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Pakistan names Baloch rebel groups and TTP as ‘Indian proxies’ to shift blame and fool its citizens, after decades of funding anti-India terror groups in the name of Islam and Muhammad

Rukma Rathore
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Pakistan names Baloch rebel groups and TTP as ‘Indian proxies’ to shift blame and fool its citizens, after decades of funding anti-India terror groups in the name of Islam and Muhammad

“You can’t keep snakes in your backyard and expect them only to bite your neighbours. You know, eventually they are going to turn on whoever has them in the backyard.” While one may disagree with Hillary Clinton’s political views or her policies, her insightful remarks about Pakistan, made more than a decade ago, have consistently held true.

Pakistan has repeatedly encountered the violent repercussions of its sinister strategies and actions designed to “bleed India by a thousand cuts” by fostering radicalism within its own territory. Terrorist groups, cultivated with the complete support of the Pakistani military, de facto owners of the country, have mushroomed in every part of the Islamic Republic.

Terrorism has become the only consistent tool in the country’s foreign policy. However, in a striking illustration of “one who digs a pit for others falls into it themselves,” Pakistan has been experiencing the turmoil it intended for India and its neigbouring countries.

Furthermore, as if leading the country into the deepest abyss of Islamic fundamentalism were not sufficient, they did not even spare its alleged regions especially, Balochistan which was forced into becoming a part of Pakistan.

This area has been stripped of its natural wealth to benefit the Punjab province, leaving the indigenous population to endure poverty and suffering. When the people speak out against this oppression, they are branded as terrorists and face severe human rights abuses at the hands of the Pakistan army.

Nevertheless, it would be not only naive but foolish to anticipate that Islamabad would reflect on its actions and rectify its course. Therefore, true to its track record, they resorted to blame India for the violence occurring within its borders, as usual, without any substantiating evidence. Pakistan has indeed mastered the art of accusing India for everything that happens within the country.

This could either be a manifestation of their delusional mindset or a strategic ploy to draw attention to India, thereby diverting from their own wicked actions and given their national character, the second possibility appears more plausible.

Pakistan’s attempt to paint Baloch rebels as “Fitna-al-Hindustan”

Now, in the recent episodes of “Let’s blame India,” the country has amusingly decided to rename the Baloch rebel factions fighting for the independence of their exploited territory as “Fitna-al-Hindustan,” (loosely translates to creating trouble at the behest of India) as if this would change the reality.

However, Pakistan is not genuinely concerned with the truth but rather with fabricating a false narrative to sell to its equally Islamist and anti-India population.

“Keeping in view the involvement of some and groups in terrorist activities in Balochistan, at the behest of India (Hindustan), which are detrimental to Islamic faith and sovereignty of Pakistan, and customary traditions, it has been decided that, henceforth, all terrorist groups and organizations operating in Balochistan will be referred to as Fitna-al-Hindustan,” the ministry of interior and narcotics control officially declared on 30th June.

“The change aims to reflect the true nature and ideology of these terrorist organizations and groups and nefarious designs of India (Hindustan) against the people of Pakistan,” the notification claimed.

Earlier, Lieutenant General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry following the school bus explosion in the Khuzdar distrcit declared that it was the result of “Indian state-sponsored terrorism,” as part of a larger conspiracy he dubbed “Fitna-al-Hindustan,” reported Republic. Pakistan has repeatedly spread the lie despite the lack of independent proof or evidence.

For the past 12 months, the security establishment in Pakistan has officially adopted “Fitna-al-Hindustan” as a standard term for armed rebel organisations operating in Balochistan. It tries to portray them as pawns of India for a covert conflict with Pakistan, a position that New Delhi categorically refutes and lacks supporting data.

The language seamlessly conforms to longstanding tendency among policymakers and conspiracy theorists to ascribe the manipulation of fault lines to shadowy foreign influences instead of acknowledging genuine domestic apprehensions when violence occurs in Balochistan.

It was mainstreamed in 2025 after a series of high-profine incidnets including the hijacking of the Jaffar Express and wave of coordinated strikes Baloch insurgents known as “Operation Baam.”

The narrative is obviously useful to Pakistan’s military. It switches focus from the province’s political and economic unrest by persuading the domestic audience to put aside the urgent problems at home and band together against a renowned adversary as a homegrown resistance is shrewdly presented as a component of larger strategic conflict.

The evidence is nonexistent outside of Pakistan’s self-serving official pronouncements. Indian command-and-control over Baloch rebel outfits has not been confirmed by any impartial inquiry conducted by major international news companies, the United Nations or other governments. The accusations have been consistently denied by Indian officials.

On the other hand, the local concerns that have driven the movement continuously are documented. The province has accounted for a significant portion of the thousands of missing-persons cases that Pakistan’s own Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances has been tracking since 2011. Advocacy groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International detail a pattern of extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests and internet shutdowns.

Pakistani Taliban presented as Indian proxy “Fitna al Khwarij”

The resounding success of “Fitna-al-Hindustan” among its limited spectators, as no one believes them with a sane mind or in the outside world, transpired after the introduction of “Fitna al Khwarij” into the discourse, last year.

Khwarij (also known as Kharijites or Khawarij) referred to “those who left” or “the seceders” in relation to a group of early Muslims who disassociated themselves from the authority of fourth Islamic caliph.

This effort, even more ludicrous than their other one, aimed to portray the hardline extremist group Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) with links to Al-Qaeda leaders as an Indian proxy. Interestingly, a globally notorious Al-Qaeda leader, Osama bin Laden, responsible for the 9/11 attacks was provided refuge in Pakistan’s Abbottabad, prior to his elimination by the United States in 2011.

Nevertheless, such facts have never distracted Pakistan from their propaganda.

According to the Director General of Inter-Services Public Relations, the Indian proxy “Fitna al Khwarij” carried out the fatal attacks in multiple locations in northwest Pakistan that killed three civilians and twenty security officials on 10th and 11th October. The TTP claimed responsibility for the strikes which included a suicide bombing at a police training academy in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

The Pakistani media, as anticipated, promptly aligned itself with the directives of their military superiors and perpetuated the disinformation. Citing the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), it claimed that Pakistani forces had killed over 200 Afghan Taliban and affiliated terrorists in self-defence action in response to an unprovoked overnight attack by the Taliban forces and the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (Fitna al-Khawarij) which is backed by India.

Notably, the TTP’s rise can be directly attributed to Pakistan. Pakistan relentlessly endorsed the Afghan Taliban since its founding in 1994 and utilised the group to increase its “strategic depth” against its main adversary, India, both militarily and geographically within Afghanistan.

The strategy failed spectacularly, however, the fact remains that Pakistan accepted American dollars under the guise of the “War on Terror” while simultaneously supporting the Taliban and even celebrated their return to power in 2021.

The Afghan Taliban and its struggle to restore the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan inspired Pakistani jihadists in the tribal territories that bordered Afghanistan. Hence, the Afghan Taliban, Al Qaeda and a number of Pakistani terror organisations facilitated by the Pakistani government, including Lashkar-e-Taiba and Harakat ul Mujahidin, endorsed the creation of the TTP which seeks to form its own Islamic Emirate in Pakistan.

The TTP received strong assistance from Pakistani state-sponsored terror groups and the Afghan Taliban. Meanwhile, Islamabad was aware of the same. The TTP’s emir even announced that his organisation “is a branch of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.” However, the Pakistani establishment persisted in aiding the Afghan Taliban to restore their government in Afghanistan to hurt New Delhi through them.

Moreover, like the scenario involving the Baloch rebels, Pakistan has only rhetoric to hold India accountable, devoid of any evidence or proof.

Meanwhile, India supplied a wealth of evidence regarding the role of Pakistani terror groups in numerous terrorist attacks in the nation, such as the major 26/11 strikes in Mumbai.

However, the Pakistani government upheld a defiant stance, consistently asserting a lack of evidence to evade responsibility for taking action against the terrorists it nurtured and used to attack India. They refused to take any measures against the dreaded terrorists who roam freely on their land.

Invoke Islam, form terrorist factions to launch “uncoventional war” against India

Pakistan understands that a direct confrontation with India would lead to its humiliation, a fact that has been demonstrated repeatedly including during “Operation Sindoor” and the four wars fought between the two sides. Therefore, the country devised an “ingenious” strategy to use religion to create an army of brain dead religious zealots prepared to attack India at the drop of a hat.

Jaish-e-Mohammad (Army of Muhammad), Lashkar-e-Taiba (Army of the Pure), Hizbul Mujahideen (Party of Islamic Holy Fighters) and several similar terrorist organizations that invoke Islam, its prophet and revered figures find haven in Pakistan under the protection of its government and military.

Their intention has been clearly to invoke religion, instill extremism and employ indoctrinated minds to carry out jihad (Islamic holy war) against the infidel state of India. While this phenomenon is observed worldwide, it does not negate the truth that every terrorist organization in Pakistan utilizes religion to excuse the killing of innocent Indians and the violence in the country.

More importantly, Pakistan is not only hand in glove with them but has also rejoiced in the terror attacks and celebrated the terrorists as heroes.

“In the 1990s, the freedom struggle began in Kashmir. At that time, Lashkar-e-Taiba and 11 or 12 other organisations were formed. We supported them and trained them as they were fighting in Kashmir at the cost of their lives. The Kashmiri freedom fighters including Hafiz Muhammad Saeed and Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi were our heroes at that time,” President General Pervez Musharraf disclosed in a 2015 interview.

“In 1979, we had introduced religious militancy in Afghanistan to benefit Pakistan and to push the Soviets out of the country. We brought Mujahideen from all over the world, we trained them and supplied weapons to them. We trained the Taliban, sent them in. They were our heroes. Jalaluddin Haqqani, Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri were our hero. Then the global environment changed. The world started viewing things differently. Our heroes were turned into villains,” he outlined.

Musharraf added that Pakistan provided Kashmiri terrorists alias Mujahideen with aid and training to fight the Indian Army in Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan introduced religious terrorism in Kashmir on the grounds that a Muslim-majority state cannot be part of a Hindu-majority nation and thus should be surrendered to Pakistan. Many terrorist hits, including those in Pahalgam and Pulwama, were executed as part of the same policy.

“Humne Hindustan ko ghus ke mara hai wahaan pe. Pulwama main jo humari kamyabi hai, woh Imran Khan ki leadership mein is Qaum ki kamyabi hai (We entered India and killed. Our success in Pulwama, under the leadership of Imran Khan, is a victory of our community),” voiced former minister Fawad Chaudhry. He added, “Uske hissedar aap aur hum sab hai (all of us are party to it).”

