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Trade agreement between India and European Free Trade Association becomes effective, to generate $100 billion in investments and 1 million direct jobs in India in 15 years

OpIndia Staff
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Trade agreement between India and European Free Trade Association becomes effective, to generate $100 billion in investments and 1 million direct jobs in India in 15 years

In a landmark development for India’s global trade landscape, the Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement (TEPA) between India and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) has officially taken effect as of October 1, 2025, ushering in a new era of economic collaboration with Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland. This agreement, signed on March 10, 2024, in New Delhi, promises to channel $100 billion in investments into India over the next 15 years while creating one million direct jobs. This is India’s first free trade pact with these four developed European nations and highlights a strategic push toward resilient partnerships amid global uncertainties.

EFTA, an intergovernmental organization established in 1960 to promote free trade and economic integration among its members, now consists of Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland, four nations not part of the European Union. These countries are renowned for their robust economies, high standards of living, and emphasis on innovation, with Switzerland serving as India’s primary trading partner in the group, followed by Norway. Together, they provide a gateway for Indian goods and services while offering access to cutting-edge technology and capital inflows. EFTA is one of the three important economic blocs of Europe, the other two are the UK and the EU.

TEPA is a comprehensive and forward-thinking accord comprising 14 chapters that address critical aspects of trade, including market access for goods, rules of origin, trade facilitation, remedies against unfair practices, sanitary and phytosanitary standards, technical barriers to trade, investment promotion, services, intellectual property rights, sustainable development, and mechanisms for dispute resolution. It is one of the most ambitious trade agreement in scale and intent. 

For the first time in any Indian free trade agreement, it incorporates binding commitments on investment and employment generation, aligning seamlessly with India’s “Atmanirbhar Bharat” initiative for self-reliance and EFTA’s pursuit of diversified, dependable economic alliances. At its core, the agreement envisions unlocking $100 billion in investments and creating one million direct jobs in India over the next fifteen years, marking it as one of the most forward-looking trade partnerships in the country’s economic history.

At the heart of TEPA lies a robust investment framework, where EFTA nations have committed to injecting $50 billion in foreign direct investment into India during the initial 10 years, followed by an additional $50 billion over the subsequent five years. These funds are earmarked for long-term, capacity-enhancing projects in manufacturing, innovation, and research, rather than fleeting portfolio investments, and are projected to generate one million direct jobs by linking India’s talented workforce with Europe’s advanced technological networks. To facilitate this, an India-EFTA Desk was established in February 2025 as a centralized hub for investors, prioritizing sectors such as renewable energy, life sciences, engineering, and digital transformation, while fostering joint ventures and collaborations among small and medium-sized enterprises.

The agreement ensures balanced market access by reducing or eliminating tariffs strategically. EFTA has conceded tariffs on 92.2 percent of its product lines, encompassing 99.6 percent of India’s exports, which include all non-agricultural items and processed agricultural goods. In reciprocity, India has provided concessions on 82.7 percent of its tariff lines, covering 95.3 percent of EFTA’s exports, but with protective measures in place. Notably, over 80 percent of EFTA imports to India involve gold, where effective duties remain unchanged. Sensitive domestic sectors like dairy, soya, coal, pharmaceuticals, medical devices, and certain food products are either excluded or subject to gradual tariff reductions over five to ten years, allowing Indian industries under programs like Make in India and the Production Linked Incentive Scheme ample time to adapt and compete.

In the realm of services, which account for more than 55 percent of India’s gross value added, the TEPA paves the way for expanded opportunities in knowledge-driven and digital domains. India has committed to opening 105 sub-sectors, while EFTA members offer access ranging from 107 in Liechtenstein to 128 in Switzerland, emphasizing Indian strengths in information technology, business services, education, media, cultural activities, and professional fields.

A standout feature is the provision for mutual recognition agreements in professions such as nursing, chartered accountancy, and architecture, facilitating easier mobility for skilled professionals. Furthermore, the pact enhances market entry through digital service delivery, establishment of commercial presences, and assured temporary stays for key personnel, poised to elevate India’s exports in areas like information technology, business consulting, cultural and recreational services, education, and audiovisual content.

On intellectual property rights, the TEPA upholds standards consistent with the global Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement, delivering strong protections while safeguarding India’s flexibility in public health and generic medicine production. This includes measures against patent evergreening to maintain affordable access to pharmaceuticals, fostering mutual trust—particularly with innovation powerhouse Switzerland—and positioning the pact as a bridge between creative advancement and equitable inclusion.

Sustainability forms a cornerstone of the Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement, with commitments to environmental protection, inclusive growth, social advancement, and transparent trade practices that promote efficiency, simplification, harmonization, and procedural consistency.

Sector-specific gains under TEPA span a broad spectrum. In agriculture and allied products, India’s exports to EFTA reached $72.37 million in fiscal year 2024-25, featuring items like guar gum, processed vegetables, basmati rice, pulses, fruits, and grapes, with Switzerland and Norway handling over 99 percent of this trade. The agreement eliminates or reduces tariffs, such as in Switzerland where duties up to 272 Swiss francs per 100 kilograms on fresh grapes, nuts, seeds, and vegetables are removed, alongside eliminations on food preparations, confectionery, and biscuits. In Norway, duty-free access extends to select food preparations, condiments, non-feed rice, processed vegetables and fruits, biscuits, malt extracts, and beverages, while Iceland sees high tariffs up to 97 Icelandic krona per kilogram on processed foods, chocolate, confectionery, and fresh or chilled vegetables slashed to zero. Coffee benefits from zero duties across EFTA, tapping into a $175 million import market, and tea exports have already shown improved realizations, rising to $6.77 per kilogram in 2024-25 from $5.93 the prior year.

Marine products also stand to gain, with Norway exempting duties up to 13.16 percent on fish and shrimp feed, Iceland eliminating tariffs up to 10 percent on frozen, prepared, and preserved shrimps, prawns, squid, and cuttlefish alongside reductions up to 55 percent on fish feed, and Switzerland imposing zero duty on fish fats and oils excluding liver oil, enhancing the competitiveness of Indian exports.

In industrial and manufacturing realms, engineering goods exports climbed 18 percent to $315 million in 2024-25, with expanded access for electric machinery, copper products, energy-efficient systems, and precision engineering. Textiles and apparel, valued at $0.13 billion, along with leather, footwear, sports goods, and toys, benefit from stable duties and streamlined standards, while gems and jewellery secure predictable duty-free entry for diamonds, gold, and colored gemstones.

The electronics and software sector receives a strategic impetus from the $100 billion investment pledge, particularly aiding micro, small, and medium enterprises and original equipment manufacturers in scaling globally. Opportunities include medical electronics, diagnostic devices, wearables, smart sensors, and secure communication modules in Switzerland, leveraging the intellectual property chapter for technology protection; electric vehicle components, battery management systems, marine electronics, navigation tools, sonar, Internet of Things buoys, smart grids, and energy monitoring devices in Norway, aligning with its climate technology objectives and public procurement; compact medical devices, diagnostics, smart home and energy-efficient electronics, and educational technology hardware like tablets and sensors in Iceland, targeting niche distributors and health initiatives; and industrial control systems, secure embedded electronics for banking, and high-precision components for original equipment manufacturers in Liechtenstein, positioning India as a trusted electronics manufacturing services partner.

Chemicals, plastics, and allied products see zero or reduced tariffs on 95 percent of India’s exports, lowering pre-agreement duties up to 54 percent and projecting growth from $49 million to $65-70 million, encompassing pet food, rubber, ceramics, glassware, plastics, and shellac-based items, thereby diversifying into premium European markets and reducing dependence on high-tariff regions like the United States.

