Santosh Ghee Bhandar in Madhupura was shut after an Agmark desi ghee sample tested positive for a compound found in vegetable oils, indicating possible adulteration.

Rajesh Dudh Ghar in Kubernagar faced action after its paneer failed quality tests. Sabru Chinese Mughlai & Tawa Fry Centre in Sarkhej was shut for unhygienic conditions and not having a pest control certificate. Samrat Bakery in Behrampura was sealed for operating without a valid licence and maintaining filthy premises, while Bhairavnath Bhojanalay in Rakhial was sealed after its paneer sample failed quality testing.

The AMC also inspected eight school and college canteens. The Mahatma Gandhi Physiotherapy College Hostel canteen in Saijpur Bogha was sealed for operating without a valid food licence and for several hygiene violations. Inspectors found insects in food, unhygienic conditions and missing medical fitness certificates for staff, pest control records and water quality reports.

5-year-old girl dies, family falls ill after restaurant meal

The dangers of unsafe food were highlighted by a tragic incident in Surat, where a five-year-old girl died after her family fell ill following a restaurant meal.

The family, living in Ranujadham Society, had ordered Kaju-Paneer Curry from Sheetal Restaurant. Five family members were hospitalised, and five-year-old Arya died during treatment.

According to the family, Ashokbhai Kalsaria and one of his daughters developed severe stomach pain around 4 am on 16th August. They visited a local clinic around 9 am, but their condition worsened. Other family members soon became unwell and were taken to Sadvichar Hospital. The family said Arya died within 15 to 20 minutes of reaching the hospital emergency room.

The incident has once again raised concerns over the importance of proper food storage, preparation and hygiene at restaurants.

Rotten meat and expired food found in Bengaluru

Several other food safety cases have also come to light in Bengaluru. On Sunday, 9th August, during a raid at Skyye Lounge in UB City, Karnataka food safety officials found 45 kg of rotten meat, 6 kg of rotten vegetable cutlets and 15 litres of used cooking oil. The inspection also found an unhygienic kitchen, while meat and beef were reportedly covered with fungus. Milk and curd had expired around 10 days earlier.

Across five establishments, officials seized or discarded 132 kg of food articles and 15 litres of used cooking oil. Royal Chain Hotel accounted for 50 kg of duck and 5 kg of fish, while food items were also seized or discarded at Madras Kitchen, Tescon Hotel and Sanchez Hotel.

The inspections also found serious storage violations. Officials reported that meat at one establishment had been kept in cold storage for more than six months, while fish at another was reportedly stored for more than a year. Notices were issued to establishments that violated food safety rules, and samples were sent to laboratories for testing.

The crackdown followed another drive on 7th August, when officials seized large quantities of meat, vegetables, fish, bakery products and milk from several prominent Bengaluru hotels. LaLiT Ashok Bengaluru later disputed some of the findings, saying its frozen meat and food products were not spoiled or unfit for consumption and that the milk had only crossed its “Best Before” date by one day.

KFC outlet inspected after complaint

In another case, food safety officials raided a KFC outlet at City Centre Mall on KS Rao Road in Mangaluru after a customer complained that an online order contained spoiled and foul-smelling chicken.

Officials inspected the kitchen, storeroom and cold storage areas before sealing the outlet’s go-down. Food samples were collected and sent to a laboratory, with further action to depend on the test results.

The food safety drive was later expanded to Mysuru, where officials seized 9 kg of expired chicken from Rio Meridian Hotel, 68 kg of meat from Grand Mercure Hotel and 4 kg of mushrooms from Q Star Hotel.

KFC said it follows FSSAI guidelines and global quality standards, carries out multiple safety checks and is cooperating with the authorities.

Can CCTV improve restaurant hygiene?

Kitchen CCTV alone cannot completely end food adulteration or unsafe practices. Regular inspections, food testing, proper storage and strict action against violations remain equally important.

However, making kitchen activities visible to customers can create greater accountability. Restaurants may be more careful about cleanliness, food handling and storage when their practices can be watched.

The AMC’s move, combined with inspections and action against violations, could therefore push restaurants towards better hygiene standards. The larger goal is not only to punish businesses after violations but also to encourage them to maintain safe and clean kitchens every day.

SC rules casteist abuses in private space without ‘public view’ not an offence under SC/ST Act: What does the verdict mean?

Rukma Rathore
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SC rules casteist abuses in private space without ‘public view’ not an offence under SC/ST Act: What does the verdict mean?

On 20th August (Thursday), the Supreme Court declared that hurling alleged casteist slurs in private settings does not fulfill the legal criteria to be classified as an offense under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities (SC/ST) Act. The judgement was pronounced in a case against a school manager. He was accused of attacking and subjecting the father of two students to caste-based abuses.

However, the proceedings were quashed as the court dismissed the case. The court highlighted that purported statements did not meet the necessary statutory criterion as the occurrence transpired inside a closed space that was not accessible to the public.

The decision was delivered by a bench of Justice Vikram Nath and Justice Sandeep Mehta. They were considering an appeal against a 2023 verdict announced by the Allahabad High Court, which had rejected the appellant’s plea pertaining to section 14A(1) of the Act.

The incident took place in January 2020. The respondent’s (R2) sons attended the school where the appellant was the manager. After his son was wounded during a fight with other students, he went up to the appellant, who was accused of using derogatory casteist terms against him. The latter also claimed to be assaulted by him and the school authorities.