“If Pakistan’s land, skies or waters are threatened, there will be no compromise. We tried to convey this with our tactical brilliance in Pulwama, and now we’ve shown our strategic skills too,” Pakistani Air Vice Marshal Aurangzeb Ahmed bragged while addressing media.

The notable presence of Pakistani political figures and senior military personnel at the funerals of terrorists neutralized during “Operation Sindoor” exemplified the same. Pakistan’s close association with terrorist groups was the key factor for its inclusion on the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) grey list until October 2022.

Accuse India for every conceivable issue, manipulate domestic audience

The act of blaming India for virtually everything in Pakistan is not a new trend. It is a tried and tested ploy utilized regularly by Pakistani leadership. Former prime minister Nawaz Sharif was charged with acting as an Indian agent. Similarly, Imran Khan has been projected as the darling of Indian and Israeli media with claims that his social media is controlled from India.

This shows how Pakistan has routinely sought to cast its neighbour as a convenient scapegate for its own shortcomings, to pursue political objectives and even when trying to appeal to the masses.

Additionally, nothing in Pakistan attracts attention like Islam and the rhetoric that is critical of Hindus and India. Hence, a highly volatile mix is formed when the three are combined that effectively manipulates a population which is already deficient in education and awareness.

Pakistan has been a monumental failure in providing industry, employment, technology, political stability and infrastructure, among other pivotal things but it has successfully sold the idea of hostility towards India and Hindus to its people in the name of religion. As a result, they have almost annihilated the Hindu demographic from their country and wish to achieve the same outcome in India.

Furthermore, Pakistan is not a true democracy with the reins of power concentrated in the military’s hands and politicians are obligated to toe its line. The animosity towards Hindu majority India serves as the foundation for the existence of the defence forces in Pakistan. Thus, the hatred is normalised and is a fundamental aspect not only of their army and political framework but a popular sentiment among the general populace.

This is the reason that even as Pakistan’s economy collapses, inflation skyrockets, the nation is forced to depend on foreign aid including International Monetary Fund (IMF) doll outs and terrorism infests the country, enmity towards India continues to be the collective main concern while its leaders accumulate riches and the common people are doomed to die in stampedes as they wait in long lines for flour.

The textbooks of the nation are a vivid example of how Pakistan brainwashes its youth from an early age for the sake of propaganda. The terrorist and radical outfits in Pakistan are likewise formed and sustained for the same cause. Now, the country point fingers at India while the very weapon it created and sharpened to attack the latter ended up wounding itself.

Similarly, if anyone stands up for their rights and demands accountability, such as the Baloch or the repeated uprisings in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), unprecedented horror is unleashed to silence them and they are labeled as Indian agents to discredit their critical worries and revolt against the oppression.

Conclusion

The chickens have indeed come home to roost for Pakistan. The country chose to invest in terrorism instead of development and now it is reaping the consequences. Changing the names of terrorist groups or those striving to emancipate themselves from the stifling grasp of Islamabad could further influence the impressionable Pakistani public, however, others can easily see through the underlying propaganda.

The truth is that Pakistan realises it is a terror state and a worthless entity and desperately wishes to drag India down to its level. This is best summarized by Field Marshal Asim Munir who threatened, “India is like a Mercedes traveling on a highway, while we are merely a dump truck filled with gravel. If the truck collides with the car, who will emerge as the loser?”

Madras HC puts a lid on Thiruparankundram hill row: Upholds Murugan temple’s ownership, bans animal sacrifice, rejects Islamization claims

Shriti Sagar
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Madras HC puts a lid on Thiruparankundram hill row: Upholds Murugan temple’s ownership, bans animal sacrifice, rejects Islamization claims

The Madras High Court has finally put an end to the long-running dispute over the Thiruparankundram Hill in Madurai, a site deeply sacred to Hindus as it houses the ancient Arulmighu Subramania Swamy Temple, one of the six abodes of Lord Murugan. In its latest judgment, the court has upheld the temple’s ownership of the entire hill, banned animal sacrifice, and prohibited using the name “Sikkandar Malai” for the hill.

The ruling was delivered by Justice R. Vijayakumar on Friday, 10th October after a split verdict earlier this year by two judges, Justice J. Nisha Banu and Justice S. Srimathy. Acting as the third judge, Justice Vijayakumar settled the matter once and for all, ruling in favour of the Hindu petitioners, S. Paramasivam, M. Kannan @ Solai Kannan, and A.P. Ramalingam of the Hindu Makkal Katchi.

The petitioners had approached the court demanding a complete ban on animal sacrifice and Muslim prayers on the hill, arguing that Thiruparankundram Hill is a sacred Hindu site where the practice of Kandoori (animal sacrifice) near the Sikkandar Badhusha Dargah defiled the religious purity of the temple and the surrounding area.

Court’s key observations and verdict

The court noted that the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) had declared about 172 acres of the hillock as a protected monument through gazette notifications issued in 1908 and 1923. Under Rule 8 of the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Rules, 1959, bringing animals for any purpose or cooking and consuming food on the protected site is prohibited without permission from ASI.

The bench ruled that even if animal sacrifice was claimed as a customary religious practice, it cannot be allowed unless a competent civil court formally recognizes it. Therefore, it prohibited all forms of animal sacrifice, cooking, and consumption of non-vegetarian food in the Nellithoppu area until further orders.

The court also rejected the renaming of the hill as “Sikkandar Malai,” saying it was a “mischievous attempt to change its identity.” The court cited historical records that have always referred to the area as Thiruparankundram Hill.

Referring to past legal precedents, Justice Vijayakumar mentioned a 1920 civil court decree and a 1931 Privy Council decision (AIR 1931 PC 212) that confirmed the temple’s ownership of the entire hill, except for a small 33-cent area at Nellithoppu, which belongs to the Dargah.

The court further said, “If a person owns a house in the City of Madurai, he is at liberty to name the said house as per his wishes. However, he cannot either by himself or insist the others to call the entire City as per the name chosen by him.”

Justice Vijayakumar said that since the title in favour of Mohammedans applied only to a tiny portion, it was wrong to claim ownership or naming rights over the whole hill.

Limited permission for Muslim prayers

While asserting the Hindu temple’s rights over the hill, the court also made sure to balance the rights of both communities. It allowed Muslims to offer prayers only in the 33-cent area at Nellithoppu and that too only during Ramzan and Bakrid. The court also said that the temple pathway and steps must not be defiled, blocked, or disturbed in any way.

The judge clearly stated that no new religious practice can be introduced unless it is recognized by a civil court. This ruling, therefore, upholds Hindu sentiments and simultaneously puts a legal stop to unrecognized practices such as animal sacrifice.

With this, the High Court has confirmed the temple’s ownership, banned animal sacrifice, and recognized limited prayer rights for Muslims during specific festivals, putting a lid on a conflict that had been simmering for years.

How the dispute began

The Thiruparankundram issue has been at the centre of communal tension in Madurai for the past few years. Hindus believe that the entire hill is sacred, not just because it houses the Subramania Swamy Temple, but also because of the ancient Jain caves and centuries-old traditions tied to Lord Murugan worship.

However, the conflict escalated after Muslim groups began claiming parts of the hill as belonging to the Sikkandar Badhusha Dargah, referring to it as “Sikkandar Malai.” The Hindu community saw this as an attempt to Islamize a sacred Hindu space.

On 4th February 2025, thousands of Hindus gathered at Palakkanatham in Madurai to protest against these claims. The protest, organized by the Hindu Front and supported by over 50 Hindu organizations, including the BJP, RSS, Hindu Munnani, and VHP, drew a massive crowd of devotees who raised slogans hailing Lord Murugan and protecting the temple’s sanctity.

The protesters accused the state government and local authorities of turning a blind eye to encroachments on the hill in the name of religion. They also demanded a complete ban on animal sacrifice, calling it disrespectful to a site revered by millions of Hindus.

Muslims were attempting to convert the hill into an Islamic place of worship

The issue is believed to have begun last year on 27th December after a Muslim family led by Syed Abu Dahir, a 53-year-old from Malaiyadipatti attempted to take animals on the hill for sacrifice. The police detained the family which further irked 20 Islamists to protest against the police. This was followed by a protest by Muslims in January this year demanding free access to the hill. demanding the continuation of animal sacrifice calling it an old tradition. They even named the hill as ‘Sikandar Hills’.

On 18th January then, the Muslims led by the SDPI organized Sammanboj on the hill in which they had planned to sacrifice goats and chickens for meals. The police were informed about the plans backed by several social media posts that affirmed the Muslim community’s intentions. Hindu Munnani members meanwhile resisted Muslims’ effort to sacrifice animals on the hill, one of Lord Murugan’s six sacred abodes. They said that Muslims were attempting to convert the hill into an Islamic place of worship.

The police then posed barricades on the site informing the Muslims that sacrificing the animals was prohibited atop the hill, however, they could carry the cooked meat and consume it there. Following this, clashes erupted between Jamath members and the police, further intensifying the situation.

On 21st January, DMK Manapparai MLA Abdul Samad conducted and unofficially survey of the hill and claimed control of the premise. Indian Union Muslim League MP Nawaz Kani also claimed that the entire property was Waqf property and every Muslim had the right to pray at Dargah the way he wanted. He reiterated that the sacrifice of animals atop the hill was an old tradition and that it should continue.

It is crucial to note that Thiruparanundram Hill is a religious site of crucial significance to Hindus due to the presence of ancient Jain caves and Lord Murugan Temple atop. Several Hindus have worshipped the temple for centuries. The Jain caves on the hill, which have now been painted green, also date back to the 2nd century BCE and these have Tamil Brahmi inscriptions on them, as surveyed by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI).

Jain caves (Image via The Commune)

However, the Muslims who were creating chaos around the hill have begun claiming the hills as ‘Sikandar Hills’ behind the Sikandar Badusha Dargah.

Police orders and political reactions

On 22nd January, the Madurai district police officially barred Muslims from transporting livestock for sacrifice to the Dargah. They clarified that while cooked meat could be taken for consumption, the transport of live animals like goats or chickens was not allowed.

The order triggered backlash from Muslim leaders. IUML MP Nawaz Kani protested against the police decision, claiming that animal sacrifice had been a long-standing tradition at the Dargah. He also argued that the property was Waqf land and that the restriction was temporary.

Kani compared the situation to Kashi Vishwanath and Gyanvapi, saying that both the temple and mosque coexisted peacefully there and that the same could happen in Thiruparankundram.

However, his remarks drew sharp criticism from Hindu leaders. Tamil Nadu BJP chief K. Annamalai said Kani’s comments were “divisive” and hurtful to Hindu sentiments. He said, “In the spiritual land of Tamil Nadu, all religions have their own rules of worship at their places. But what is happening at Thiruparankundram Subramanya Swamy Temple is unpleasant. Consuming non-vegetarian food at the Murugan Temple hill is not just wrong but a provocation to start a religious conflict.”