TEPA embodies a foundation of mutual confidence, serving as more than a mere trade deal for India by acting as a tool for strategic alignment with transparent, rules-based economies that prioritize innovation. It exemplifies prudent liberalization, shielding domestic priorities while elevating India’s stature in international supply chains through inflows of capital, jobs, technology, and sustainable practices.

In implementation terms, the pact’s activation on October 1, 2025, initiates immediate tariff reductions, investment facilitation, and benefits, supported by the India-EFTA Desk operational since February.

For India, TEPA is more than a trade pact, it is an instrument of strategic trust with like-minded economies that value transparency, rule-based trade, and innovation. It also demonstrates a mature approach to trade liberalisation, one that protects domestic interests while projecting India as a reliable partner in global supply chains. By opening doors to investment, employment, technology and sustainability, TEPA captures the essence of a modern economic partnership, ambitious, balanced, and forward-looking.

In conclusion, the India–EFTA Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement (TEPA) represents a historic milestone, establishing India’s first FTA with four developed European nations. It brings with it commitments of USD 100 billion in investments and the creation of 1 million direct jobs over the next 15 years. The agreement enhances market access for goods and services, strengthens intellectual property rights, and promotes sustainable and inclusive development, while advancing the objectives of Make in India and Atmanirbhar Bharat.

What is the Taliban’s connection with Darul Uloom Deoband in UP’s Saharanpur? Taliban means ‘students’ and Deoband is their ‘school’

Sanghamitra
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What is the Taliban’s connection with Darul Uloom Deoband in UP’s Saharanpur? Taliban means ‘students’ and Deoband is their ‘school’

Today, on 11 October, Afghanistan’s acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi of the Taliban government visited the Darul Uloom Deoband seminary. Muttaqi’s India visit is already under the spotlight, because it is first ‘diplomatic’ visit of the Taliban government after their 2021 takeover of the country. 

Muttaqi even got a temporary relief from the UNSC sanctions against him, for his visit to India. Muttaqi had arrived in Delhi on Thursday, October 9, after UN Security Council granted him a temporary waiver from travel sanctions from 9 to 16 October.

Muttaqi has been meeting with Indian diplomats, including EAM Jaishankar, and even hosted a press conference in the Afghan Embassy in Delhi. Just before Muttaqi’s visit India had upgraded the status of its Kabul mission to ‘embassy’. 

At the Darul Uloom Deoband in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh, Muttaqi was welcomed by hundreds of Muslims, clerics, students and Islamic leaders. The five-hour visit included meetings with seminary rector Mufti Abul Qasim Nomani and Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind president Maulana Arshad Madani, alongside interactions with Afghan students and a tour of the campus library.

Muttaqi addressed a public gathering, reciting verses from the Quran and praising Deoband’s “deep-rooted ties” with Afghanistan’s Islamic heritage. He emphasised the seminary’s role in shaping Taliban ideology, drawing parallels to its anti-colonial origins in 1866.

Speaking to the media after meeting Muttaqi, Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind President Maulana Arshad Madani  stated, “I told him that our ties with you are not just academic. You contributed to the independence of India. Our forefathers chose the land for Afghanistan to fight for India’s independence… For your independence, you defeated powers like America and Russia. You learnt from us how to do that when we defeated Britain. I told him (Afghan FM Amir Khan Muttaqi) that this meeting shows how the Muslims of India and the Darul Uloom Deoband have deep ties with you. There should be harmony within the nations of the world, irrespective of their religion. We had no political discussion. The relations between the two nations will improve. India has had complaints that Afghanistan sent terrorists to India. Now, after this meeting, it is confirmed that no terrorists will come to India from Afghanistan.”

The Darul Uloom Deoband is the ideological alma mater of the Taliban. Taliban was founded on the Deobandi school of Sunni Islam, an ideology that started from the very seminary in Saharanpur, founded in 1866. 

Established in the aftermath of the 1857 Indian Rebellion against British colonial rule, the seminary aimed to preserve orthodox Hanafi ideals, theology, and traditional Islamic teachings amid cultural and political pressures in the colonial times. 

The founders of Deoband, including Muhammad Qasim Nanautavi and Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, emphasized returning to core Islamic principles to resist foreign influence, which later influenced anti-imperialist and jihadist strains of the movement.

In between 1913 and 1920, Deobandi scholars engaged in ideological diplomacy, establishing connections with Afghanistan, the Ottoman Empire, and the German Empire to challenge the British in India. From the early twentieth century period itself, Afghan students thronged to UP, getting their Islamic qualifications here and going back to establish madrasas and other institutions in Afghanistan.

Before and after India’s partition, the Deobandi began spreading to other parts of South Asia, especially Pakistan and Afghanistan. Deoband clerics went to estabilish madarsas in both nations, training generations of Sunni Muslim children with their ideology.

In Pakistan, Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamisation policies in the 1980s resulted in Deobandi institutions proliferating along the Afghan border, blending with Wahhabi influences from Saudi funding during the Soviet-Afghan War in the same period.

This particular period, and blending of Deobandi ideologies with Saudi Arabian Wahabi influence, is what created the Taliban in the coming years. 

Taliban’s strict interpretation of Sharia, combining Deobandi fundamentalism with Pashtun tribal codes, emphasises absolute clerical authority, strict gender segregation, and violent enforcement against perceived deviations from Islam.

Many Taliban leaders have been students of Deobandi madrasas

The Taliban’s direct connection to Darul Uloom Deoband is through a network of affiliated madrasas in Pakistan, rather than the Indian seminary itself. Many Taliban leaders, including founder Mullah Mohammed Omar, studied at Deobandi institutions like Darul Uloom Haqqania in Akora Khattak, Pakistan.

The Darul Uloom Haqqania in Pakistan is often called the ‘University of Jihad’. This madrasa was founded by Maulana Abdul Haq, a pre-partition alumnus and teacher at Darul Uloom Deoband, and led by his son, Sami-ul-Haq, a key Taliban supporter who mobilised students for the Afghan ‘jihad’ in the coming years.

The proliferating madrasas along the Pakistan-Afghan border were further helped by the Pakistan’s ISI. As per reports, Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) trained around 90,000 Afghans, including dozens of Taliban precursors, at these madrasas, fostering the group’s origins as a student militia organisation. Funds received from US CIA under Operation Cyclone were used in these trainings.

The word Taliban literally means ‘students’ in Pashto. 

By 1994, Taliban fighters, educated in Deobandi madrasas, captured Kandahar and expanded to control 90% of Afghanistan by 2000, establishing the Islamic Emirate.

For decades, Afghan Sunni Muslims have been coming to Darul Uloom Deoband to study Islamic theology. Even now, Taliban’s official documents and advisories cite Deobandi texts. Grand Mufti Rashid Ludhianvi, one of the most vocal Islamic supporters of the Taliban, was a Deobandi scholar too.

After visiting Taliban-ruled Afghanistan in the 1990s, he had authored several books, formatted as Fatwas’ that sanctified and validated Mullah Omar’s rule. His fatwas and texts, which taught Muslims about absolute loyalty to the Amir (Taliban supreme leader) were translated into Dari and Pashto on Omar’s orders, and became the framework for the Taliban’s Sharia rule.

When the Taliban bombarded the Bamiyan Buddhas into oblivion in 2001, Deoband had supported the act.

Deoband has been hailing Taliabn as valiant fighters who have successfully kicked out foreign powers from their land, often comparing it with India’s fight against British colonialism.