A First Information Report (FIR) was submitted against the appellant under sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(s) of the SC/ST Act and sections 147, 323, 342, and 504 of the Indian Penal Code, which are sections 191, 115 and 352 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita. This led to a chargesheet which was lodged in March and the matter reached the Special Judge, SC/ST Act.

Notably, a counter FIR was filed that same day by the appellant’s wife. She charged that the respondent had assaulted and abused her in the school office. Furthermore, her spouse was also targeted upon intervening. As a result, a chargesheet was also submitted against the respondent and cognisance was taken.

“Having considered the rival submissions and the material on record, we find merit in the submissions advanced on behalf of the appellant,” the court declared. It outlined that sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(s) of the Act specifically mention that such an offence has to take place within “public view.” The bench even cited its earlier ruling to emphasise the point.

“Tested on this principle, the prosecution case does not satisfy the statutory requirement. The FIR does not state that the alleged caste-based abuses were uttered in the presence or hearing of members of the public. On the contrary, the incident is alleged to have occurred inside a room in the school,” the court conveyed. It stated that the room was enclosed and lacked a window or public access based on the documented details.

The court mentioned that the absence of a particular accusation related to caste-based abuse against the appellant further undermined the prosecution’s case. It added that the appellant is not charged with using any such specific language or insulting remarks in either the FIR or the respondent’s testimony, referring to the claim as “general in nature.”

“The material relied upon by the prosecution, at the highest, discloses a quarrel and scuffle between the parties. It does not disclose any specific caste-based utterance attributable to the appellant,” the bench expressed.

According to the judges, the four private witnesses who are teachers at the school reported a quarrel and scuffle, as their statements were taken under section 161 of the Code of Criminal Procedure during the probe. However, none of them asserted to have been in the office at the time of the supposed abuses or to have heard any such comments.

“While they stated that they were present in the school, their statements do not establish that they witnessed or heard the alleged caste-based abuse. Their mere presence in the school premises, therefore, does not establish that the alleged utterance was made within public view,” it noted, remarking that the respondent failed to prove otherwise.

The bench determined that the evidence presented to the court must reveal the fundamental elements of the offence. However, the evidence in this instance does not support the key requirement that the purported caste-based slander or intimidation took place in a location that was exposed to the public.

The judges pointed out that the facts presented on the record did not support the high court’s conclusion that the incident happened in public view. They underscored that the necessity for public view hinges on whether the utterances were made in conditions where members of the public could observe or hear them. “The mere fact that the occurrence took place within the premises of a school does not, by itself, satisfy this requirement,” the court announced.

It reiterated that both the FIR and the site plan suggested that the incident unfolded within an enclosed space, while the witness accounts do not substantiate their presence in the room or that they heard any caste-based remarks. “The material on record, therefore, does not establish that the alleged utterances were made in the presence or hearing of members of the public. The essential requirement of public view is consequently not satisfied,” the bench reaffirmed

Therefore, the court indicated that the charges under sections 3(2)(r) and 3(1)(s) of the Act are not established prima facie against the appellant. It stated, “The summoning order dated 8th August 2022, insofar as it relates to the aforesaid offences, therefore cannot be sustained.”

The high court’s order was “set aside,” allowing the appeal. “The proceedings arising out of FIR No. 37 of 2020, insofar as they relate to the offences under Sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(s) of the SC/ST Act against the appellant, stand quashed. The proceedings shall, however, continue insofar as they relate to the remaining offences under IPC. 20. Pending applications, if any, are disposed of,” the court declared.

The Allahabad High Court rejected the appellant’s petition against the Special Judge’s summons, deciding that a prima facie case had been established based on the available proof. It added that the fact that the current case was a counterblast could not be grounds for quashing on its own. Hence, the appellant went to the Supreme Court to challenge the verdict, which ruled in his favour.

The apex court has clarified that allegations alone cannot lead to a conviction, and it is mandatory to produce proper evidence (public view in this case) in compliance with the Act to substantiate a case.

From USCIRF to IAMC: Read about 5 anti-India outfits, with ties to Islamists and Khalistanis, which are opposing the visit of RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat to the US

Rukma Rathore
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From USCIRF to IAMC: Read about 5 anti-India outfits, with ties to Islamists and Khalistanis, which are opposing the visit of RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat to the US

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat is set to embark on a three-nation tour of the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom from 25th August. The visit, coming during the organisation’s centenary year, has already stirred opposition among the global anti-India, Hindu-hostile nexus of Islamists, Khalistanis and liberals. 

Hence, they have begun pressurising the government to prevent Bhagwat from entering their country and speaking publicly, portraying him as a “Hindutva” leader who poses threats to Indian minorities. His organisation has been absurdly described as a replica of the Nazi Party, which persecutes Muslims and Christians with the implicit support of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The unsubstantiated allegations intend to attack not only Bhagwat or RSS but also the country on the international front and even strain its diplomatic relations with other nations.

OpIndia has already covered how the Islamist organisation “Justice For All,” founded by a Pakistani-origin man, has launched an online petition for this purpose. The group has its roots in Jamaat-e-Islami and a profound relationship with the notorious ICNA (Islamic Circle of North America). Unsurprisingly, there are multiple other entities with similarly sinister credentials and devious agendas that do not want Bhagwat to land in their country.