Annamalai added that Tamil Nadu had always been a land of religious harmony, and attempts to disturb that peace for political reasons were unacceptable.

Muslims’ claim over the Hill: A century-old dispute

While many thought this controversy was new, the Muslim claim over the Thiruparankundram Hill goes back more than a century. Historical records show that Islamists have been trying to assert ownership since the 19th and early 20th centuries by calling the hill “Sikkandar Malai.”

In the year 1931, the Islamists made similar claims saying that the hill was a Muslim property and that its name was ‘Sikandar Hills’. The Privy Council on 12 May 1931 took cognizance of the matter and said that Thiruparankundram Temple had proven its historical possession of the unoccupied portions of the hill, treating it as its property for generations.

The judgment recognized that the village of Thiruparankundram, where the temple is located, was part of the temple’s endowment. The council also noted that the temple’s ‘Ghiri Veedhi’ (circumambulation path) and the hill’s surroundings were historically part of the temple’s sacred land.

Image via Throughlocals

The subordinate judge at the time said clearly that “Malai means hill” and “prakaram” means the outer area of the temple, confirming that the entire hill forms part of the temple’s sacred precinct.

The records also show that there was no evidence of interference by Muslim rulers or invaders on the hill in the past. Some Muslim houses or small structures may have been built during brief periods of Muslim rule, but that did not change the temple’s ownership. Even the East India Company had recognized the temple’s rights over the land.

The Privy Council judgment explicitly stated that the hill was primarily a Hindu temple property, and the rights of the temple “could not be infringed upon by any other religious group.”

Historical and religious importance of Thiruparankundram

Thiruparankundram isn’t merely a temple hill, it’s one of Lord Murugan’s six homes, and millions of pilgrims from all over Tamil Nadu and elsewhere come here annually. The temple of Lord Subramanya Swamy is  carved straight out of the rock of the hill, demonstrating how old and holy it is.

The hill also features 2nd-century BCE Jain caves with Tamil Brahmi inscriptions, preserved by the ASI. Hindus were recently infuriated when a few unknown individuals painted these ancient Jain caves green, an action perceived as intentional vandalism. The ASI registered a complaint under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958, and the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act, 1984.

Islamists attack AltNews after founder Pratik Sinha criticises a regressive post over Taliban and ‘Tehzeeb’, again proving that they only want total, unquestioned surrender

Shraddha Pandey
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Islamists attack AltNews after founder Pratik Sinha criticises a regressive post over Taliban and ‘Tehzeeb’, again proving that they only want total, unquestioned surrender

‘Humne strategy badli hai, ideology nahi’. No one has more clarity on their ideological and religious redlines as the Indian Islamists. The Islamist although have pretentiously embraced liberals and leftists to use them as their useful idiots to further their agenda, they conveniently throw these useful idiots under the bus, disown and disparage over even a slightest deviance from the unannounced protocol–unquestioned surrender.

In a latest episode of ‘Liberals are no different from Sanghis’, Islamists on social media are calling for defunding leftist propaganda and self-proclaimed ‘fact-checking’ portal Alt News after its founder Pratik Sinha dared to criticise Indian Islamists for “embracing” Taliban and upholding the Afghanistan-based Islamist outfit’s version of Islam.

It all started with an X post published on 12th October 2025, by a notorious Islamist who goes by the name ‘Professor Noorul’, which went viral, amassing more than 11,000 likes and over a million views. The post contained a poetic couplet in Hindi/Urdu, “तेरी तहज़ीब ने उतारा है तेरे सर से हिजाब, मेरी तहज़ीब ने मेरी नज़रों को झुका कर रखा है।“ (Your culture has removed the hijab from your head, My culture has kept my gaze lowered.”)

The included a photograph featuring Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi dressed in his traditional attire and a signature Taliban headgear and a female journalist in a pink blazer and pants, with her hair uncovered (read un-Hijabbed) and asking question to the Taliban minister during the Antalya Diplomacy Forum in 2022. Essentially, the insinuation was that the Hijab-less female journalist is Islamically “cultureless” but the Talibani leader is not and thus, has lowered his gaze.

The post came at a time when Muttaqi is on a visit to India. He had also visited Uttar Pradesh’s Deoband, the alma mater of the Taliban ideology.

Quoting this post, Alt News co-founder Pratik Sinha, equated this regressive version of Islam to Hindutva and wrote, “The followers who believe in and uphold this version of Islam, and are happy to embrace the Talibanis, are as dangerous as the Hindutva brigade.

Doubling down, Professor Noorul/Ilahabadi, retorted that atheists like Pratik Sinha have no right to comment on anyone’s religious sensibilities. He went on to call on his co-religionists to stop funding Alt News, since the likes of Sinha are ‘more poisonous than Sanghis.’

 “Atheists like you who believe neither in Hinduism nor in Islam. Such people have no right to write on anyone’s religious sentiments. Muslims, you people give this guy 1.3 million in the name of fact-checking, and deep down, you’re even more poisonous than the Sanghis! You people should tag Zubair,” he wrote.

In continuation of the clown-to-clown conversation, Sinha once again equated Hindutvawadis with Islamists, saying that “…you’re no different from the Hindutva brigade, they employ the exact same strategy and question why Hindus are donating to Alt News. You’re the other side of the same coin. You’re also equally misinformed if you think that only Muslims donate to Alt News. People from all walks of life donate to @AltNews.”

Responding to this, Noorul accused Sinha of perpetually trying to alienate Muslims from Islam while exposing a few Hindu extremists at times as a balancing act.

Another Islamist Mohammed Asif Khan jumped on the bandwagon to suggest that Sinha is almost ‘anti-Muslim’ for his critical comment against Islamists glorifying their regressive idea of ‘tehzeeb’.

Khan wrote, “O Prophet!” Tell the believing men to lower their gaze and guard their chastity. That is purer for them. Surely Allah is All-Aware of what they do. And tell the believing women to lower their gaze and guard their chastity, and not to reveal their adornments except what normally appears.” ~ Quran (24:30-31) This is a verse from the Qur’an… a book believed in by more than a billion people. And Pratik Sinha just compared those billion believers to the Hindutva brigade involved in lynching and persecuting Muslims. Such is the level of prejudice against Muslims that you call them “dangerous” simply because they have faith.”

In response, Pratik Sinha disgracefully compared Taliban and Muslim radicals in general to Hindutva brigade even as the two are not even remotely similar. While Taliban has essentially banned female education and freedom of Afghan women to do jobs, move out in public without mahram or men from their family, the so-called ‘Hindutva brigade’ enforces no such regressive practices on women and celebrates women’s empowerment.

Moreover, unlike the Taliban who did not even rescue women from earthquake rubble since their Shariah beliefs prohibit men from touching women, except one’s wife, the RSS and ‘Hindutva Brigade’ have always been the first to respond and rescue men, women, children and the elderly during times of crisis.

“All the Muslim men I know in real life don’t lower their gaze when they talk to women. Clearly, they don’t follow Quran word-by-word. Religions were formed in medieval times, and a lot of it deserves to be discarded because it is not relevant anymore. Modern countries work through rule of law, and not rule of religion. And that is why the fight to uphold the rule of law, which is being dismantled under the current government. Of course, there are Muslim men who are religious radicals, and I’m comparing them to the Hindutva brigade. Some lessons in comprehension are needed here perhaps Asif,” Sinha wrote.

Meanwhile, one Mohammed Shadab Khan, who aften peddles fake news to further the Muslim victimhood narrative, equated Pratik Sinha with former firebrand BJP leader Tiger Raja Singh and wrote, “They hate Muslims, they hate Islam. Bas 19,20 ka fark hai.”

Another notorious Islamist, Wasim Akram Tyagi also slammed Pratik Sinha and wrote, “A lot of ‘free thinkers’ are criticizing this picture. The reason for the criticism is simply that the Taliban government’s foreign minister is talking with his gaze lowered in front of the female journalist—why isn’t he looking directly into that female journalist’s eyes while speaking? Amazing! If he were to look directly into her eyes while speaking, there would still be an uproar, and if he doesn’t, there’s still an uproar. If he does look directly into her eyes while speaking, these very same ‘free thinkers’ would gleefully hurl taunts at him! But now they’re calling it ‘dangerous.’”

It is interesting to note that Alt News and its co-founders, Pratik Sinha and Mohammed Zubair, received flak from Islamists over their reportage on Islamist-manufactured ‘Bhagwa love trap’ conspiracy theory. The same Islamists who downplay, rather dismiss real and reported Love Jihad/grooming jihad cases as ‘hoax’ or celebrate the same, criticised Alt News for its reports on incidents involving Muslim mobs attacking Hindu men and their Muslim female friends or partners alleging ‘Bhagwa love trap’.

Pratik Sinha’s repeated and desperate attempts to drag Hindutva into the argument to justify and ‘balance’ his criticism of Taliban did not help either.

Amusingly, male Islamists do not spare even Muslim women when it comes to defending religiously driven regression and misogyny. In this vein, when RJ Sayema, a known Muslim victim card player often at the receiving end of criticism for her anti-Hindu social media commentary, questioned how come lowering gaze before a woman forgives the Taliban minister’s injustices against women.

“Do those who have taken injustice against women to the extreme think that by talking to someone with their eyes lowered, their sins are forgiven? Have they become people of good character? Really, Wasim?” she wrote.

In response, Tyagi not only downplayed Taliban’s regressive bans on women rights in Afghanistan and countless injustices they have endured in the Taliban rule but also compared their anti-women policies with the alleged oppression done by countries with ‘modern’ culture.

Islamists want total surrender, no criticism

This, however, is not the first time that secular liberals have been condemned, ostracised from the Islamo-leftist ‘progressive’ ecosystem, or labelled as ‘Sanghis’ by Islamists. In September this year, an outrage erupted over an event in a university in Kerala wherein Hijab-clad Muslim women were segregated from men in Taliban-style restrictions.

Reacting to the visuals that surfaced online from the said ‘ProfCon’ event, Ruchika Sharma, a self-declared ‘historian’ who has made it her life’s mission to whitewash the anti-Hindu crimes of Islamic tyrants of the Medieval era, said, “Just a hijab is not enough, women must be segregated, made to sit at the back and screened off. Literally punish them for being born a woman but we will call it their choice”.