Deoband, however, distances itself from the Taliban’s extremism and brutalities against civilians, emphasising peaceful Deobandism in India. It has remained silent on controversial policies like the 2021 ban on women’s education too.

Rahul Gandhi, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra outrage over no women journalists in Taliban presser: Centre clarifies it had no role to play, the Vienna Convention, and Congress’s performative feminism

Jinit Jain
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Rahul Gandhi, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra outrage over no women journalists in Taliban presser: Centre clarifies it had no role to play, the Vienna Convention, and Congress’s performative feminism

Some controversies are accidents. Others are manufactured. And then there are some like the one over the recent Taliban presser in New Delhi that are pure theatre, scripted outrage by the usual suspects in Lutyens’ Delhi.

When Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi addressed a limited press gathering at the Afghan Embassy in New Delhi, several women journalists were denied entry. The reason was depressingly predictable; the decision was taken by Taliban officials accompanying Muttaqi.

Within hours, the Congress party’s outrage machinery kicked into gear. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and Rahul Gandhi launched into a performative moral crusade against the Modi government, demanding accountability, invoking “Nari Shakti,” and accusing the PM of hypocrisy on women’s rights. And the overly slavish ecosystem — from dubious fact-checkers like Zubair to propagandists masquerading as ‘neutral journalists’ — promptly toed the line, targeting the BJP over what they claimed was the saffron party’s hypocrisy on gender equality.

As always with the Gandhis and the Congress ecosystem, it made for good social media kerfuffle — but terrible reasoning.

The MEA’s clarification

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) immediately clarified that India had no role to play in the press conference addressed by Amir Khan Muttaqi. The event, it explained, was organized by Afghanistan’s Consul General in Mumbai, held within the premises of the Afghan Embassy, and coordinated entirely by the visiting Taliban delegation. The Afghan Embassy, the MEA pointed out, “does not come under the jurisdiction of the Indian government.”

India’s only involvement, if any, was to suggest that women journalists be included among the invitees, a recommendation the Taliban predictably ignored.

In other words, India did not ban women; the Taliban did. But in the Congress playbook, facts rarely matter when outrage can fetch headlines.

The Vienna Convention: What the law actually says

To understand why India could not, and should not have intervened, one must look to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961), the backbone of modern diplomacy. Ratified by over 190 countries, including India, the Convention sets the rules for how embassies operate and what rights and responsibilities they and their host countries have.

Contrary to a common misconception, an embassy is not the sovereign territory of the foreign country it represents. It remains part of the host nation’s soil. However, under Article 22 of the Convention, the premises of a diplomatic mission are declared “inviolable.” This means that the host country’s authorities cannot enter or enforce their laws within the embassy without the permission of the head of that mission. While Indian law technically applies to the Afghan Embassy, the Indian government cannot exercise jurisdiction there without explicit consent.

The host country must protect the mission from intrusion or harm but cannot regulate what goes on inside. The Convention grants inviolability, not extraterritoriality. Hence, the Taliban government, as the “sending state”, was fully within its rights to decide who could or could not enter its premises.

When Priyanka Gandhi melodramatically asked how such an “insult to Indian women” could be “allowed on Indian soil,” she only revealed her own ignorance of how diplomacy and international law work. The truth is, India was legally bound not to interfere.

The Gandhis’ performative outrage: Rhetoric over reason

Priyanka Gandhi thundered on X: “If your recognition of women’s rights isn’t just convenient posturing from one election to the other, then how has this insult been allowed in our country?”

Her brother Rahul Gandhi followed with his usual sanctimony, “When you allow the exclusion of women journalists from a public forum, you tell every woman in India that you are too weak to stand up for them.”

The problem, of course, is that Rahul Gandhi’s outrage rarely survives contact with his own record. This is the same man who, in June 2024, publicly mocked and humiliated India Today journalist Mausami Singh for asking him a perfectly legitimate question about the Opposition’s disruption of Parliament. Instead of responding with civility, he jeered at her, suggesting she should “wear a BJP shirt.”

It was an ugly moment, one that revealed the real Rahul Gandhi: entitled, dismissive, and contemptuous of women who refuse to play cheerleader. His current sermon on women’s rights, therefore, is not conviction; it is political opportunism.

he Congress party’s hypocrisy on media freedom deserves a chapter of its own. In 2020, the same Congress that now accuses others of “excluding journalists” barred foreign reporters from entering its headquarters in Delhi, citing vague “security reasons.” It effectively imposed its own gender-neutral, ideology-specific press blackout.

And then came September 2023. The Congress-led INDI alliance, a coalition that preaches inclusivity and democracy, released a blacklist of 14 journalists and news anchors across nine channels, announcing that it would boycott them. The list included Arnab Goswami, Navika Kumar, Sudhir Chaudhary, Aman Chopra, Rubika Liyaquat, Gaurav Sawant, Shiv Aroor, and several others, some of the most respected and experienced voices in Indian journalism.

The alliance declared that its leaders would neither appear on these journalists’ shows nor invite them to coalition events. Congress spokesperson Pawan Khera, in a moment of Orwellian irony, claimed the decision was taken “with a heavy heart.”

The BJP condemned the move, comparing it to Nazi-era censorship, and rightly pointed out that it reflected the Congress’s Emergency-era mindset. Even the News Broadcasters & Digital Association (NBDA) criticized the list, calling it an assault on media freedom.

Yet the same party that literally blacklisted journalists and blocked press access now claims to be a defender of women reporters’ rights. The irony writes itself.

When Congress censors the press, it defends it saying it’s a move aimed at protecting “ethical journalism.” When others follow international law, it calls it “oppression.” The moral compass here doesn’t spin; it takes a somersault.

The Taliban’s misogyny, India’s diplomacy

None of this is to deny the Taliban’s historic misogyny. The regime’s policies toward women are medieval and indefensible. Afghan girls remain barred from schools and universities. Women have been driven out of public life and banned from working in most professions. Even literature written by women has been banned in Afghan universities.

But this is not new. The Taliban’s ideology is fossilized, and its conduct reflects its fundamentalist DNA. What’s new, and alarming, is how Indian opposition leaders weaponised Taliban’s contempt for women to further its domestic politics.

India’s engagement with Afghanistan is not ideological; it is strategic. In one of the most volatile regions in the world, diplomacy is about pragmatism, not posturing.

India is surrounded by unpredictable powers. China remains expansionist and untrustworthy, its record in Doklam and Galwan proving that no handshake can erase its appetite for intrusion. But at the same time, with a mercurial President at the helm in the United States, India has deftly manouvered its China policy, working on confidence building measures to ensure Trump’s tariff tantrums don’t significantly impact its growth tranjectory.

On India’s west, Pakistan continues to export terrorism as a state policy, using jihad as a foreign policy tool. While on the east, Bangladesh, under a fragile interim government, is sinking into political chaos, openly displaying hostility towards India.

In this context, maintaining a working channel with whoever controls Kabul is not a concession; it’s a necessity. India’s limited engagement with the Taliban ensures that New Delhi retains leverage in Afghanistan, prevents Pakistan from monopolizing influence, and safeguards Indian investments and security interests.

Furthermore, the Taliban’s relationship with Pakistan has sharply deteriorated. Islamabad has even recently conducted airstrikes inside Afghan territory. For India, this emerging rift between the two is a strategic opportunity, a chance to exploit their hostility and dilute Pakistan’s influence in the region.

Diplomatic engagement with the Taliban is not endorsement. It’s realpolitik; the ability to play the long game in a fractious neighborhood where everyone else plays dirty.