United States Commission on International Religious Freedom

USCIRF (United States Commission on International Religious Freedom), which is also headed by a Pakistan-born American, Dr Asif Mahmood, also shares the same objective. Notably, the chief of this “independent body,” who has accepted to share warm ties with political parties across his native country, wanted India to be considered as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) along with sanctions on the Research & Analysis Wing (R&AW) and RSS in their 2026 report.

He is once again engaged in his propaganda against Bhagwat, outlining that PM Modi is a part of RSS, “an Indian umbrella organisation whose sub-groups have perpetrated attacks on religious minorities, including Christians and Muslims.” USCIRF Commissioner Gene Mills has also lent her voice to strengthen this fabricated narrative and added, “RSS leaders, even when affiliated with the Indian government should not be honoured with high-level meetings or diplomatic,” restating the demand to put sanctions on RSS and those affiliated with it.

However, these statements are fairly obvious as the commission has historically been a stage for anti-India elements that seek to fulfil their ulterior objectives by continuously targeting the nation in the name of minority rights. Furthermore, Hindus have been attacked in the US, and their temples are frequently desecrated and vandalised, but this apparently does not constitute an assault on minorities or their religious rights as the country is not India.

Indian American Muslim Council and Hindus for Human Rights

Two vehement detractors of India, the Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) and Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR), have joined forces in their mission to prevent Bhagwat from making an appearance in the United States.

HfHR has promoted IAMC’s online petition asking people to take part in it to urge Secretary of State Marco Rubio to revoke Bhagwat’s US visa, insisting that otherwise it would “send the wrong message about America’s commitment to religious freedom and the safety of minority communities.”

It has referenced the aforementioned USCIRF report to support its argument against the “Hindu nationalist,” contending that he should not be permitted to speak at a significant event scheduled to take place in New York City on 29th August. Bhagwat is reportedly going to address “Universal Oneness Celebrations” which is organised by American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue (AHEAD).

IAMC recounted that the United States has previously yielded to such pressure and cancelled PM Modi’s visa over the 2002 Gujarat riots, in which he had no involvement, as clarified by the Indian Supreme Court. Therefore, it is time for the “State Department to act again” and adhere to the demands of these groups, regardless of the reality of their allegations or the potential impact on relations between the two nations.

IAMC, which hosts figures such as Ilhan Omar to spread disinformation against India, has consistently launched programs and events that aim to paint a target on the backs of the vulnerable Hindu American community. This includes referring to them as racists to promote its anti-Hindutva and Muslim victimhood agenda.

IAMC, a Jamaat-e-Islami weapon pretending to be an advocacy group, maintains links with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). The Hindu American Foundation (HAF) has also reported its connections with the banned terrorist group, Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). The outfit together with others of its ilk, had also planned to demonstrate against PM Modi’s 2023 US visit holding banners that read, “Save India from Hindu Supremacy” and “Modi Not Welcome.”

HfHR, which has no connection to Hindus or human rights, is a 2019 product of the unholy union of IAMC and the Organisation for Minorities of India (OFMI). It has openly supported Hamas and has even utilised Hindu religious texts to justify their acts of terrorism.

HfHR’s Executive Director Sunita Viswanath had drawn a comparison between the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza and the challenges faced by Lord Krishna and the Pandavas in the Mahabharata, in an opinion piece published on the propaganda platform “The Wire.” She wanted Hindus to empathise with Hamas terrorists on the pious occasion of Krishna Janmashtami.

HfHR even called on London Mayor Sadiq Khan to terminate all associations with Hindu groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), BAPS (Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha) and Chinmaya Mission. The anger was triggered due to their involvement in the organisation of the Diwali festival at Trafalgar Square in London in 2024.

The IAMC and HfHR, infamous for their anti-India and Hinduphobic agendas and their ties with extremist and terrorist groups had opposed the Ram Mandir tooth and nail. The Federation of Indian Associations NY-NJ-CT-NE (New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and New England) intended to feature a Ram Janmabhoomi float in the India Day Parade to celebrate India’s 78th Independence Day in 2024. However, HfHR, IAMC and others in this ecosystem initiated a campaign against the move driven by unfounded reports and misinformation.

World Sikh Organisation and other Khalistanis elements

If Islamists are objecting to Bhagwat’s visit, their Khalistani lackeys are not far behind, regurgitating the same rhetoric to voice their protest. The World Sikh Organisation (WSO), based in Canada, has latched onto the controversial USCIRF report and beaten the drum of disproven accusations surrounding the Gujarat riots.

The group also took issue with the Hindu identity of India, a reality highlighted by Bhagwat, whose remarks have been deliberately misconstrued. “Bhagwat has repeatedly promoted the idea that India’s national identity is fundamentally Hindu, an ideology that denies the distinct identities of millions of Sikhs, Muslims, Christians and others,” it charged.

His comments were meant to reflect a broad national and cultural identity linked to the land and its heritage, rather than a narrow religious classification. However, the sentiment was knowingly distorted to impart a communal colour to it.

World Sikh Organisation then declared, “Canada must not ignore the concerns raised by international human rights bodies or the experiences of communities affected by Hindutva extremism,” seeking a ban on Bhagwat. The group aspires to be the champion of this manufactured outrage, while Canada has turned into a haven for criminal Khalistanis who have assaulted numerous temples and Hindu devotees.

However, this evidently does not fit their interpretation of “extremism” and how could it, when the group instead honours Khalistani terrorists such as Talwinder Singh Parmar and Hardeep Singh Nijjar in association with the infamous Sikhs for Justice.