This post criticising deliberate invisibilisation of Muslim women, Ruchika Sharma, who otherwise gets praise from Mughal fanboys and fellow Islamist apologists, received severe backlash from Islamists. The same Islamists who hailed Sharma as a ‘honest’ and ‘brave’ historian for whitewashing medieval era Islamic tyrants like Aurangzeb, did not shy away from labelling her an ‘Islamophobe’. Sharma got called an Islamophobe by Islamists while she had once admitted to not calling out her Muslim abuser just so that ‘Sanghis’ do not use it further their ‘Islamophobic communal agenda’. 

Similarly, when Arfa Khannum Sherwani from Islamo-leftist propaganda portal The Wire endorsed Sharma’s opinion, she too could not escape the wrath of misogynist Islamists, who schooled her on how free mixing of men and women is not allowed in Islam.

Apparently, no one is immune from Islamist fundamentalism and religiously mandated misogyny which finds manifestations in the form of online outrage, labelling even habitual Islam apologists as ‘Sanghi’, Talibanic anti-women policies and in extreme cases–Sar tan se juda. Islamists not only denounce their liberal allies even at the slightest deviance from unquestioned surrender but also their co-religionists for not being ‘Muslim enough’ as per their standards.

Aligarh horror: Asad slits Karan’s throat, stabs him 15 times over, old temple built by Hindu family and a Facebook post suspected motives behind murder

केशव मालान
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Aligarh horror: Asad slits Karan’s throat, stabs him 15 times over, old temple built by Hindu family and a Facebook post suspected motives behind murder

A shocking murder took place in the Jawan town of Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, in which 20-year-old Karan was brutally killed, reportedly over a Facebook status update. The prime accused, Mohammad Asad, and seven others have been arrested after he entered a police station and admitted to having committed the crime.

The entire incident occurred on Saturday night, 11th October. Maharani, Karan’s mother, reported that her son was called out of their home at about 9:30 PM. After a dispute, Karan was taken to a nearby abandoned house where he was brutally attacked by the asad and his friends. They hit his head on the wall and then used a knife to cut his neck and stab him until he was dead.

After hearing his elder brother’s screams, the 12-year-old younger brother came outside and raised an alarm, and all the accused fled from the spot. The surprising thing is that after killing Karan. Asad directly reached the police station after the murder, then he allegedly washed his hands and feet stained with blood at a tap of the police station and then calmly informed the police that he had murdered someone. The police immediately arrested him and went to the spot. On the basis of the complaint registered by Karan’s mother, all eight accused were apprehended.

By Sunday morning, anger spread among the Hindu community. Karan’s family, led by a crowd of thousands, refused to burn his body. They blocked the Moradabad Highway, seeking financial assistance and demanding that the buildings of the accused should be demolished by a bulldozer. The protest turned violent, with some individuals raining stones on police vehicles. The scene only began to normalise in the evening after police issued a written promise to consider their demands.

Karan’s mother said that the killing was not merely for the Facebook post but was the culmination of older tensions. She explained that three years ago, the local Aheria community (to which Karan belonged) constructed a temple in the locality, which Asad’s family and a few other Muslim families opposed. She says they nursed a grudge ever since. The police have sent a heavy contingent to the town to ensure peace, but they have not yet declared the precise motive behind the murder.

Trump turns Gaza peace summit at Sharm el-Sheikh into a personal glorification spectacle, treating world leaders like stage extras

Anurag
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Trump turns Gaza peace summit at Sharm el-Sheikh into a personal glorification spectacle, treating world leaders like stage extras

On 13th October, a historic moment for Middle East peace came at the “Shamashir Peace Summit” in Sharm el-Sheikh as the world leaders signed a peace pact. However, peace was not the centre of the summit in reality, as it quickly turned into a spectacle of self-congratulation led by the President of the United States, Donald Trump. The President, who stood at the centre of the event like a director on his own movie set, appeared less interested in diplomacy and more in stagecraft.

Before the signing of the Gaza peace accord, Trump took to the stage with his trademark flourish. He declared the accord “a tremendous day for the world, and a tremendous day for the Middle East”. Trump described the gathering as “the greatest assemblage of countries in terms of wealth and power ever gathered”. He set the tone for the show, which later became more about his triumphalism than diplomacy.

In his initial address, Trump spoke of the “granddaddy of all deals” and praised his team and the nations involved. He noted that the hostages had been released “on schedule” and that “things were working out incredibly well”. Trump credited countries like Qatar and Turkey for their cooperation, personally thanking their leaders with familiar informality, before acknowledging Egypt’s role as host. With cameras clicking and delegates watching, he called for the documents to be brought in, ready to sign what he proclaimed was a peace deal “3,000 years in the making.”

While the show began as an international gathering to celebrate the so-called Gaza peace accord, what came after was, well, kind of expected. Trump’s oratory took on the tone of a curtain call. He praised himself for ending the war, credited his “talent-packed” team, and accepted Egypt’s highest civilian honour, the Order of the Nile, with the solemnity of a coronation.

Around him, leaders from every major power bloc stood as he praised himself as the centrepiece of the peace accord, including Egypt, Italy, Turkey, Qatar, Pakistan, the United Kingdom, and the EU. Each one of the leaders was reduced to background cast in a performance only one man seemed to be headlining.

Pakistan’s Prime Minister sings praises

Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s speech at the summit sounded less like a leader’s address and more like a public show of praise for Donald Trump. He called Trump “the man the world needed most” and even nominated him again for the Nobel Peace Prize, saying, “Pakistan had nominated President Donald Trump for his extraordinary efforts to stop war between India and Pakistan and achieve a ceasefire.” His tone was almost worshipful as he spoke about Trump’s “untiring efforts” and “relentless work to make the world a place of peace and prosperity.”

In what felt more like flattery than diplomacy, Sharif went on to say, “Mr President, I salute your exemplary and visionary leadership. History will remember you as the man who stopped seven and today eight wars.” By the time he ended with, “God bless you and give you long life to serve humanity,” it seemed less like a formal statement and more like a man rolling in gratitude at Trump’s feet.

The world’s leaders as supporting actors

Even as Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif took the microphone to nominate Trump again for the Nobel Peace Prize, the President looked pleased but unsurprised. His smile stretched wider as he listened to a near-eulogy describing him as “the man the world needed the most”.

Across the stage, leaders stood lined up behind him, silent, still, and awkward. General Asim Munir of Pakistan, positioned right behind Trump, wore an expression that needed no words. His fixed stare and rigid posture said enough, somewhere between protocol and compulsion. It was the kind of image that conveyed authority enforced by circumstance, not shared by consent.

Later, when Trump looked for Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who was standing just next to Sharif behind him, Trump theatrically looked for him, virtually forcing him to raise his hand like a schoolboy before calling him to the dais and promptly sending him back. The moment, half comical and half telling, summed up the dynamic of the evening, that world leaders assembled not as peers but as props in Trump’s grand tableau.

In between, he turned to the Prime Minister of Italy, Giorgia Meloni, and bluntly asked her, during the speech at a peace accord, if he could call her “beautiful”. While Meloni could only smile, diplomacy, decorum, and dignity quietly left the room.

‘I did what no one could’

The speech Trump delivered was long and looping. It felt more of a campaign rally than a summit address. “At long last, we have peace in the Middle East,” he declared, as if resolving millennia of history in one afternoon. He reminded the audience of his achievements, from the Abraham Accords to hostages’ release, and thanked nations for “truckloads of aid” before swiftly pivoting to the US’s “strongest military in the world.”

The tone of his speech circled between self-admiration and unsaid parody. “We know how to rebuild, and we do it better than anyone,” he said, turning a post-war humanitarian task into a business pitch. Even his thanks to Egypt came wrapped in transaction-speak, “You paid a lot for those planes, but you got a good deal.”

The tone oscillated between self-admiration and inadvertent parody. “We know how to rebuild, and we do it better than anyone,” he said, turning a post-war humanitarian task into a business pitch. Even his thanks to Egypt came wrapped in transaction-speak, “You paid a lot for those planes, but you got a good deal.”

The peace deal that became a monologue

Every few minutes, Trump shifted the spotlight to himself rather than Gaza. When he wasn’t recounting global investment numbers, he was listing every leader present, adding unscripted commentary like “beautiful,” “fantastic,” or “great guy” as if auditioning them for his approval.

In short, the world leaders were there to celebrate a fragile truce, with Trump coming to celebrate himself. The message was unmistakeable. Peace in Gaza came with an agenda, the agenda to propagate Trump as the only hope for world peace.

While CM Mamata Banerjee downplays crimes against women as ‘minor’ issue, NCRB report exposes grim reality: Over a decade of betrayal for Bengal’s women

Shraddha Pandey
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While CM Mamata Banerjee downplays crimes against women as ‘minor’ issue, NCRB report exposes grim reality: Over a decade of betrayal for Bengal’s women

Ruled by a woman Chief minister, West Bengal should have been an ideal for other states in respect to women safety and rights; however, the Trinamool Congress-ruled state has become disturbingly unsafe for women. The frequent cases of sexual assault and the recently published National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report reflect the state government’s nonchalant handling of women’s safety.

In a horrifying incident in West Bengal’s Durgapur, a second-year MBBS student from Odisha was allegedly gang-raped by Apu Bauri, Firdos Sekh, and Sekh Reajuddin and two others in a jungle area near the city on Friday (10th October) night. The rape survivor’s father fears that his daughter is not safe in West Bengal. “Trust has been lost. We don’t want her to stay in Bengal. She will pursue her education in Odisha,” he said.

This loss of trust is not shocking. The incident comes just months after the brutal rape and murder of a female doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Hospital, raising fresh fears for the safety of medical professionals and female students in the state. What further exacerbates the situation is how Mamata Banerjee, the Chief Minister of West Bengal, forget ensuring swift action, resorts to victim blaming and downplaying crimes against women in the state.

Victim blaming to dodge accountability? West Bengal’s woman chief minister insensitive to the ordeal women

CM Banerjee expressed shock over the assault and even promised “strict action” against the perpetrators, however, she ended up blaming the victim for the brutality she was subjected to. “How the victim was allowed to leave the campus at 12.30 a.m. The private institution should not allow it…The girls should not be allowed to go outside (college) at night. They have to protect themselves also.”

The West Bengal Chief Minister, however, has an opprobrious record of making remarks that appear to downplay sexual assault cases. Over the years, both Banerjee and senior members of her Trinamool Congress have faced criticism for their insensitive responses to rape incidents.

One of the most infamous cases was the 2012 Park Street gangrape case. An Anglo-Indian woman, Suzette Jordan, was raped in a moving car by five men on February 6, 2012, when she was returning home from Park Street in Kolkata. Soon after the news surfaced, TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee absolved the accused of all charges. She had dubbed the incident as ‘shajano ghotona‘ (concocted incident), which was allegedly ‘designed to malign the government.’