Why the MEA was right: Using strategic opportunity to shape foreign policy

The MEA’s restraint was a masterclass in diplomatic discipline. By adhering to the Vienna Convention and refusing to interfere in an embassy’s internal affairs, India upheld international law and avoided a needless diplomatic scandal. Had the government made a public issue out of the Taliban’s exclusion of women journalists, it would have gained nothing and risked jeopardizing a fragile line of communication with Kabul.

The Gandhis, of course, have never understood that foreign policy cannot be dictated by outrage cycles or social media trends. In diplomacy, silence often achieves more than slogans.

Congress’s politics: Gandhis’ career in outrage

The Congress party has turned outrage into a full-time occupation. Whether it’s the Rafale deal, abrogation of Article 370, or India’s outreach to Afghanistan, the formula is the same: find an issue, distort it, and blame Modi. The facts are irrelevant; what matters is the optics.

Rahul Gandhi’s feminism is no different. It is selective, situational, and shallow. He is outraged when women journalists are denied entry by the Taliban but unmoved when his own party boycotts or humiliates them. He lectures the government about “standing up for women” while presiding over a party that still refuses to elect one as its president without a Gandhi surname.

The Congress party’s feminism, much like its politics, is performative: a tool for visibility, not conviction.

Congress’ feigned feminism meets the Taliban’s Misogyny and collapses under its own hypocrisy

The Vienna Convention guarantees the inviolability of embassies. The MEA respected that law. The Taliban exposed its medieval mindset. And the Congress exposed its hypocrisy.

Rahul Gandhi’s feminism ends where his ego begins. His outrage is opportunistic, his understanding superficial, and his politics perpetually at odds with India’s realities.

While India navigates a minefield of geopolitical tensions, balancing ties with Kabul to counter Islamabad, keeping an eye on Beijing’s deceit, and managing Dhaka’s instability, the Congress party remains busy performing morality plays on Twitter.

India needs diplomacy. Congress needs drama. And that, in essence, is the difference between governance and grandstanding.

‘Declaring Munambam land as a Waqf property was a land-grabbing tactic of the Waqf Board’, says Kerala HC. Read how the Waqf Board tried to displace 600 families

Aditi
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‘Declaring Munambam land as a Waqf property was a land-grabbing tactic of the Waqf Board’, says Kerala HC. Read how the Waqf Board tried to displace 600 families

In a significant decision, a division bench of the Kerala High Court on Friday (10th October) held that the Kerala Waqf Board’s decision to declare the disputed land in Munambam a waqf property was “bad in law” and was a “land-grabbing tactic”.

A Division Bench of Justices SA Dharmadhikari and Justice Syam Kumar VM also set aside the order of a Single Bench passed in March this year, quashing the Kerala government’s decision ordering the formation of an inquiry commission to examine the rights of about 600 families facing eviction from the disputed land. The decision was passed by a Single Bench of Justice Bechu Kurian Thomas after members of the Waqf Samrakshana Samithi challenged the state government’ order before the High Court.

The Single Bench had held that the commission, appointed in November 2024, led by retired Justice CN Ramachandran Nair to recommend solutions, lacked the authority to intervene in the matter already decided or pending before the Kerala Waqf Board under the Waqf Act, 1995. Overturning the Single Bench’s decision, the Division Bench said that the petitioners had no locus standi to challenge the state government’s order before the Single Bench. “The original writ petitioners do not possess the locus standi to have instituted the writ petition before the Single Bench, which clearly ought not to have been entertained at their instance,” the Division Bench noted.

The dispute relates to around 404 acres of land located in the coastal region of Munambam in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. It houses around 600 families, primarily of Christians from the Latin Catholic community and Hindus from backward sections, who have been residing there for decades. In 2019, the disputed land was declared as the waqf property by the Kerala Waqf Board based on a 1950 waqf deed executed by one Mohammed Siddeeq Sait, which dedicated the land to the management of the Farook College of Kozhikode. The resident families, however, opposed the Waqf Board’s claim, saying that they own the legal rights to the land as they bought it decades ago from Farook College, which was once entrusted with its management.

The declaration of the disputed land as a waqf by the Waqf Board was a sham: HC

The Division Bench called out the Kerala Waqf Board for wrongly declaring the disputed land as waqf property. “…we would hold that the declaration by the KWB in May 2019 of the property as a waqf is a complete sham,” the High Court remarked. Besides, the Division Bench observed that the orders of the Waqf Board were issued with unreasonable delay, and were unenforceable because they violated the law. However, the Bench did not quash the Waqf Board orders, as in the present case, it was only concerned with the state government’s appeal against the single bench’s order of quashing its decision to form an inquiry commission.

“The action of the KWB of declaring/ registering the subject property as a waqf property through its declarations and orders issued in September and October 2019 is bad in law on the grounds of being unreasonably delayed and having been issued in palpable violation of the provisions of the Waqf Acts 1954, 1984, and 1995 and resultantly non-enforceable. However, we restrain ourselves from issuing a formal order of quashing them, since the purpose of returning all the above findings is just to hold that the State Government is not bound by such a highly belatedly issued declaration by the KWB after 7 decades (69 years),” the Court remarked.

Waqf Board’s decision was a land-grabbing tactic: HC

The High Court described the Kerala Waqf Board’s actions as “land-grabbing tactics”, which resulted in the livelihoods of the resident families being affected. “We shall be holding that the notification dated 25.09.2019 notifying the subject property as waqf is ultra vires the provisions of The Waqf Act, 1954, as also The Central Waqf Act, 1995 and nothing less than a land grabbing tactics of KWB which has affected the bread and butter, livelihood of hundreds of families and bonafide occupants who had purchased tranches of land decades prior to the notification of the waqf property,” the High Court noted in its judgment.

“The manner in which the KWB has acted is nothing more than land-grabbing tactics after almost 7 decades, affecting fundamental rights, and the livelihood of hundreds of helpless citizens, who have been left with no choice, but to come down on the roads to launch protests, stage dharnas and agitations, which is what compelled the State Government to take the drastic step of setting up an IC. The brazen manner in which the KWB has acted in the case at hand shows reckless disregard of not only the provisions of the Waqf Act, but also the fundamental rights of a large number of citizens whose livelihood is dependent as bona fide purchasers and occupants on land under dispute”, the Court added.

The 1950 deed that dedicated the land to Farook College was not a waqf deed: HC

Examining the 1950 waqf deed, the Division Bench said that the deed was not a waqf deed but a simple gift deed, which never intended to create a permanent dedication of property “in the favour of the Almighty God”. “The endowment deed of 1950 never intended to create any ‘permanent dedication in favour of the Almighty God’, but was simpliciter a gift deed in favour of the Farooq Management and therefore could have never qualified as a ‘waqf deed’ under any of the enactments of the Waqf Act 1954, 1984, or 1995,” the High Court stated in the judgment.

The High Court noted that a property transferred with the intent of being treated as a waqf ceased to have the waqf character if it is transferred or alienated to a third party. In that case, the property possesses the character of a public charitable entity. “In all the enactments, the common feature about the definition of ‘waqf’ has been that there must be ‘permanent dedication’ by a person professing Islam of the property to be treated as waqf. ‘Permanent dedication’ implies creation of an absolute inalienable interest which is non-reversionary in nature, in the property by the donor in favour of the donee, so that the property may be utilised exclusively for the purposes religious, pious or charitable in nature,” the court explained.