Furthermore, the pro-Khalistani cheerleaders of Islamists, MPs Heather McPherson and Jenny Kwan, even wrote to Canada’s ministers for public safety, immigration and foreign affairs, asking Bhagwat to be declared inadmissible to the country because he purportedly has a history of “hate speech, advocacy of violence against religious minorities, targeted intimidation of critics in India and in Canada.”

They went so far as to assert that he has links to criminal and terrorist groups, calling for a ban on the RSS, contending that its influence might endanger minority communities and disrupt public order.

Meanwhile, the Khalistanis on the other side of the Canadian border have planned a “peaceful” agitation to oppose Bhagwat’s event at Madison Square Garden. “Participants and human-rights advocates are invited to stand together for equality, religious freedom, pluralism, justice, and peaceful democratic expression,” they urged.

Words such as extremism, hate, violence, minority rights and other similar terms from the anti-Hindu glossary have found their way into these appeals and demands to advance a malicious agenda. However, the narrative remains largely anchored in jargon, rhetoric and a firm lexicon, conspicuously devoid of any empirical evidence, because the goal is not what is projected but to perpetually target India and Hindus by one means or another.

Canadian Forum for Human Rights and Democracy in India

A coalition of alleged “civil society, human rights, labour, and faith-based organisations” in Canada requested Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree to forbid Bhagwat from entering the nation. Obviously, the US report along with usual anti-India rhetoric, has formed the basis of this submission.

“Minister Anandasangaree must enforce Canadian law to protect our communities from far-right extremism, hate speech, and foreign intimidation. Allowing the head of a violent paramilitary network into Canada threatens vulnerable minority populations, including Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Jews, Dalits and undermines Charter rights,” it expressed.

Canadian Council of Indian Muslims (CCIM), Canadians for Indian Democracy (CID), South Asian Dalit Adivasi Network (SADAN), World Sikh Organisation (WSO), Canadian Council of Muslim Women, Independent Jewish Voices Canada (IJV), Just Peace Advocates, South Asian Women’s & Immigrants Services Inc, Dr Ambedkar International Mission (AIM), Toronto, Toronto East Anti-hate Mobilisation (TEAM) and Asian Canadian Labour Alliance (ACLA) are among the petitioners.

Moreover, Justice For All Canada, together with 266 similar groups, also asked the Canadian government, including the Prime Minister, to prevent Bhagwat from entering the country. A similar outfit named “Savera: United Against Supremacy” endeavoured to disseminate propaganda in relation to the visit by circulating conspiracy theories about its organisers and purpose.

However, the rights and freedoms these organisations continuously advocate are rooted in secessionism, aggression against Hindus, anti-national activities and spewing venom against India, with anyone who challenges them rapidly categorised as an enemy.

Their authentic position on these grand declarations has been exposed multiple times, including their blatant demonstrations against the Citizenship Amendment Act which basically pertained to the right of life of the severely oppressed minorities in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan.

Conclusion

All these entities, which unmistakably belong to the worldwide Islamo-leftist cabal, have tried to present their prejudice as a form of advocacy for human and minority rights, even though their hypocrisy and actions consistently reveal their genuine intentions. Their actions are a result of a pathological animosity towards Hindus, which extends to the Hindu Prime Minister, Hindu organisations and their leaders.

These groups might manifest in various shapes and forms but function within a singular ecosystem that is solely dedicated to undermining India and its largest community, irrespective of whether they are inside or outside the nation. The perpetual collaboration among them on these issues serves as compelling evidence of this.

Their overarching aim is to characterise the Indian government and Hindutva groups as extremist groups that merit sanctions and bans. For decades, this has been their course of action, and it is likely to remain so for the unknown future ahead. And India has introduced the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, which will only create a larger target on individuals associated with the “Hindutva government” and outfits dedicated to India.

Suchitra Vijayan of Soros-funded ‘The Polis Project’ comes under scanner for workplace harassment, former employees speak up: Here is what happened

OpIndia Staff
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Suchitra Vijayan of Soros-funded ‘The Polis Project’ comes under scanner for workplace harassment, former employees speak up: Here is what happened

On Thursday (20th August), Suchitra Vijayan, the founder of the George Soros-funded Kashmiri separatist platform ‘The Polis Project’ was exposed on X (formerly Twitter) for unethical practices, workplace harassment, toxic behaviour and arbitrary firing of employees.

A press release to this effect was posted on X by ‘journalist’ Riddhi Dastidar. It read, “Suchitra Vijayan…unilaterally fired all three full-time editors after they raised concerns about the organisation’s governance, editorial independence, toxic work environment, and financial sustainability.”

The affected Editors were identified as Aritry Das, Kaashif Hajee, and Madhuri Sastry. “They were given no prior notice or opportunity to transition their work or communicate with writers whose pieces were in progress,” the press release stated.

It further added, “Ironically, as the magazine exposed surveillance structures through stories, more disciplinary surveillance structures were popping up within the organization itself.”

Suchitra Vijayan took increasing control of the editorial content of ‘The Polis Project’ and began interfering with the work of full-time editors.

“Even as one of the assistant editors continued to deliver on their editorial duties and more, Vijayan sent an implicitly threatening email through an office assistant using the language of a Human Resources manager. The editor was made to understand that their job was precarious, and they were given no accommodation for their debilitating mental health condition. Vijayan also mocked them publicly for these issues at a staff gathering in Mumbai this July,” the press release exposed.