Her party leaders, including TMC MP Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, publicly questioned the victim’s character, calling the incident a “misunderstanding between a lady and her client.” Years later, in 2015, a Kolkata court convicted three of the accused, proving the assault had indeed taken place.

In 2013, during a debate in the West Bengal legislative assembly about the rising cases of rapes in the State, the CM had insinuated that it was due to an increase in the population of the State. She had also blamed modernisation, an increase in shopping malls and multiplexes for rising rape cases.

Even during the 2024 Sandeshkhali unrest, Mamata Banerjee attempted to downplay the harassment and sexual exploitation of women at the hands of Trinamool Congress goons by calling it as “minor incident”. “After that, some media houses capitalised on the incident. Made a hue and cry out of a minor incident,” Mamata Banerjee said.

West Bengal CM dubs crimes against women as ‘minor incident’, NCRB data reveals the grim reality

The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) recently released its “Crime in India” report for the year 2023. The report revealed that West Bengal recorded 34,691 cases of crimes against women under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Special and Local Laws (SLL). While this marks a marginal decline from 34,738 cases in 2022, the number is one of the highest in the country.

The statistics translates to a crime rate of 71.3 cases per lakh female population. The estimated female population in the state is 48.64 million.

Despite an overall dip, the TMC-ruled state leads the nation in specific categories of violence. The state recorded highest number of crimes committed by foreigners in 2023, with the greatest number of cases registered under the Foreigners Act, 1946 and Registration of Foreigners Act, 1939. In the year 2023, West Bengal registered 1,021 criminal cases perpetrated by foreigners, with 989 cases filed under these two acts while 7 cases were registered under the Narcotic Drugs & Psychotropic Substances Act, 1985 and two under The Arms Act, 1959. Some other cases involving foreigners were registered under offences like cheating, causing grievous hurt and human trafficking.

In 2023, India recorded 207 cases of acid attacks with West Bengal alone accounting for 57 acid attack cases under Section 326A of IPC. The NCRB data showed that in 57 cases of acid attacks, there were 60 victims/survivors in West Bengal while in 207 cases nationwide, there were 220 victims.

The NCRB data shows that West Bengal alone accounted for 27.5% of all acid attacks in the country in the year 2023. In 2022, West Bengal recorded 48 acid attacks with 52 victims, out of 202 cases nationwide. In this crime category, the TMC-ruled state is leading the country since 2018. As per the NCRB data, in all cases of acid attacks across the country, 267 arrests were made and of those arrested, 246 were men and 21 women.

West Bengal recorded 7 cases of murder with rape/gangrape, 350 dowry deaths and 419 incidents of abetment to suicide of women in 2023.

Among the crime categories, the most cases were recorded under Section 498 A of the IPC, which deals with cruelty by a husband or his relatives. West Bengal has the second-highest number of Section 498 A of the IPC cases in the nation, with 19698 cases and 20462 victims. The total number of cruelty by husband or his relatives-related cases recorded across the country stood at 128814 with Uttar Pradesh leading with 19889 cases.

Overall, cases of ‘cruelty by husband or relatives’ accounted for the largest share at 29.8% (1.33 lakh cases) involving 1.35 lakh victims. This marks a slight dip as in the year 2022, this category under IPC section 498A made up 31.4% of all such crimes.

Meanwhile, West Bengal recorded 17 cases of kidnapping for ransom under Section 364A, 515 cases of Kidnapping & Abduction of Women to compel her for marriage (Sec. 366 IPC), above 18 years of age, in the year 2023. For minors, this number in West Bengal stood at 390. In this category, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar recorded highest number of incidents.

In the category of kidnapping and abduction of women – others (Sec.363A, 365, 367, 368, 369 IPC), West Bengal recorded the highest, 2054 incidents out of the 7964 cases nationwide. Meanwhile, the total number of kidnapping and abduction of women in West Bengal stood at 6544, one of the highest in the country.

The statewise data of the NCRB report showed that West Bengal recorded 1110 incidents of rape with 1112 victims. Of these, in 917 cases offenders were known to victim, in 27 cases offender were family members, 11 friends/online friends/live-partners, and in 193 cases the offenders were stranger/unknown to the victims.

In the ‘Attempt to Rape’ crime category, West Bengal was only second to Rajasthan (845 cases), to record 825 cases with all victims being women above 18 years of age.

In the ‘Assault on Women with Intent to Outrage her Modesty’ category, West Bengal recorded 2479 cases involving 2487 victims in 2023. Meanwhile, the West Bengal figures for ‘Insult to the Modesty of Women’ category stood at 412 cases. The total IPC crimes against women stood at 31928, one of the highest in the country.

The state of West Bengal recorded 2721 cases under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO) in 2023. There were 1798 cases related to child rape (Sec.4 & 6 of POCSO Act/ Sec 376 IPC), 644 incidents pertaining to sexual assault of children (Sec.8 & 10 of POCSO Act) / Sec.354 IPC) and 244 incidents under sexual harassment (Sec. 12 of POCSO Act) / Sec. 509 IPC).

West Bengal recorded 29 cases under the offence of use of child for pornography/storing child pornography material (section 14 and 14 of POCSO Act).

Regarding the police disposal of crime against women, there were 125 incidents wherein cases ended as final report false and 1165 cases as cases ended as mistake of fact of law or civil dispute. The West Bengal Police disposed off 34344 cases of crime against women in 2023 with pendency rate standing at 23.2%.

The facts and figures detailed in the NCRB report indicate that domestic violence and abduction remain dominant, comprising over 75% of the reported incidents in 2023. The experts, however, opine that the actual numbers could be way higher, not only in the context of West Bengal but also in respect to situation in other states. The data showed low conviction rate, just 3.7% in West Bengal while national rate stood at 21.3%. What further exacerbates the situation high number of pending cases, over 3,68,000, although West Bengal has a good chargesheeting rate.

However, as per the NCRB’s Crime in India 2023 report, West Bengal’s rate of crimes against women stands at 71.3 cases per lakh female population, which is significantly high compared to the national average of 65.3 cases per lakh female population.

Despite the disturbing numbers, the West Bengal government audaciously decided to pat its back and declare Kolkata as the ‘safest city’ for women. However, the National Commission for Women, chairperson, Archana Majumdar called out the Trinamool Congress for “misrepresenting” NCRB data and said that West Bengal has nearly 4 lakh pending cases pertaining to crimes against women, highest in India, with no action or convictions.

“This is half explanation and misinterpretation of the NCRB data… In 2023, the state government submitted their report on crime against women, in which over four lakhs of pending cases, in which no one is convicted or action is not taken, in West Bengal, which is the highest in the country… Police administration is not working on them. The judiciary is also failing because of non-cooperation by the administration and the police. They are not submitting the charge sheet in time. This thing is going on in West Bengal, and they are hiding facts… This is the tip of the iceberg… These are a few cases,” she said.

The wounds of RG Kar case are yet to heal, and a young girl was gangraped in Durgapur, similar cases was reported in Birbhum with reported inaction of the local police, yet TMC indulges in self-praise. Apparently, women safety is a major issue when TMC has to attack the BJP and it becomes ‘minor issue’ when demanded accountability in the state it rules.

Regimes are temporary, geography is permanent: Why India needs to play the Great Game, and engage with Taliban, or whoever holds power in Afghanistan

Sanghamitra
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Regimes are temporary, geography is permanent: Why India needs to play the Great Game, and engage with Taliban, or whoever holds power in Afghanistan

India hosted Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi in Delhi last week, and a lot of people, politicians, journalists, and social media users had a meltdown. The Opposition saw an opportunity when there was a social media buzz that the Taliban press conference inside the Afghan Embassy ‘excluded’ women journalists. Rahul Gandhi and his sister joined in to attack the Modi government for ‘allowing’ the exclusion, ignoring the fact that the government of India does not, and should not, interfere in the administrative affairs of a foreign embassy. 

Then there was the outrage of women journalists, who started blaming the government of India for welcoming the Taliban, along with their practices of misogyny. The Taliban later did invite them to their presser, after clarifying that the earlier lack of invitation was due to time and number constraints, not any other reason.

“What is even more ridiculous is that the Taliban FM is allowed to bring their abhorrent and illegal discrimination against women to India, as the government hosts the Taliban delegation with full official protocol. This isn’t pragmatism, this is supplication”, posted The Hindu’s Suhasini Haider.

Muttaqi’s visit to Darul Uloom Deoband on Saturday, 11 October, triggered even the fence sitters who were yet to react over the visit. Deoband, long associated with Islamic radicalism in India and abroad, and the Taliban’s ideological alma mater, has been linked to the rise of Wahabi Sunni Islam that has become the driving force behind many militant powers, the Taliban included.

Many voices in India and abroad have raised concerns over the Indian government platforming, engaging and welcoming the Taliban as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan. For many, the very idea is jarring, to see representatives of a regime that many view as repressive, especially toward women and minorities, being treated with diplomatic courtesy. 

Some voices, rather emotional ones, have even argued that India should shun any formal engagement with the Taliban. Even more voices call for confrontation, at least at diplomatic levels, about their internal affairs. That moral aversion is understandable, but it must contend with the harsh arithmetic of regional security, diplomacy, and influence.

Afghanistan is not today’s game. It is a game that has been afoot for centuries. 

India not only has a millennia-old cultural connect with the land, but also has shared border, trade routes and much more. India will always needs a good relationship with whoever is in power in Kabul, because of multiple reasons.

The Great Game: Clashing of empires over influence on a coveted land

The Russian Empire and the British Empire engaged in a rivalry of influence over Central Asia for decades, referred to as ‘The Great Game’ in world history. The Game stemmed from Afghanistan’s strategic location and the geopolitical ambitions of both powers. Both powers knew that they can never exert control over the vast, resource-rich landscape of Central Asia, without gaining a foothold in Kabul.

Scenes from the Anglo Afghan war, image via Explorethearchive

Afghanistan lies at the crossroads of Central Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East, bordering British India to the southeast, Russian-controlled Central Asia to the north, and Persia (modern Iran) to the west. It is a critical buffer zone and a potential staging ground for military or economic incursions. 

In 1830, The Great Game started with Lord Ellenborough asking Lord Bentinck to establish a trade route to Bukhara. It was the first step by Britain to counter Russian influence. At that time, it was about trade routes, political influence, and resrouce utilisation. What followed was multiple wars, bloodshed, and brutality at the cost of thousands of lives.

Ages have passed, but the significance of Afghanistan has still not diminished. It is still a crucial gate to power in Central Asia. 