The High Court further explained that it is essential for a document to constitute a waqf deed that it creates a permanent dedication of the property for the waqf. “It is an essential facet of any document to constitute a waqf deed that a waqf must be created having the facets of ‘permanent dedication’ of the property for the purposes of creation of waqf, in the absence of which it doesn’t achieve the attributes of waqf,” the court said.

The court added that since the 1950 deed permitted the donee, Farook College management, to sell, lease or otherwise transfer the property for educational or charitable purposes, it proved that the property was meant for charitable use and not as a waqf. “… the element of ‘permanent dedication’ was never reflected in the said endowment deed, wherein the beneficiary was not only entitled to sell the property, but also utilise the sale proceeds for themselves and there was a specific provision of reversion of the property to the donor or his successor in case any portion of the property still remains,” added the court and held, “Thus in view of the law as discussed above, it can be inferred that there was a clear absence of permanent dedication or any inalienable feature in the endowment deed. Therefore, we deem to attribute it to the character of a gift deed and not a waqf deed”.

Background of the dispute

The dispute dates back to 1902, when the Travancore royal family leased the land to Abdul Sathar Moosa Sait, who was a prominent trader in the region. In 1950, Sait’s son-in-law, Mohammed Siddeeq Sait, registered a deed dedicating the land to the President of the management committee of Farook College of Kozhikode. The deed specifically mentioned that the land would be used for charitable and educational purposes as per Islamic law.

The land got embroiled in a legal battle in the 1960s after the Farook College began the process of eviction of families residing on the land, who had been living there for generations but did not have the official documentation to prove their ownership. The management of the Farook College eventually decided to sell land parcels to the residents at the market price. However, this led to further dispute as the college management did not disclose that the land they were selling was waqf property. The management cited the 1950 gift deed as the basis of their ownership. Subsequently, the Kerala Waqf Board challenged the sale, claiming that the property was a Waqf land, its sale without the Waqf Board’s consent was illegal.

The issue did not hit the headlines until 2009, when the Nissar Commission, appointed by the CPI(M)-led government, announced that Munambam land was indeed waqf property. The commission declared that the sale of the land initiated by Farook College was unauthorised and recommended that the land sold by the college should be recovered. In 2019, a decade after the findings were reported by the Nissar Commission, the Kerala Waqf Board decided to act on it and suo motu declared the land as waqf property under Sections 40 and 41 of the Waqf Act, 1995. The Board then instructed the Revenue Department to cease accepting land taxes from the occupants of the land, effectively undermining the residents’ claims of ownership of the land. In 2022, the Kerala state government overruled the Waqf Board’s directive. However, the Board challenged the decision in the Kerala High Court. The court issued a stay on the state government’s action, leaving the residents in a legal limbo.

Politics around the dispute

The Munambam waqf land dispute also led to protests and political debates in Kerala. The controversy gained a lot of traction when the Centre proposed the Waqf Amendment Bill of 2025, as the Bill had the potential to nullify the illegal claim made by the Kerala Waqf Board on the lands of 600 Christian families in Munambam. While the Bill was being debated in the Parliament, the sole BJP MP from Kerala, Suresh Gopi, said that the legislation would help the Christian residents of Munamabam.

This left the Congress party in a fix, which had been opposing the Waqf Amendment Bill of 2025 to appease the Muslims in Kerala, as well as its ally, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), while also trying to hold on to its Christian votes in the state. Christians constitute 18.4% of Kerala’s population. They have traditionally voted for the Congress party. Trying to monkey balance, the Congress party declared that the Munambam was not a waqf land. However, the Congress party failed to retain the support of its Christian voters, who drifted towards the BJP, helping the party secure its first Lok Sabha seat in the state.

Uttar Pradesh: Tauqeer Raza, infamous for inflammatory speeches and terrorising Hindus in Bareilly, finally faces the heat of law after 43 years

Rukma Rathore
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Uttar Pradesh: Tauqeer Raza, infamous for inflammatory speeches and terrorising Hindus in Bareilly, finally faces the heat of law after 43 years

The Uttar Pradesh administration is in action after 26th September riots in Bareilly over the “I Love Mohammad” controversy. Police has jailed 88 people, including Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan (65) and seven of his close associates. The Bareilly Development Authority and Municipal Corporation has sealed or demolished properties valued at more than ₹220 crore, reported Dainik Bhaskar.

The Power Corporation is also actively involved in the action. Multiple connections have been severed due to continuous inspections. A similar action is underway in Bareilly to the one taken after the Sambhal violence.

A massive crowd assembled outside a mosque in the Kotwali district of Bareilly following Friday prayers after the cancellation of a protest organized by Tauqeer Raza regarding the “I Love Muhammad” row which lead to an assault on the police. Many shoes and slippers were discovered strewn across the road as 22 police personnel sustained injuries due to the stone-pelting by the Muslim mob.

This marks the first significant action against Tauqeer Raza, the president of the Ittehad-e-Millat Council (IMC) along with his aides, in a span of 43 years of criminal history. No administration ever dared to execute such measures against him due to his political clout and links to the Aala Hazrat Dargah.

Illegal shops sealed, fines slapped, bulldozer action

The Power Corporation discovered electricity theft at the residences of eight individuals, including Mohsin Raza who is a relative of Tauqeer Raza and Samajwadi Party councilor Mohammad Nadeem, in October. Cases were initiated against all involved which resulted in an aggregate fine of ₹1.12 crore.

An illegal charging station owned by Mohsin was also dismantled and a notice demanding payment of a bill amounting to ₹1 crore 26 lakh was slapped. Moreover, recovery certificates were issued for ₹15.39 lakh against Wasim Khan, ₹22.29 lakh against Monish Khan, ₹37.32 lakh against Barkan Raza Khan, ₹26.92 lakh against Aman Raja and ₹26.57 lakh against Ghulam Nabi.

The marriage hall belonging to Dr Nafees who is a close to Tauqeer Raza was demolished as it was constructed on government property. His establishment “Khan Optical” was also sealed which he operated without possessing a valid degree.

Over 200 unauthorized shops in Sailani Market were destroyed because they had encroached upon the land by building tin sheds.

A dargah is located near Novelty Square in Bareilly where a market has been established with 37 shops. It is reported that this property is owned by the Waqf, yet Tauqeer Raza exercises control over it. The Municipal Corporation sealed off the entire market.

As a result, shopkeepers have taken their merchandise out of their shops and are compelled to operate as hawkers on the street, selling their goods at reduced prices. A banner is displayed in this market which read, “The tomb of Pehalwan Sahib and its associated property are managed by the Waqf Board, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow.”

It further conveyed, “This property is not owned by any private person or political entity. Any legal disputes concerning this matter are currently pending in the Allahabad High Court and the Lucknow Bench. All courts have granted stay orders in favor of the Waqf Board.”

This was installed outside the shops by the secretary of the Intezamia Committee, directly contesting the actions of the Municipal Corporation. Meanwhile, the government sealed several key properties, including the Flora Garden: 60 crores, the Skylark Hotel: 40 crores, Fahm Lawn: 50 crores and Mazar Market: 25 crores.

Moreover, Tauqeer Raza also received a recovery notice from the Badaun District Cooperative Bank for failing to repay an agricultural loan of ₹5,055 that he took out more than 35 years ago.

Strict action on the accused

Bareilly Range Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) Ajay Sahni informed that there had been 84 arrests in connection with the violence. However, the number reached 88 on 8th October. “The bank accounts of all perpetrators are under investigation to identify if they were receiving funds from external sources. The assistance of several departments is being sought for this inquiry,” he outlined.