It pointed out, “In the lead-up to this, the editor was also made aware that their financial situation was not strong enough for them to fail to meet any of the conditions set out by Vijayan, lest they would be terminated. Vijayan also shouted at the assistant editors on a few occasions in an unprofessional way, causing immense anxiety and creating an unsafe work environment.”

As per the press release, Suchitra Vijayan also attempted to dissolve the Board on being questioned about accountability and transparency. She has announced that ‘The Polis Project’ will remain operational for 14 more months.

“A total of 14 staff members have been fired, ousted, or pressured to quit in the past 18 months. It is regrettable that Vijayan’s leadership is founded on unethical labor practices, a harsh and intolerant communication style, and a rejection of the very values that she espouses publicly,” the press release concluded.

An X user Devraj, who previously worked at ‘The Polis Project’, also narrated his ordeal.

“I reported her head of Comms misbehaviour and threatening email towards me. What followed was 2+ hour long disciplinary grilling of me because I called them casteist. I left that role because I was essentially told to apologise or get fired because I was dispensable for them. Months of hard work, staying up late and working on weekends just to be told your work is not valuable,” he stated.

“Horrible work environment where SV would yell at her employees during meetings for having different opinions than her…The constant demeaning behaviour I have faced at the hands of their leadership is beyond description. Polis Project is no better than all the other organisations they called out in that podcast series. SV does not respect her employees or the work they do, and anybody who has worked there will tell you the same,” the ex-employee of The Polis Project emphasised.

“SV refers to the organisation as a non-hierarchical one where everyone is welcome to share their opinions and perspectives. When I did, I was labelled as a misogynist Ambedkarite activist,” he lamented.

He concluded by pointing out how ‘The Polis Project’ is a ‘two-faced organisation masquerading as progressive’.

Who is Suchitra Vijayan

Suchitra Vijayan is the founder of the George Soros-funded-Polis Project. A casual look at Suchitra Vijayan’s Twitter timeline (which has now been deleted) shows her political antecedents. She had expressed her open support and admiration for Delhi riot accused Umar Khalid.

In 2023, Suchitra Vijayan also supported ‘journalist’ Irfan Mehraj who was arrested in connection with a ‘terror funding case.’ NIA had pointed out that Mehraj was a close associate of ‘activist’ Khurram Parvez and a member of the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Societies (JKCCS).

According to Disinfo Lab, the Facebook page of the Polis Project has a Pakistan-based admin, even though her entire propaganda work is based on India. The OSNIT handle also stated that ‘The Polis Project’ is regularly featured in events of the Islamist organisation ‘Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC).

The Polis Project extensively published content claiming Muslims were facing atrocities in India. The organisation’s reports described the anti-Hindu riots in Delhi in 2020 as a “pogrom against the Muslim community”.

Upon a simple search on Twitter, we found that the organisation called it “Pogrom” against Muslims multiple times. The organisation also propagated separatist views on Kashmir and published content favouring terrorists like Burhan Wani, Yasin Malik and others.

The Polis Project consistently called Kashmir “Indian-administered” and called India a “settler-colonialist”. It further claimed that “genocide” was underway in Kashmir.

It furthered their propaganda and gave a clean chit to Pakistan in the Pulwama attack and called Indian media a “BJP’s propaganda machine”. Banned organisation Jamaat-e-Islami also uses its content in its course material on “Stand With Kashmir

TCS is monitoring nearly 600,000 employees: Where does cybersecurity end and workplace surveillance begin?

Jinit Jain
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TCS is monitoring nearly 600,000 employees: Where does cybersecurity end and workplace surveillance begin?

Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), one of India’s largest IT services companies, has reportedly deployed a Digital User Experience Monitoring tool on laptops issued to its employees, potentially giving the company unprecedented visibility into how its workforce uses corporate devices. Reportedly, the software can provide information about which applications employees use and how much time they spend on them. With TCS employing nearly 600,000 people, the scale of the reported deployment makes the development significant and raises questions about where legitimate cybersecurity monitoring ends and workplace surveillance begins.

A legitimate cybersecurity purpose, but unclear boundaries

There is a legitimate business case for monitoring corporate devices. TCS handles sensitive information belonging to banks, financial institutions, healthcare companies, governments and multinational corporations. Endpoint monitoring can help identify malware, detect unusual activity, investigate security incidents and prevent confidential information from being transferred outside corporate systems. The company therefore has a clear interest in ensuring that devices issued to employees are not being misused or compromised.

The problem, however, begins when monitoring a device starts becoming a means of monitoring the person using it. Knowing that a corporate laptop is running a particular application can be useful for IT troubleshooting or cybersecurity. Knowing precisely how long an individual employee spends on different applications, when the employee switches between them and how frequently the system registers inactivity creates a much more detailed picture of that employee’s behaviour. Such information can potentially become a behavioural profile rather than merely a security log.

Why the lack of transparency matters

That distinction is particularly important because TCS has not publicly explained the precise scope of the reported deployment. The identity of the software provider, the categories of information being collected, the length of time for which the information will be retained and the people or teams authorised to access it have not been publicly established. It is also unclear whether the information is being collected purely for cybersecurity and digital-experience purposes or whether it could eventually be used by managers or HR teams to assess individual employees.