The British established the Durand Line in 1893 to delineate the Afghan-Indian frontier, supporting the independence of Afghan rulers on the condition that they would not allow Russian encroachment. But they did not know at the time that the Durand Line itself would be contested heavily, and would one day become questionable because of India’s partition. The Afghans then had accepted a border with India, not with Pakistan. 

Central Asia map, showing the boundaries of British India and Afghanistan, wiki

Caught in a conflict between two great powers, Afghanistan gradually became a battleground, rather than a colony. That holds true in different contexts till date. The great powers have changed their shape and form, the Russian Empire morphed into the Soviet Union and eventually the Russian Federation, and the British Empire gradually gave way to the capitalist military state of the USA. In recent decades, another power has emerged in the East, that follows an entirely different way to establish its presence and seek influence. China. 

Geography, influence and riches 

Its location at the intersection of South Asia, Central Asia, Iran, and China, makes Afghanistan a land bridge, a buffer zone, and staging ground for ideas, people, weapons, and influence. Any power that can wield influence in Kabul gains leverage over routes, connectivity projects, downstream security threats, and the balance of influence in South Asia.

For India, deep engagement with Afghanistan has historically had multiple strands, cultural, educational, humanitarian ties among people, infrastructure projects in the form of roads, power, dams, and containment of hostile influence, especially from Pakistan. A warm regime in Afghanistan, especially one that is not servile or overtly supportive of Pakistan, is the best bargain India can get.

Despite ongoing hostilities, border disputes, Pashtun demands and a multitude of conflict points, Pakistan still holds a significant influence in Kabul. China, Iran, Russia, Pakistan, are all expanding their footprint in Afghanistan, and India can not afford to stay aloof.

India cannot afford to play a zero-sum game on Taliban engagement, it must try to shape the internal dynamics in its favour, even as it demands better behaviour on counterterrorism, human rights, and women’s freedoms. 

The race for resources: It is a ‘Material World’

Afghanistan is endowed with mineral deposits valued at over $1 trillion to $3 trillion, according to the U.S. Geological Survey and other data. There is untapped lithium, copper, iron ore, gold, rare earth elements, and precious stones. It holds natural gas and petroleum deposits, though mostly untapped because of conflicts. With over 1000 mineral fields identified, Afghanistan’s mining industry, overseen by the Ministry of Mines and Petroleum, offers opportunities for industrial minerals for nations that are willing to collaborate.

While the Taliban regime may be seen as illegitimate by many, the truth is that they are the ones currently in power in Kabul. The land, left broken and undeveloped, facing war after war, is sitting atop a vast area of untapped mineral wealth, making it a strategic prize no major Asian power can truly afford to ignore. The Taliban have declared that they are willing to negotiate, monetise their resources and work with willing nations to develop their land. India, with its ambitions of growth, cannot just let that pass. 

Governing regimes are temporary, Geography is permanent: The Great Game will go on 

Regimes may rise and fall in Kabul, but Afghanistan’s geography, its commanding position at the crossroads of Central, South, and West Asia, will always remain a strategic constant for India. That is a blunt, objective truth.

Afghanistan’s plains, rivers, mountains and passes will continue to shape the balance of power across the subcontinent, whether under monarchs, democracies, or even the Taliban. For India, this objective truth means disengagement is not a luxury it can afford. A diplomatic retreat would amount to abandoning influence in a region that directly affects India’s security, connectivity, and continental reach.

The Taliban may be a temporary political reality, but Afghanistan’s position as India’s gateway to Central Asia and the broader Eurasian landmass is timeless. Governments do not last. But the land will be there forever. Afghanistan offers routes for energy pipelines, trade corridors, and strategic depth in a region where China and Pakistan are steadily consolidating ground.

Geopolitics works on a simple fundamental: there are no permanent friends, only permanent interests. If India isolates itself out of moral or political discomfort, China, Russia, Iran, Pakistan and most importantly USA, will not be sitting quiet. It is a material world, and every nation that takes itself seriously, has to pursue its material interests relentlessly. 

If India hesitates to engage with the Taliban, there are half a dozen other nations ready and willing to fill that vacuum. They will lock India out of both the resource networks and security architecture that are emerging around the dynamic region.

An objective, pragmatic engagement does not mean endorsement, it means acknowledging irrevocable geopolitical realities over ephemeral regimes.

By maintaining a calibrated, careful, and pragmatic relationship with Kabul, India preserves a foothold in a region whose geography, not its government, will determine its long-term strategic value. In essence, India’s Afghanistan policy must be rooted not in who sits in the offices of Kabul today, but in the immutable fact of where that land sits on the map of the world.

As Punjab police lodge case against journalist Anjana Om Kashyap over comments on Maharishi Valmiki, read what scriptures reveal about the past of the Hindu sage

OpIndia Staff
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As Punjab police lodge case against journalist Anjana Om Kashyap over comments on Maharishi Valmiki, read what scriptures reveal about the past of the Hindu sage

The Ludhiana Police lodged an FIR against Aaj Tak anchor Anjana Om Kashyap and India Today Group chairman and editor-in-chief Aroon Purie, and the media company Living Media India Limited (India Today Group). The case was registered upon complaints filed by members of the Valmiki community that the journalist had used insulting language for Saint Valmiki during one of her programmes.

The complaint was filed by the Bharatiya Valmiki Dharam Samaj (BHAVADHAS), a community organisation that said Kashyap’s comments were “deeply insulting” and hurt the sentiments of Valmiki devotees across India. The organisation said that the remarks were made during a show aired on Aaj Tak’s official social media handles, including Facebook.

Responding to the allegations, Anjana Om Kashyap and the India Today Group have denied any wrongdoing. In a statement, Kashyap said, “TV Today Network Limited strongly denies the allegations made in the FIR registered in Ludhiana about derogatory remarks regarding Bhagwan Maharishi Valmiki Ji. The programme in question was respectful and balanced, conducted in full adherence to journalistic ethics and with complete respect for all faiths and communities.”

The centuries-old debate around Maharishi Valmiki’s life

For centuries, the biography of Maharishi Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana and among India’s greatest sages, has been filled with myth, reverence, and controversy.

The Adikavi, his name and fame are established deep within the Indian religious and cultural consciousness. It is believed that Maharishi Valmiki was a dacoit who later became a sage. It still generates debate among historians, scholars, and followers even today.

The tale of Valmiki is not limited to India alone. Across several South and Southeast Asian countries, the Ramayana continues to be narrated, performed, and revered through traditions like Ramlila. But while his epic poem remains timeless, the question of Valmiki’s early life, whether he was once a bandit, has invited both belief and scepticism.

Maharishi Valmiki’s real name appears in most literature as “Agnisarma,” not “Ratnakara.” According to the book written in 1585 by the famous by the popular poet Nabhadas, “Bhaktamal,” Valmiki, who was forced to flee due to famine. He was once a bandit named Ratnakara who lived in a forest and looted travellers to support his family. One day, he tried to rob a group of sages known as the Saptarishis. 

Among them, one sage, believed to be Atri, asked him a question that changed his life forever: would his family share in the sin of his crimes? When Ratnakara asked them, they refused. Shocked and remorseful, he began to repent.

He then went into deep meditation. So long and still was his penance that a mound of termites (valmik in Sanskrit) grew around him. When the sages returned and found him encased in the termites, they named him “Valmiki.” It is said that after this transformation, he devoted his life to spiritual reflection. Later, He worshipped Shiva and composed the “Ramayana.”

Some variations of the story replace Atri with Narad Muni and claim that Ratnakar began chanting “Mara Mara”, which over time transformed into “Rama Rama.” However, Sanskrit scholars argue that the word Mara did not exist in that form in ancient Sanskrit, making the tale linguistically doubtful.

Despite the popularity of the dacoit tale, ancient texts and scholars suggest there is little evidence to support it. The Ramayana itself, written by Valmiki, contains no mention of him ever having been a bandit. 

Shri Bhagavatananda Guru has written that Maharishi Valmiki alludes to the Uttara Kanda in the Bala Kanda; thus, it is not an interpolation. In his Uttara Kand, while praising the purity of Mata Sita, Maharishi Valmiki introduced himself to Lord Rama as “the tenth son of sage Pracheta,” saying he has never sinned “in thought, word, or deed.”

प्रेचेतसोऽहं दशमः पुत्रो राघवनंदन।
मनसा कर्मणा वाचा भूतपूर्वं न किल्विषम्।।

Pracheta, according to scriptures, was the son of Lord Brahma, which would make Valmiki Brahma’s grandson. This version strongly establishes Valmiki as a Brahmin sage, not a reformed bandit.

The Taittiriya Pratishakhya, one of the Vedic texts, also mentions three individuals named Valmiki, suggesting that the name might have been used more broadly in ancient times. Historians believe this could explain how confusion arose between different figures named Valmiki.

The late writer and famous Dalit researcher Omprakash Valmiki, known for his groundbreaking book “Safai Devta,” rejected the popular claim that Valmiki was ever a robber. 

Citing both linguistic and textual evidence, he argued that the story of Valmiki’s transformation first appeared in a developed form in the Skanda Purana, which was compiled around the 8th century, centuries after the Ramayana.

According to Omprakash Valmiki, “There is no logical or historical basis to the story that Maharishi Valmiki was once a robber. It appears to be a later addition, not an authentic part of his life.” He explained that many Puranas were edited and expanded over time, with new episodes being added by later authors, and the bandit story might have been one of these interpolations.

Even Punjab and several other parts of India are home to many Valmiki temples, where the sage is worshipped as the spiritual ancestor of the community. Even among the Valmiki diaspora abroad, his image as a poet-saint, not a reformed criminal, is revered.

Further evidence supporting this perspective comes from the work of researcher Dr Manjula Sahdev. In her study of early Indian literature, she found that no text before the 6th century mentions Valmiki as a bandit. Her findings suggest that the image of Valmiki as a dacoit-turned-saint was a much later creation.

Dr Sahdev’s work highlights that the original descriptions of Valmiki portray him as a visionary sage and philosopher who lived by the banks of the Tamasa River, where he composed the Ramayana. Her findings are consistent with a 2008 judgment by the Punjab and Haryana High Court, which acknowledged that there was no historical basis to the claim that Maharishi Valmiki had ever been a dacoit.

However, as modern researchers continue to examine early Sanskrit and Puranic literature, the “dacoit Valmiki” legend appears to have more roots in folklore than in fact.

In Bhaktamal, a devotional text written by poet Nabhadas in 1585, the story of Valmiki as a reformed thief appears in a detailed form, centuries after Valmiki’s era. This timeline further supports the argument that the tale was a symbolic addition to highlight moral transformation rather than a literal biographical detail.