Meanwhile, the police and the district administration are planning to impose the National Security Act (NSA) on Tauqeer Raza who is currently in Fatehgarh Central Jail. “There are sufficient grounds to detain Maulana Tauqeer Raza under the NSA. Given his record and the city’s fragile situation, his presence in Bareilly is not appropriate,” Sahni asserted.

Officials have also asked that all of his court hearings be held via video conference in order to prevent law and order concerns. He mentioned that the police had strengthened their hold on Tauqeer Raza’s companions and added more names following the examination of social media videos and CCTV evidence pertaining to the violent events.

Additionally, the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) announced a reward of ₹15,000 for each of the seven perpetrators who are evading capture. According to him, a warrant had also been requested against Tauqeer Raza in a 2019 case involving agitations against the CAA and NRC (Citizenship Amendment Act and National Register of Citizens).

12 FIRs (First Information Reports) have been lodged in this case with at least 125 identified individuals and over 3,000 unidentified persons. A Special Investigation Team (SIT) has been formed to look into all these matters.

Tauqeer Raza has been implicated in ten cases. He urged the public to assemble at Islamia Ground following Friday prayers on 26th September and proceed to the collectorate. The police had previously placed Tauqeer Raza and his associates under house arrest. The Muslim crowd attempted to make their way to Islamia Ground.

The authorities intervened and clashes erupted in four locations. There was stone throwing and gunfire directed at the cops after which they employed batons and discharged tear gas canisters to control the escalating situation.

Tauqeer Raza’s political ties

Tauqeer Raza emerged as a popular religious figure among Muslims from Bareilly. The founder of the Barelvi movement, Ahmed Raza Khan is his great-grandfather. He is affiliated with the Bareilly sect of Sunni Muslims and is a member of the prominent Ala Hazrat family. He is the first member of this family to enter politics. He founded the political party Ittehad-e-Millat Council in 2001.

His party achieved victory in 10 municipal seats in its debut election. He became a member of the Congress party in 2009 and the party’s candidate triumphed over Bharatiya Janata Party leader Santosh Gangwar with the backing.

Tauqeer Raza was apprehended and charged in connection with the major anti-Hindu riots that occurred in Bareilly in 2010 but the action proved to be futile because of his political connections.

During the assembly elections of 2012, he endorsed the Samajwadi Party, which subsequently secured victory in the Bhojipura constituency. He was appointed as the vice-president of the Handloom Corporation by the SP government, a role he relinquished following the Muzaffarnagar riots.

Tauqeer Raza expressed his support for Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 2014. He established the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (Jadeed), next year.

Tauqeer Raza fuelled 2010 Bareilly unrest

A large-scale riot broke out in Bareilly on 2nd March 2010 in relation to a procession on Prophet Muhammad’s birthday. Tauqeer Raza’s incendiary statement was the catalyst for this outburst of violence. The first target was Guddarbagh. Many of the main marketplaces and homes, including Koharapeer and Bada Bazaar were then destroyed by fire.

The violence became so widespread that it was difficult to determine how many cars and houses were ultimately damaged. The offenders broke into multiple homes and attacked innocent people.

Maulana Tauqeer was arrested after four days as the authorities concluded that he was the main instigator. The development triggered more violence and BSP government started receiving threats from Muslim organisations that they would boycott Mayawati’s rallies, endangering her support base.

Hence, he was given bail within two days after the government promptly dropped the legal charges against him. Nevertheless, he persisted in making offensive statements that incited more violence afterward.

The 150-year-old custom of the Ram Barat procession, that is held annually around Holi was also disrupted by the disturbances. It took a long time for the city to return to normal after the unrest which lasted for many days. He was named the mastermind of riots by the Uttar Pradesh Additional Session’s Judge Court in March of last year.

“I will shed rivers of blood of Hindus. I will set their (Hindu) homes and shops on fire,” he reportedly warned as Hindu properties were attacked by armed throngs in a series of deadly assaults.

According to the court, evidence demonstrated that he was the architect of the since riots were started throughout Bareilly following his inciting speech. The court also conveyed its surprise that the chargesheet did not include his name.

Tauqeer Raza’s contentious past

Tauqeer Raza declared a “Fill the Jails” campaign after the Supreme Court permitted Hindus to pray at the contested Gyanvapi structure in 2024. Violence broke out in Bareilly after Friday prayers when an extensive Muslim crowd rushed to the streets on his appeal. They threw stones at police during the demonstration, and some individuals were beaten.

He made similar provocative remarks after the riots in Haldwani over the removal of encroachment. He claimed that Muslims had the right to self-defence and even the right to murder those who persecuted them, accusing the court of failing to protect the community.

The radical preacher asked Muslims to assemble at Ramlila Maidan in opposition to Yati Narsinghanand in October 2024. He declared that arrangements were being made to publicly convert five Hindu women to Islam and perform their nikkah in July of the same year. According to him, he acquired 23 such applications for conversion to Islam, from 15 women and 5 Hindu men.

Tauqeer Raza, displeased by the construction of the Ram Mandir, criticized the central government’s decision to confer the Bharat Ratna upon veteran politician Lal Krishna Advani. “If our youth go out of control, then no one can save India from a civil war,” he brazenly challenged, in February of that year.

The Supreme Court’s verdict on temple was termed dishonest by Tauqeer Raza in December of 2023. He emphasised that Muslims were not prepared to lose any mosques at this time, regarding the Mathura and Kashi issues irrespective of how many surveys are carried out.

“After Babri mosque, it is enough. We showed patience with Babri. We will not show any patience with Gyanvapi. Inshallah, this battle will be fought on the streets,” he declared.

Tauqeer Raza threatened that Muslims would seek an Islamic nation if no action was taken against those calling for India to be declared a Hindu Rashtra, in May 2023. He conveniently overlooked that Bangladesh and Pakistan have already been separated from India as Islamist havens.

“If this government continues to do such injustice, the countrywide Jail Bharo Andolan will become so big that it will be unable to contain it. The day Muslims come to the streets, one must understand that they will be uncontrollable. Therefore, I warn the government and Narendra Modi in particular that if he fails to correct this way of taking action with immediate effect,” he threatened in April 2022 amid bulldozer action against criminals in Uttar Pradesh.

Conclusion

The aforementioned incidents are merely the tip of the iceberg illustrating how audaciously he used to threaten the government and the authorities as well as unleash terror in the streets with impunity. He was emboldened by the belief that no government would penalize him for his actions, given his political affiliations and street power.

However, no criminal is spared under the leadership of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, regardless of their political ties or authority as is evident in the case of Tauqeer Raza. Therefore, he will be held accountable for his crime even though it took 43 years and this has been made possible only by the BJP-led government of the state.

Semiconductors Vs rare earths: China retaliates against US sanctions, imposes strict export control for elements it has 90% global monopoly in. Read what it means

Shraddha Pandey
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Semiconductors Vs rare earths: China retaliates against US sanctions, imposes strict export control for elements it has 90% global monopoly in. Read what it means

In the modern era, war is not confined to military superiority, geopolitical manoeuvres, rhetoric and narrative management but also about having a monopoly in the arena of technology, especially semiconductors and rare earth elements (REEs). Donald Trump’s return to power in the US has stirred a geopolitical upheaval, driven by the motives of establishing dollar dominance and unipolarity, the US is tariffing, threatening and arm-twisting countries into bowing down. However, countries like China and India, which firmly advocate multipolarity, are not only resisting US pressure but also playing the game in Trump’s style.