This lack of clarity is what makes the development particularly sensitive. Employee monitoring does not necessarily become problematic simply because a company-owned laptop is being monitored. A company can reasonably expect to have significant control over its own devices and networks. But hardware ownership should not become a blanket justification for collecting every piece of behavioural information that technology makes available. The important questions are why the information is collected, whether it is necessary for that purpose, who can access it and whether it can subsequently be used for a different purpose.

How monitoring could be weaponised against employees

The potential for such technology to be weaponised against employees is perhaps the biggest concern. Application usage and periods of inactivity may look objective because they are generated by software, but they do not necessarily provide an accurate picture of productivity. An employee could spend an hour reading technical documentation, attending a meeting, speaking to a client on the telephone or thinking through a complicated programming problem while generating very little measurable computer activity. A system that sees inactivity may record a period of low activity; it cannot necessarily understand what the employee was actually doing.

If managers begin treating such data as a proxy for productivity, the consequences could be significant. A worker who spends relatively little time on a particular corporate application could be perceived as underperforming even if their work is being completed efficiently. Long periods of inactivity could be interpreted as unauthorised breaks. Frequent browser activity could be treated as evidence of non-work-related browsing even when the employee is researching a technical problem. Over time, such information could potentially influence appraisals, promotions, project allocation, performance-improvement plans or even disciplinary proceedings.

This creates the possibility of turning workplace monitoring into a digital version of presenteeism. Instead of employees being judged by the quality and outcome of their work, they could increasingly feel compelled to maintain visible computer activity simply because the system is watching. The workplace incentive then changes from producing results to appearing active.

Could it turn productivity into surveillance?

That concern is particularly relevant in India’s IT sector, where long working hours and constant availability have already become subjects of intense debate. The material reviewed for this article includes employees describing workplaces where leaving on time could be interpreted as a lack of commitment and where there was greater pressure to appear busy than simply deliver results. One employee described a culture in which “performance” could become synonymous with visible activity rather than actual work.

Research cited in the same material also raises concerns about treating longer working hours as synonymous with greater productivity. A WHO/ILO study estimated that hundreds of millions of people worldwide were working 55 hours or more per week and associated such exposure with an increased risk of ischaemic heart disease and stroke. Another study of Indian bank employees found an association between longer working hours and higher levels of burnout and stress. The lesson is not that every additional hour is inherently harmful, but that organisations should be cautious about creating systems that reward visible activity rather than sustainable productivity.

The privacy question under India’s data-protection framework

There is also a genuine privacy question. India’s Digital Personal Data Protection Act recognises certain employment-related purposes for processing personal data, including protecting employers from losses and liability and preventing corporate espionage or protecting intellectual property. That means employee monitoring is not automatically unlawful. But the existence of a legitimate employment purpose does not answer the larger question of proportionality. A company that needs endpoint telemetry to prevent data theft does not automatically need an unlimited behavioural history of every employee.

The scale of TCS’s workforce makes this even more consequential. Monitoring hundreds of thousands of employees can generate an enormous dataset containing application usage patterns, device activity and potentially other information depending on how the software is configured. Individually, these data points may appear innocuous. Aggregated over months or years, however, they can reveal detailed patterns about how particular employees work. The larger the dataset, the greater the importance of access controls, retention limits and safeguards against misuse.

The 600,000-employee data problem

There is another complication involving client-owned virtual desktop infrastructure. Many IT employees work through client environments, meaning that the boundary between an employee’s TCS device and a client’s systems can become complicated. If monitoring extends into virtual environments, the system could potentially encounter information belonging to TCS clients as well. A security tool intended to prevent data leakage must therefore itself be designed carefully enough to ensure that it does not unnecessarily collect or centralise sensitive information.

What happens when employees work on client systems?

TCS is also not the first Indian IT major to face questions around employee monitoring. Cognizant previously faced scrutiny over its use of ProHance, a workforce-management platform capable of recording login times, application and website usage and periods of inactivity. The company said the tool was used only on specific projects at client request and was intended to understand processes and identify inefficiencies rather than evaluate individual employee performance. That distinction is critical: analysing how a process works is fundamentally different from building a behavioural profile of the person performing it.

Cognizant and Infosys offer cautionary precedents

The experience of Infosys in France provides another useful comparison. French labour authorities examined how Infosys recorded working hours for certain employees and found shortcomings in the reliability and auditability of those records. Infosys was fined because its system for recording employee working hours failed to meet local legal standards for reliability, auditability, and monitoring for certain staff categories. 

The larger issue was not simply whether employees were being monitored, but whether the employer could reliably demonstrate what hours employees had actually worked. European jurisdictions generally impose significantly stronger restrictions and safeguards around employee monitoring than India, making the French example a reminder that workplace surveillance is not merely an internal corporate matter.

TCS therefore needs to answer some basic questions about the reported deployment. Employees should know what information the software collects, whether that information is tied to individual identities, how long it is retained and who can access it. Most importantly, the company should clarify whether the data can be used for performance evaluation, attendance monitoring or disciplinary action. If the purpose is cybersecurity, employees should not later discover that information collected for security has quietly become a productivity-monitoring system.

What TCS should clarify

There is nothing inherently wrong with TCS monitoring its corporate infrastructure. A company responsible for sensitive client data must have strong cybersecurity controls. But security cannot become a blank cheque for collecting employee information. The principle should be simple: collect what is necessary to secure the system, not everything that technology makes technically possible to collect.