Liladhar Sharma “Parvatiya” writes in his book ” Bharatiya Sanskriti Kosh ” that the sage Bhrigu was also Valmiki’s brother, and both were highly learned. He notes that Valmiki, who is said to have been a bandit, was a different person, and mythological belief holds that he was different from the author of the Ramayana. Some later stories have also been distorted that the bandit Angunlimala, said to have lived during the Buddha’s time, is also often mistaken for Valmiki.

Previous controversies over remarks about Valmiki

The FIR against Anjana Om Kashyap isn’t the first time controversy has erupted over comments about Maharishi Valmiki. Over the years, several celebrities and TV shows have faced legal cases and protests for repeating the story of Valmiki as a dacoit.

In 2017, actress and TV host Rakhi Sawant landed in legal trouble for calling Valmiki a “murderer” during a television appearance. While she said it to make a point about personal transformation, comparing singer Mika Singh’s behaviour to Valmiki’s alleged past, the Valmiki community saw it as a grave insult. 

A case was registered under IPC Section 295 for hurting religious sentiments. Protests broke out in Punjab, with community members even stopping a train demanding her arrest.

Reports said a Punjab Police team later travelled to Mumbai to arrest her after a Ludhiana court issued a warrant due to her repeated absence at hearings.

Similarly, way back in 2009, a case was registered against TV channel Star Plus and producers of a serial Bidai, where this story was repeated, even though approvingly. Even though the reference was made positively, activists said it was offensive and misleading. The case is still pending, and activists have vowed to pursue it to the end.

During hearings, the Punjab and Haryana High Court stated that there was “no credible evidence to suggest that Maharishi Valmiki was a dacoit in his earlier life.” The judge noted that “from Vedic literature up to the 9th century AD, there is no reference as such that Maharishi Valmiki led a life of a dacoit or highwayman.”

Apart from these cases, Valmiki community protesters had got the Arshad Warsi starrer The Legend of Michael Mishra banned in Punjab as the movie too had a dialogue that repeated the story about Maharishi Valmiki being a dacoit once.

Rajdeep Sardesai issues another apology for 2011 fake news against ex-BJP Councillor Ajit Tokas: A long history of lies, propaganda, and suppressed truths

Jinit Jain
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Rajdeep Sardesai issues another apology for 2011 fake news against ex-BJP Councillor Ajit Tokas: A long history of lies, propaganda, and suppressed truths

On October 13, 2025, senior journalist Rajdeep Sardesai issued yet another public apology. This time for a 2011 programme aired on IBN7 in collaboration with Cobrapost, titled Dilli’s Double Agents. The show had falsely alleged that Ajit Singh Tokas, a former BJP councillor from Munirka, had demanded money in connection with unauthorised constructions in the area.

Taking to Instagram, Sardesai quietly released a video apologizing to Mr Ajit Singh Tokas, for the lies peddled by him in the 2011 programme.

On X, formerly Twitter, Sardesai issued a similar apology note. The clarification, posted by Sardesai, conceded that no evidence existed to substantiate the claim. The apology read that Mr. Tokas had “rejected multiple offers of gratification” and that there was “no evidence on record” to prove that he demanded money. Sardesai extended an apology for the “social and political reputational harm” caused to Tokas and clarified that the sting investigation was “undertaken by an external agency,” while his own role was “limited to anchoring.”

While this may seem like an isolated instance of journalistic overreach corrected after due process, it is, in fact, part of a larger pattern, one that has followed Rajdeep Sardesai throughout his career. This latest apology joins a long list of retractions, misreports, and controversies, most of which have shared one thing in common: they invariably target one political party: the BJP.

The Suppressed “Cash-for-Vote” Sting Operation

Ironically, Sardesai has long faced allegations of deliberately suppressing the 2008 “Cash-for-Vote Scam” sting operation, which, according to many observers, could have sounded the death knell for the UPA government had it been aired.

Years later, senior journalist Manoj Ranjan Tripathi revealed about the incident while speaking on Shubhankar Mishra’s podcast, in the segment between 1 hour 22 minutes and 1 hour 26 minutes. He disclosed that before the scandal broke in Parliament in 2008, a sting operation had already been conducted. However, Sardesai, who was his boss at the time, chose to bury the footage.

“If that CD had been aired,” Tripathi said, “big names like Amar Singh and several other top leaders would have been caught. But Rajdeep was the boss.” He added that he stood by his words even if Sardesai himself watched the podcast, asserting, “What I am saying is the truth.” Tripathi emphasized that he personally knew “at least a hundred people” in the media industry who were aware of this suppression.

Following the revelation, public outrage erupted online, with many demanding answers from Rajdeep Sardesai. Notably, this is not the first time such an allegation has surfaced. Veteran Doordarshan anchor Ashok Shrivastav had earlier accused Sardesai of burying the same sting during the UPA era.

Shrivastav explained that when the Cash-for-Vote scam unfolded, Sardesai was heading a television channel. The sting operation had captured money transactions allegedly made to save the Manmohan Singh-led government. After viewing the footage, Sardesai decided to “review it before telecasting.” Under the guise of this “review,” he withheld the footage for several months, and the UPA government survived. Soon after, Rajdeep Sardesai was awarded the Padma Shri.

Manoj Ranjan Tripathi, who worked closely with Sardesai and other major media houses, also spoke more broadly about the rot within India’s TV news industry. He narrated an incident from his field reporting days, saying that even when surrounded by corpses, he was instructed to “wear a tie” before coming on air, a stark symbol of how television journalism had come to prioritize optics over truth.

The Sohrabuddin encounter case: Sardesai apologises after 12 years

In November 2019, Rajdeep Sardesai offered an unconditional apology in connection with a 2007 CNN-IBN programme titled 30 Minutes – Sohrabuddin, the Inside Story. The report had falsely accused IPS officer Rajiv Trivedi of helping Gujarat police abduct Sohrabuddin Sheikh and his wife Kauserbi, alleging that Trivedi provided cars with fake number plates for the operation.

Following the broadcast, Trivedi filed a criminal complaint against Sardesai and others, leading to prolonged legal proceedings through multiple courts. Both the Andhra Pradesh High Court and the Supreme Court refused to quash the criminal case, observing that individual reputation cannot be trampled in the name of press freedom.

Eventually, in 2019, after 12 years, Sardesai submitted an affidavit admitting the allegations were false, offering an unconditional apology to the IPS officer. The Hyderabad sessions court accepted the apology and dismissed the case.

Platforming Pakistan’s propaganda

In 2019, following Pakistani Minister Fawad Chaudhry’s admission in Parliament that the Pulwama attack was Pakistan’s “great victory,” Rajdeep Sardesai invited him to his show to “clarify” his statement. Instead of confronting the minister, Sardesai provided him space to attack Indian media, in what critics described as a shocking abdication of journalistic responsibility.

The CAA Riots and the Habit of twisting facts

During the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests, Sardesai claimed that “debates were invited after the law was brought in.” This was demonstrably false as discussions over protecting persecuted minorities from neighbouring countries had been ongoing for decades, with even the Congress party supporting similar provisions in the past.

The Statue of Unity “Made in China” lie

Sardesai had also claimed that Gujarat’s Statue of Unity was “Made in China.” Engineering firm Larsen & Toubro (L&T) had clarified way back in 2015 that only the bronze cladding plates, worth less than 9% of the project, were sourced from China, while the entire statue was built in India.

“It was a great day”: The 2001 Parliament attack remark

In a 2018 interview, Rajdeep Sardesai recounted the 2001 Parliament terror attack as a “great day,” calling journalists “vultures who feed on such moments.” The grotesque remark drew widespread condemnation, further underscoring his lack of professional decorum.

The Sachin Pilot rebellion

In 2020, during Sachin Pilot’s rebellion against the Congress leadership in Rajasthan, Sardesai insinuated that the revolt was sponsored by the BJP. Pilot himself rebuked the claim on-air, clarifying that his faction had borne all travel and lodging expenses. Sardesai also faced criticism for tweeting that a Supreme Court verdict was biased because Justice Arun Mishra had once praised PM Modi, a tweet he later deleted.

Lies during COVID-19 crisis

Falsehoods During the COVID-19 Crisis Rajdeep Sardesai continued his pattern of agenda-driven misinformation even during the Coronavirus pandemic. He claimed a medical college in Karnataka hadn’t paid stipends for 16 months, attempting to blame the Modi government.

It later emerged that the college was owned by a Congress leader, and the BJP state government had already directed payment. He falsely claimed a man in Banda (UP) had died of starvation. The District Magistrate fact-checked him, revealing that the family was receiving food grains under government schemes. He alleged that Punjab had received only ₹71 crore from the Centre to fight COVID-19, when the state had, in fact, received hundreds of crores.

Politics over dead bodies

Ironically, Rajdeep once urged others not to “do politics over dead bodies.” Yet his career trajectory owes much to precisely that from the 2002 Godhra riots, where he helped shape a highly polarised narrative, to selective empathy in later killings. When journalist Shujaat Bukhari was murdered, he penned an emotional piece; when Hindu activist Prashant Poojari was murdered, he downplayed it as having a “political context.”

Over the years, Rajdeep Sardesai has earned the reputation of being a serial abuser of facts, repeatedly forced to issue clarifications and apologies after spreading misinformation. In 2017, he falsely claimed that the Vice-Chancellor of Banaras Hindu University (BHU) had attended a Narendra Modi rally, later retracting it as a “case of mistaken identity.” He also had to apologise to Sri Sri Ravi Shankar after airing a manipulated interview, acknowledging on-air that systems would be put in place to prevent such “errors” in future.

During the Delhi riots, Amit Shah’s election rallies, and the Amritsar train tragedy, he shared and deleted false claims multiple times after being called out by viewers. The pattern has been painfully consistent: spread misinformation, let it fester in public discourse, face outrage, and finally issue a belated apology couched in professional regret. Each of these incidents, viewed in isolation, could be dismissed as lapses in judgment; but together, they form a compelling portrait of a journalist who has built an entire career around reckless sensationalism followed by ritualistic contrition.

Across two decades, Sardesai’s “errors” have shown remarkable directional consistency. Every misreport, every insinuation, every “mistake” somehow damages one political party and its supporters. If incompetence were the cause, the errors would at least be politically random. They are not.

The apology issued on October 13, 2025, is not an isolated act of contrition. It’s a continuation of a career built on selective narratives, political spin, and post-facto corrections. Public memory may fade, but Rajdeep Sardesai’s record of serial misinformation stands as a testament to what journalism becomes when activism replaces accuracy.