China’s Ministry of Commerce has announced sweeping new export controls on rare earth elements on 9th October 2025. This marks a massive escalation in its trade arsenal, and a move that would rattle the US. The CCP government’s measures expanded restrictions to cover 12 rare earth elements–adding five critical ones, including, Holmium, Europium, and Ytterbium, along with related materials–bringing these under tight scrutiny to include crucial materials used in semiconductors, defence technologies and permanent magnets.

The Chinese MOFCOM’s announcement number 61 goes beyond REE export restrictions and says, “Overseas organizations and individuals (hereinafter referred to as “overseas designated export operators”) must obtain a dual-use item export license issued by the Ministry of Commerce of China before exporting the following (listed) items to countries and regions outside of China.”

The statement attached a list of REEs divided into two parts. Part one includes: Samarium Metal, Dysprosium Metal, Gadolinium Metal, Terbium Metal, Lutetium Metal, Scandium Metal, Yttrium Metal, Samarium-Cobalt Alloy, Terbium-Fe Alloy, Dysprosium-Fe Alloy, Terbium-Dysprosium-Fe Alloy, Dysprosium Oxide, Terbium Oxide.

Part two contains two sub-categories: first, rare earth permanent magnet materials, which include Samarium-Cobalt Permanent Magnet Materials; Terbium-Containing Neodymium-Fe-Boron Permanent Magnet Materials; Dysprosium-Containing Neodymium-Fe-Boron Permanent Magnet Materials; Parts, Components, and Assemblies Containing the Above Materials.

Second are Earth Target Materials, including target materials containing Samarium: a. Samarium Target; b. Samarium-Cobalt Alloy Target; c. Samarium-Fe Alloy Target. 2. Gadolinium-containing targets: a. Gadolinium target; b. Gadolinium-iron alloy target; c. Gadolinium-cobalt alloy target. 3. Terbium-containing targets: a. Terbium target; b. Terbium-cobalt alloy target; c. Terbium-dysprosium-iron alloy target. 4. Dysprosium-containing targets: a. Dysprosium target; b. Terbium-dysprosium-iron alloy target. 5. Lutetium target. 6. Scandium target. 7. Yttrium-containing targets: a. Yttrium target; b. Yttrium-aluminium alloy target; c. Yttrium-zirconium alloy target.

This even includes items made outside China with Chinese mining, refining, magnet or recycling technology and products with trace amounts, as little as 0.1% of their value coming from China.

It is essential to note that over 90% of the world’s processed rare earths and rare earth magnets are produced in China. The 17 rare earth elements are essential components of everything from military radars to electric cars and aircraft engines. It is not that rare earth elements are scarce in other countries. But they are difficult to process. China dominates this sector since it has mastered the difficult process of extracting rare earth elements. Technological advancements, availability of cheap labour and lenient environmental regulations provide China with an edge over others.

Image courtesy: Visual Capitalist

Is China weaponising rare earth elements to gain a trade and geopolitical edge?

The new rule will effectively expand Chinese export control jurisdiction outside of its borders, generating additional uncertainty for multinational manufacturers who operate in Southeast Asian countries like Malaysia, Vietnam, or Thailand and depend on Chinese-designed separation or magnet fabrication equipment.

Beijing has now officially linked REEs with the semiconductor and Artificial intelligence sectors. China has sent out an unambiguous message to the West that any exports linked to logic chips that are 14 nanometres or smaller, memory chips that are 256 layers or more, or AI research that may have military uses will essentially be subject to a case-by-case evaluation. The delicate worldwide balance of supply chains for chipmaking, where rare earths are essential for lithography, wafer polishing, and magnetic components, is likely to be unsettled by this.

This, however, is not the dragon’s first dance with REE restrictions. China has for quite some time been adopted the approach of strategic tightening and loosening. In August 2025, China announced the removal of restrictions on the export of fertilisers, rare earth magnets/minerals and tunnel boring machines to India amid a tariff war with Trump and mounting global supply pressures. That reprieve, however, proved to be short-lived as the latest controls reverted to, rather, surpass previous aggressions, including the 2010 Japan-China dispute over REEs supply in the World Trade Organisation.

China today wields a monopoly controlling about 90% of the global REE processing and refining as a potent weapon, turning obscure minerals into crucial geopolitical leverage. Now, by choking off even trace amounts in finished goods, Beijing is not only targeting raw exports but entire downstream industries, compelling adversaries and rivals, particularly the US, to scramble for alternatives that may not exist in scale.

In such a case, even friendshoring efforts don’t help since processing remains a Chinese choke point. It remains to be seen how the US tackles potential defence project delays. US sources a significant chunk of its rare earths, as much as 70%, from China, as per latest data.

Image via Visual Capitalist

US and China playing a tit-for-tat game

The timing of China’s REE clampdown is significant as Chinese President Xi Jinping is set to meet Trump later this month. Currently, the US charges tariffs of 57.6 per cent on Chinese goods. Trump, however, has threatened to halt Chinese imports. Tensions between the US and China are mounting as the 90-day tariff truce, which began on 11th August, ends around 9th November.

On 8th October, the US Department of Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) announced the addition of 16 mainland Chinese companies to the Unreliable Entity List. These companies included the mainland China and Hong Kong subsidiaries of Arrow, which is a major global electronic components distributor, in addition to a range of small and medium-sized tech and trading companies. The move came over allegations that the Chinese companies in question facilitated the purchase of components for drones used by Hamas and Houthi terrorists.

In response, China not only expanded restrictions over rare earth elements, but also announced on 9th October that it will add 14 US companies, including the anti-drone technology company TechInsights and its affiliates, to the Unreliable Entity List. Beijing said that these companies indulged in military and technological cooperation with Taiwan, or “made malicious remarks about China, and assisted foreign governments in suppressing Chinese companies.”

Meanwhile, the Trump administration proposed banning Chinese airlines from flying over Russia on US routes since it saves China fuel and time. Separately, the US imposed sanctions on Chinese refineries and oil terminals, Shandong Jincheng Petrochemical Group and Rizhao Shihua Crude Oil Terminal Co., for buying Iranian oil.

However, when the measures and countermeasures taken by both the US and China are juxtaposed, it is evident that Washington’s move reeks of desperation while Beijing’s retaliation has been swift, measured and comfortable.

While it is an era of global interdependence, the US needs China more than China needs the US. China has responded to the Trump administration’s geopolitical tantrums with solid measures harming the American technology sector.

Trump’s high-handedness and intransigence are costing Americans more than inflicting significant damage to China. In June this year, Ford Motor Company temporarily shuttered factories due to magnet shortages from China. American farmers, particularly soybean farmers, are devastated due to Trump’s policies. Amusingly, while the US is rolling out measures against China one after the other, Washington is also expecting China to purchase American soybeans.

The fresh China-US trade war began in February this year after Trump imposed an additional 10 per cent tariff on Chinese imports, demanding that Beijing act on fentanyl precursors in to the US. In response, China imposed levies on US commodities, farm equipment and automobiles, and launched a probe into several American businesses.

In March this year, the Trump administration expanded US export controls on advanced semiconductors, including a licensing requirement for high-end AI chips like Nvidia’s H20. This move, built on prior Biden-era rules, aimed explicitly at denying China access to the computing power needed for training large AI models and advancing military applications. In short, Trump intended to slow Beijing’s AI self-reliance to ensure that the US maintains a technological edge.

In April, President Trump singled out China over tariffs exceeding 100 per cent of his ‘Liberation Day’ levies. China also retaliated to Trump’s high-handedness, and both countries increased duties on each other until agreeing on a 90-day pause in May. While the TikTok deal has been a positive indicator, China’s REEs control expansion move hints that Beijing will not hold back from playing on the front foot if the US intensifies the trade war.