The real issue, therefore, is not simply whether TCS is watching its employees. It is whether employees know what is being watched, why it is being watched, who is watching it and what conclusions can be drawn from it. Until TCS provides clarity on those questions, the reported deployment of monitoring software across a workforce approaching 600,000 people will inevitably raise concerns that a tool introduced in the name of digital security could evolve into a powerful system of workplace surveillance.

No, Abhijeet Dipke, support from MK Gandhi’s great-grandson Tushar Gandhi is not the ‘biggest certificate’ of patriotism; here’s why

Shraddha Pandey
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No, Abhijeet Dipke, support from MK Gandhi’s great-grandson Tushar Gandhi is not the ‘biggest certificate’ of patriotism; here’s why

The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder and former Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) functionary Abhijeet Dipke met Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s great-grandson, Tushar Gandhi, on 19th August. Abhijeet Dipke claimed that the family of ‘Mahatma Gandhi’ supporting him and the CJP is the biggest certificate of their patriotism.

CJP ‘cockroach’ Abhijeet Dipke boasts support from Tushar Gandhi as ‘biggest certificate’ of patriotism

Taking to X, Dipke shared a video clip of his interaction with Gandhi, and wrote, “It was a great honour to host Mahatma Gandhi’s great-grandson @TusharG sir at my house. Thank you, sir, for your words of encouragement. Cockroaches will always walk on the path shown by Bapu.”

During media interaction on Wednesday, Abhijeet Dipke claimed that receiving endorsement or backing from the family, the great-grandson of ‘Mahatma Gandhi ’, is “the biggest certificate of our patriotism”.

“It is a matter of pride that the family of Mahatma Gandhi is standing with us. During the agitation, we were called anti-nationals, anarchists and violent people. But Tushar Gandhi is standing with us today, which is the biggest certificate that we are peace lovers, non-violent and patriots. I hope those who made allegations against us have got a reply today,” the CJP founder said.

Even though the CJP protest on 20th July turned violent, with ‘cockroaches’ pelting stones and resorting to hooliganism, Dipke claimed the CJP agitation succeeded because the ‘cockroaches’ walked MK Gandhi’s path of non-violence.

“But Gandhiji’s ideology is the soul of this country. Our agitation succeeded because we walked on the path of Mahatma Gandhi. We have shown that his thoughts can never die. Earlier, we were compared with Nepal and Bangladesh. But as I said earlier, when the world learns from Gandhiji, there is no need to look anywhere else,” he added.

Meanwhile, Tushar Gandhi also heaped praises on Abhijeet Dipke and the CJP protestors, and wrote on X, “Made a new friend today. Abhijit Dipke ‘Cockroach Parent’. Respect and Admiration were mutual.”

During a media interaction, Tushar Gandhi also praised the CJP’s turning of Maharashtra government schools into his political battleground under the garb of the ‘School Thik Karo’ campaign, saying that now, after Gen-Z, Gen-Alpha is also asking questions.

Is receiving endorsement from the great-grandson of MK Gandhi really the ‘biggest certificate’ of patriotism?

While Abhijeet Dipke contends that receiving endorsement by Tushar Gandhi or MK Gandhi’s family vindicates him and the CJP against the allegations of being ‘anti-national’ and is the ‘biggest certificate’ of patriotism, patriotism is not a hereditary title or a stamp that one descendant of a person involved in the freedom movement can confer.

No single family gets to monopolise the right to ‘certify’ who is patriotic and who is not. Tushar Gandhi is not a super-citizen or an authority on patriotism merely by virtue of being a descendant of MK Gandhi. Securing Tushar Gandhi’s support does not automatically validate CJP’s motives, methods, and outcomes of its activities.

There is a lot more to Tushar Gandhi than just the identity of being MK Gandhi’s great-grandson. Tushar Gandhi is a long-time critic of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh; his disdain for Prime Minister Narendra Modi is also widely known. Tushar Gandhi has often claimed that PM Modi’s success is “built on hate” and undermining of ‘secularism’.

In fact, Tushar Gandhi had described Hindutva as “ideology of hate”, and called the BJP-RSS “cancer” in 2025. Despite massive backlash for expressing such extremely hateful and derogatory views for ideological opponents, Tushar Gandhi refused to apologise.

Tushar Gandhi has also participated in various Congress-linked events, endorsed electoral candidates from anti-BJP parties, and joined Congress MP Rahul Gandhi’s infamous ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’.

Clearly, the hateful rhetoric of Tushar Gandhi against the BJP-RSS is not neutral or above-politics commentary. It is obvious that Tushar Gandhi endorsed the CJP and hailed Abhijeet Dipke, after all the ‘cockroach movement’ managed to do something Congress and the entire left-liberal cabal could not do despite trying all possible manoeuvres, pushing the near-invincible Modi government on the back foot momentarily.

It is not surprising that, driven by his ideological hatred for PM Modi and the BJP, Tushar Gandhi described the CJP protest of 20th July as ‘modern-day Satyagraha’ despite the fact that the cockroaches had resorted to violence and hurled the worst of the abuses at PM Modi and his deceased mother during the supposed ‘Satyagraha’.

The Cockroach Janta Party received support from all the Modi-BJP-RSS-hating political parties, the Islamo-leftist media ecosystem, and even from Khalistani terrorists like Sikhs for Justice chief Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, and Pakistanis. It is natural that Tushar Gandhi, yet another BJP hater, endorsed the unofficial B-Team of the Aam Aadmi Party, the CJP, given it is directly and selectively targeting the BJP governments, be it in the Centre or various states.