Kerala’s drug crisis: ‘God’s Own Country to ‘Ganja’s Own Hub’. Coastal trafficking, rapid spread and rising NDPS cases, explained

Anurag
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Kerala’s drug crisis: ‘God’s Own Country to ‘Ganja’s Own Hub’. Coastal trafficking, rapid spread and rising NDPS cases, explained

When the name ‘Kerala’ comes up, education and health often come to mind, thanks to extensively positive reporting on these two sectors by the left-leaning media. But is Kerala such a model state? Behind the curtains, and not in a hidden manner, Kerala is struggling with a drug epidemic. From cities to villages, not a single corner of the state is free from the problem. Hundreds of lives have been shattered, and families across the state have been broken as an outcome of the growing drug problem.

Traditionally, Punjab is seen as India’s drug epicentre. However, recent reports paint a grim picture of Kerala. In 2024 alone, the state registered 27,700 narcotics cases, which is three times more than Punjab, which registered just over 9,000 cases. Considering the population of the southern coastal state, Kerala is reporting 78 cases per lakh people. Reportedly, all 14 districts of the state are affected. In the first two months of 2025, there were 30 murders reported in the state, half of which were related to drug abuse.

According to data tabled in the Rajya Sabha on 12th March this year, Kerala has consistently topped the list of NDPS Act cases over the past three years. The state reported 26,918 cases in 2022, rising to 30,715 in 2023, and 27,701 in 2024. Punjab followed with 12,423, 11,564 and 9,025 cases respectively, while Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh reported fluctuating but lower figures. The trend indicates Kerala’s dominance in narcotics-related offences, far exceeding traditional hotspots like Punjab.

Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, Rajya Sabha

Kerala, the picturesque state often called “God’s own country”, is in the grip of a drug crisis that is widespread and escalating. While law enforcement agencies are reportedly working extensively to control the drug problem, the path ahead seems dark and demands immediate attention.

The rise of ‘420’ culture among youth

In 1971, five high school friends used 4:20 PM as code for their cannabis-fuelled adventures. Over half a decade down the line, the “420 culture” boomed among youth worldwide, and Kerala’s young generation got hit as well. The “420 culture” has been adopted as a badge of rebellion by a section of Kerala’s young generation.

As per media reports, slang and hashtags celebrating “420” are often seen on social media accounts of Kerala’s youth, reflecting a growing normalisation of cannabis use. Random posts and internet memes on social media platforms propagate the laid-back lifestyle of “stoners”, which is a clear signal that “420 culture” has become extremely popular among youth.

Source: Instagram

Cannabis, which is also known as ganja in local circles, is often treated as a mild drug. However, ground reports reveal it has become the gateway to deeper addiction. Many adolescent addicts said in their statements that their journey of becoming an addict began with casual ganja smoking in their school days, which rapidly turned into dangerous substances including MDMA, cocaine and marijuana.

According to the authorities, the 420-driven drug culture is cheating Kerala’s children of their childhood and future. While parents assume school and college campuses are safe, they are quickly becoming the frontline of the epidemic. In one incident, excise officers in Idukki were stunned when a group of high school boys on a field trip wandered into their office asking for a matchbox to light a ganja-laced beedi.

Several surveys have found shockingly high rates of experimentation among young school-going children. One government study indicated that over 37% of 10th graders and 23% of 8th graders in Kerala have tried an illegal drug or inhalant at least once. Cannabis is among the first choices. The local media has dubbed the epidemic “Udta Kerala”, taking inspiration from the movie Udta Punjab that depicted the rapidly increasing drug problem in the northern state.

While drug addiction among Keralites begins with cannabis in most cases, it is still widely available. According to law enforcement agencies in the state, high-strength “hydroponic” cannabis with THC >40% has flooded Kerala’s market, making the 420 culture even more potent. This hybrid ganja does not grow in fields but in labs. It is often smuggled in from Southwest Asia. In fact, the smuggling of this type of ganja was essentially nil in 2022, but in 2024–25 alone, authorities seized over 89 kg from airports. In just seven months of 2025, the seizure rose to 129.7 kg.

Notably, Thai-grown hydroponic cannabis is highly potent and can fetch as high as Rs 1 crore per kg in the international market. Interestingly, because there is high scrutiny by law enforcement agencies to stop cannabis from entering India, smugglers have reportedly shifted to Middle Eastern routes. The 420 culture may romanticise ganja, but today’s reality is a booming international trade in ultra-strong cannabis, ensnaring Kerala’s youth in a cycle of addiction.

Why Kerala? Root causes of the drug menace

The drug problem in Kerala did not appear overnight. There are multiple interlocking factors that have made the state deeply vulnerable. Geography is a double-edged sword. Kerala has a 590 km long coastline that opens onto the Arabian Sea. It facilitates global trade but also provides an inviting gateway for narcotics.

Traffickers have exploited the international shipping lanes close to Kerala’s shores with increasing audacity. The state’s proximity to other transit hubs, including Bengaluru and Chennai, has created overland supply chains of contraband.

Let’s discuss some examples. Bengaluru is the nearest metropolis from where MDMA, also known as ecstasy, and methamphetamines are supplied to Kerala. Cannabis comes from the hills of Andhra Pradesh and Odisha via Tamil Nadu. The problem is so deeply rooted that police have mapped around 1,300 drug-peddling “black spots” across Kerala, covering neighbourhoods in city and rural regions alike.

Another problem is internet usage in the state. Drug cartels leverage this, and dealers operate through encrypted messaging apps and the dark web to accept payments in cryptocurrency, making it even harder for law enforcement agencies to track deals and bust networks.

Some media outlets have even claimed that, just like ordering pizza, one can order drugs in Kerala and get them delivered in just 15 minutes. On the ground, networks of bike-riding delivery agents ferry drugs to customers’ doorsteps. Using superbikes with fake number plates, some peddlers even pose as young couples to avoid suspicion.

The e-commerce-like drug trade has become a serious problem for law enforcement agencies as they must keep evolving their investigative techniques to keep up with the drug peddlers.

Beyond these supply-side factors, social and cultural dynamics within Kerala have contributed to a fertile market for drugs. A glamorisation of gangsterism and hyper-macho “cool” in popular media has influenced some young people to emulate gang culture. Drug cartels have identified this phenomenon. Local goons and organised gangs lure and groom students, treating them as protégés. These students then become low-level peddlers, further expanding the drug network while minimising risk for the kingpin.

According to excise officers, traffickers deliberately recruit school and college students as dealers precisely because juveniles attract less police suspicion. In one recent bust at a Kochi polytechnic, police found multiple students selling ganja on campus. First-time offenders were spared charges, but the incident laid bare how deeply drug networks have penetrated student communities.

Lack of job opportunities in the state is another problem. Thousands of young graduates with dreams that exceed available opportunities grow frustrated as they remain idle without any source of income. The vacuum created by joblessness gets filled by drug addiction, and in many cases, they become peddlers themselves.

Furthermore, Kerala is also known for migrant workers who choose to go abroad, mostly to Gulf countries, to earn a better livelihood. Children often stay back. The absence of parents creates an emotional void. The guidance that parents can provide cannot be expected from guardians taking care of the children. Such vulnerable teenagers often get pushed towards substance abuse as a form of escape or rebellion.

The drug problem is not limited to those who live in Kerala but also to those who have returned after doing work abroad. For example, at a de-addiction centre in North Kerala, a 28-year-old returnee from Abu Dhabi described how fellow Keralites overseas introduced him to “kallu” (crystal meth). His story mirrors the new trend of expatriate links in Kerala’s drug chain, where exposure abroad and easy digital access fuel cross-border addiction patterns.

Expanding smuggling routes and international networks

Intelligence agencies note that 95% of India’s narcotics trade is controlled by the Pakistan-linked D-Company (Dawood Ibrahim syndicate), which traditionally funneled drugs into north India. Since 2024, the state has scaled up its anti-drug operations. Under Operation D-Hunt, specialised squads conducted surprise checks. Reportedly, between 22nd February and 1st March 2025, they inspected 17,256 suspects, registered 2,762 NDPS cases and arrested 2,854 people.

In that particular week, law enforcement agencies seized 1.3 kg MDMA, 153.5 kg cannabis, and small quantities of heroin and hash oil. Then, on 11th September 2025, a statewide sweep led to 146 arrests and 140 new cases. MDMA and ganja were recovered. High-profile actions included an August 2024 MDMA lab in Hyderabad fronted as a pharma unit, and a September 2024 arrest of a Kerala native running ganja farms in Odisha.

However, the arrest patterns remain skewed. NCRB data show that in 2022, about 93.7% of NDPS arrests in Kerala were for possession for personal use. Of roughly 26,600 arrests, about 1,660 were peddlers, while about 24,959 involved small-quantity consumers. Networks often split stock below “commercial quantity” thresholds (for example, under 0.5 g MDMA, under 1 kg ganja), making possession bailable and complicating deterrence. Police report using follow-up searches to aggregate quantities and have argued for revisiting small-quantity definitions.

There is some discretion when it comes to juvenile and first-time users. For example, in a 2023 Kochi hostel case, several students were caught with small amounts of drugs. They were monitored by law enforcement agencies rather than being charged. Reported conviction rates are high, with thousands of NDPS convictions annually. However, most arrests still target users and low-level sellers.

Notably, communities and religious groups have come forward to help curb the situation. De-addiction services report more than a lakh outpatients and thousands of inpatients treated, which is a good sign. However, that does not mean the drug problem in the state is coming under control.

From crisis to collective action – The way forward

There is no doubt that Kerala’s drug problem needs a broad, coordinated approach and not just policing alone. In fact, both experts and policymakers agree with this. The central objective of programmes to tackle the drug problem should revolve around prevention and awareness. As schools and colleges have become prime targets of drug peddlers, it is essential to have structured drug education and peer-led programmes to help students stay away from the problem.

Furthermore, social media can play a vital role in educating youth against drugs. Reportedly, teachers and parents are being trained in the state to spot early signs of addiction, which helps in controlling substance abuse at the initial stage. There are also proposals for random drug testing in schools. Though such proposals are controversial, they indicate concerns over the reach of drugs into campuses.

The enforcement strategies focus on major supply chains and synthetic drugs like MDMA and methamphetamine. However, there is only one Coast Guard vessel currently patrolling the long Kerala coastline. The state is investing in scanners, drones and cyber surveillance to track smuggling and darknet transactions. Projects such as a WhatsApp-based citizen tip line, Project Yodhav, have yielded some leads, though the scale of trafficking remains largely unchecked.

The concerning aspect is that rehabilitation capacity is limited in the state despite rising demand. Government centres and NGO partnerships have reportedly treated 1.47 lakh people, yet mental health support and vocational reintegration remain patchy. Unless preventive education and social interventions expand faster than arrests, the “drug-free Kerala” goal will remain aspirational rather than achievable.

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