If endorsement from the great-grandson of MK Gandhi automatically means ‘biggest certificate’ of patriotism, doesn’t endorsement from Khalistani terrorists and Pakistanis become the biggest certificate of being anti-national?

Not to forget, Tushar Gandhi has also been active in politics. Back in 1998, he formally joined the Samajwadi Party; he even contested elections from Mumbai North West Lok Sabha against the Shiv Sena incumbent.

In April 2021, Tushar Gandhi faced allegations of shielding left-wing terrorists from criticism a day after Naxals killed 22 Jawans in an ambush at Bijapur, Chhattisgarh. Today, in 2026, the Modi government has eradicated violent naxalism from the country, although Dimagi Naxals continue to masquerade as liberal-secular-progressive ‘intellectuals’.

Tushar Gandhi has publicly, through his online presence, books, commentary, and other activities, been aligned with anti-BJP/RSS ideology.

In such a situation, CJP leader Abhijeet Dipke describing endorsement from Tushar Gandhi and the family that ‘represents’ Gandhian ideology as a conclusive ‘certificate’ or ‘proof’ of unquestionable patriotism is ridiculous. The perceived greatness of one ancestor does not automatically pass on to their descendants, just as Tushar Gandhi does not believe in his great-grandfather’s belief of offering the other cheek after being slapped on one.

Abhijeet Dipke’s meeting with Tushar Gandhi came at a time when the CJP leader is running a ‘School Thik Karo’ campaign, barging into government schools in the BJP-ruled Maharashtra, disturbing classes, collecting details and reprimanding school authorities without himself having any legal authority to conduct inspections.

The blatant sexist commentary of Tushar Gandhi

In addition to his hateful rhetoric against his ideological adversaries, Tushar Gandhi has also earned infamy for his creepy and sexist online commentary.

In 2009, Gandhi wrote on Twitter (now X), “Women who don’t like me looking at them should stop pointing their assets at my eyes.”

In another one, he wrote, “Admiration: F&*k kya Maal hai.”

Back in 2010, Tushar Gandhi published a social media post riddled with sexual innuendos. “I love to watch the women playing at Wimbledon the trouble is I keep watching the wrong Balls.”

In another post he wrote back then, “2 all men avoid the Missionary Position 2day its International Women’s Day. Make love 2day in Kerala Position, Women on Top.”

A 2011 post by Tushar Gandhi reads, “I promise not to molest women because of what they wear or don’t, but please don’t take offence when I ogle and droole #SlutWalk.”

Relevant screenshots via X (formerly Twitter)

In a 2014 post on International Women’s Day, he wrote, “Since it’s ‘Happy Women’s Day, ’ men should be allowed to touch them to feel happiness.”

Dredging up Tushar Gandhi’s old disgusting posts was necessary even if one may argue that these posts do not define his entire public life; however, they do undermine claims that somehow the Gandhi family name naturally equates to unimpeachable moral authority.

Washington’s debt, Delhi’s bill: USA’s $40 trillion problem is already in your kitchen

Divyansh Tiwari
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Washington’s debt, Delhi’s bill: USA’s $40 trillion problem is already in your kitchen

Neha, a 34-year-old in Gurugram, checks her mutual fund app every morning before work. For three months straight, it’s been red. Nothing’s crashed, but it’s enough to make her pause over her coffee. The real reason has little to do with anything happening in India. It’s sitting in Washington, where US government debt just crossed $40 trillion, growing by roughly $8.46 billion every single day.

That number alone doesn’t tell the full story. What actually worries markets is the debt held by public lenders, pension funds, foreign governments, banks, money the US must keep refinancing at whatever rates the market demands. The CBO projects this will jump from 101% of GDP now to 120% by 2036, blowing past the post WWII record. Interest payments alone could hit $2.1 trillion a year by then, nearly a fifth of federal spending, just to service old debt.

This isn’t America going bankrupt, it borrows in its own currency, and the dollar remains the world’s safe haven. The real risk is subtler, a slow erosion of confidence, rising rates, and creeping inflation that chips away at the dollar’s dominance over time.

And this doesn’t stay contained to Wall Street. It travels to India through four channels. First, equities, foreign investors pulled nearly ₹2.3 lakh crore from Indian stocks in early 2026, though domestic SIP money absorbed almost 90% of that selling, which is reassuring but also means ordinary retirement savings are now absorbing global shocks. Second, the rupee weakened to nearly ₹95.7 per dollar, pushing up oil and fertiliser costs. Third, that translates into inflation, wholesale prices jumped from 2.1% to nearly 9.9% within months, driven largely by fuel. Fourth, American corporate caution over tech spending slows hiring at IT firms in Bengaluru and Gurugram, since over half of India’s software exports go to the US.

None of this means India should panic. Its foreign exchange reserves dipped under pressure but recovered to nearly $693 billion by July, showing real resilience. And a stable US genuinely benefits India, nobody should want American decline. But the bigger point is this, India can’t treat Washington’s fiscal mess as someone else’s problem. It shows up here too, in fuel prices, in a farmer’s fertiliser bill, in a red number on someone’s phone. Big economies rarely collapse overnight. More often, they leak slowly, and the countries standing nearby feel it first, sometimes before the source even notices.

Read the full article available on Chapter One Mag.

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