Even during a cabinet meeting on 9th October, Trump said, “We import from China massive amounts, and maybe we’ll have to stop doing that.”

Interestingly, the US-China containment policy, particularly in the context of semiconductors, is not new. While Trump, in his first tenure, openly expressed his discontent with China over trade, the Biden administration introduced a new rule in July last year expanding US powers to stop exports of semiconductor manufacturing equipment from some foreign countries to Chinese chipmakers. Now, Trump is taking the trade war forward, but only this time, China is retaliating more fiercely than ever.

Trump’s trade war with China began in 2018, with tariffs on steel, aluminium, and tech goods. Back then, Donald Trump promised to bring manufacturing home and weaken China’s hand. However, even by 2025, it has boomeranged spectacularly, luring the US into a cycle of retaliation that Trump himself helped architect. With China playing the REE ‘trump card’, it seems that Trump’s semiconductor curbs, meant to hobble China’s tech ambitions, will end up harming American tech dreams.

Impact of China’s REE restrictions expansion and the way forward

China’s REE squeeze will have ripple effects on India, given New Delhi’s heavy reliance on Beijing for its REE imports. The expanded restrictions will impact electric vehicles and renewables, where REE-dependent magnets power motors and batteries, hampering automobile production for major automakers like Tata and Mahindra, causing price hikes and even stalling the Modi government’s 30 per cent EV adoption target by 2030. Besides, defence modernisation reliant on REEs for radars and missiles could also falter. The August relaxation boosted India’s access to Chinese REEs, but the fresh restriction expansion requires New Delhi to chalk out a plan.

However, the recent improvement in Indo-China relations makes things slightly easier for New Delhi. China has reportedly sought India’s assurance that the heavy rare-earth magnets exported by it will not be re-exported to the US and will be used only for domestic needs. Indian companies have submitted end-user certificates stating that Chinese magnets will not be used for the manufacturing of weapons of mass destruction. It must be noted that China resumed supplies of light rare earth magnets to India after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping met at the Shanghai Cooperation Summit in August. Beijing and New Delhi are in talks to resolve issues and ensure REE supplies to India based on mutually agreeable terms.

Meanwhile, the Modi government is also working on a Rs 7,350 crore incentive scheme spanning seven years to promote the domestic production of sintered rare-earth permanent magnets (REPMs). The plan is meant to create a fully indigenous supply chain from the conversion of neodymium-praseodymium oxide (NdPr oxide) to the final fabrication of magnets. The scheme will back the establishment of five integrated REPM manufacturing units, each with an annual capacity of 600 to 1,200 tonnes. An effective implementation of this plan could provide India with a combined annual capacity of around 6,000 tonnes, helping curb reliance on China significantly.

Mamata Banerjee’s outrageous ‘Mir Jafar’ attack on Amit Shah and outburst over voter list purification drive reveals TMC’s fear of losing illegitimate voters

Rukma Rathore
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Mamata Banerjee’s outrageous ‘Mir Jafar’ attack on Amit Shah and outburst over voter list purification drive reveals TMC’s fear of losing illegitimate voters

The Election Commission’s initiative to purify voter lists of fraudulent voters to strengthen the democratic process of elections has been facing relentless resistance from the opposition parties. After the successful execution of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) drive in Bihar, which aimed to eradicate bogus voters despite loud protests and baseless accusations of “vote theft” and “disenfranchisement” from the I.N.D.I. Alliance, the electoral authority is set to replicate this significant exercise in West Bengal.

Predictably, the move has angered the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (AITC/TMC) which mirroring the rest of the opposition has turned to making outrageous statements and violent threats despite the clear lack of evidence to support their allegations. Nevertheless, the attack from Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee provoked a scathing response from Bharatiya Janata Party leaders.

BJP leaders launch stinging counter-attack

On 9th October Amit Malviya, member of party’s national executive and co-incharge of West Bengal lashed out at the TMC leader for “crossing all limits of political and constitutional propriety.” He highlighted that she publicly threatened riots and other troubles if the SIR was carried out in the state, while she was in the state secretariat in Nabanna. He wrote that she even went so far as to ask for the death of a purported “Mir Jafar” who was seated in Delhi.

“She did not hesitate to malign the institutions of the Government of India,” Malviya pointed out. He maintained that the only hope and support that TMC retains currently is provided by Rohingyas and illegal infiltrators from Bangladesh. He charged that the party is in power due to their votes. “Mamata Banerjee knows very well that if the voter list becomes transparent, no genuine Indian will vote for the Trinamool,” he asserted.

West Bengal BJP chief Samik Bhattacharya accused that Mamata “wants to incite riots in West Bengal and provoke conflicts between Hindus and Muslims. The minority community in the state has also realised that 90% of the political killings over the past three years involve people from the minority community.”

“If those who had fled the country have returned today, then this is not a brothel or a Dharamshala where anyone can enter the country. This cannot happen. Our stance is clear – detect and deport,” he declared.

“Mamata Banerjee is afraid of the deletion of names of fake voters after the SIR. The highest number of fake voters are in West Bengal. She has no hope of winning the election this time. She is talking about the National Register of Citizens (NRC) to mislead the public. The names of Indian citizens will not be removed. Fake cards are made, and people are sent to vote,” BJP leader Locket Chatterjee expressed adding to the criticism.

“Ram Mandir, which is linked to our nation’s identity was built during his time. Triple Talaq was also abolished during his time, which helped Muslim women gain freedom. She has a speech disorder. She says anything. She never does what she says and who actually does what he says is Amit Shah,” BJP Lok Sabha MP pointed out while slamming Mamata’s diatribe.

Mamata Banerjee’s shocking tirade against Amit Shah

Mamata Banerjee asked Prime Minister Narendra Modi not to “trust him always” after charging Union Home Minister Amit Shah of functioning as a “acting prime minister” on 8th October. He was even referred to as Mir Jafar in a startling attempt to draw a comparison with the military leader of the 18th century who betrayed Nawab Siraj ud-Daulah during the Battle of Plassey.

“This is all Amit Shah’s game. He behaves like he is the acting prime minister of the country. PM Modi knows everything. We can request him not to trust Shah always. One day he will become your Mir Jafar,” she voiced.

Mamata added, “The Election Commission says SIR (Special Intensive Revision of the voters list) has to be done within 15 days. Are they going as per the BJP’s instruction? Everything is being done under the direction of Amit Shah.” The top BJP officials were accused by her of pressing the Election Commission into conducting the SIR program in the state.

“Their leader holds a meeting and comes here to say that he will delete several lakh names from the voters list of Bengal. Tell me, we are currently reeling under natural calamities, heavy rains, celebrating festivals and so on. Can the SIR exercise be completed within a fortnight and can fresh names be uploaded in that period under the current circumstances,” the chief minsiter questioned.

“I warned the BJP, don’t play with fire. Be prepared for public outrage. People of Bengal never believe you. I heard that the union home minister said in a party meeting that we will drop many names. Who is he to drop them? Today, his government is there, but tomorrow it will not be there,” she claimed and labeled the central government as “arrogant and dictatorial regime.”

The development transpired after Deputy Election Commissioner Gyanesh Bharti met with officials from several district administrations to examine West Bengal’s preparations for the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral records.

West Bengal’s mounting “fake voters” problem

The West Bengal Election Commission discovered that a sizable number of forged voter application forms had been accepted by Electoral Registration Offices (EROs) in certain districts during the sample checking of voter application forms (Form 6) for regular updates to the electoral roll. The Chief Election Officer mentioned that two EROs acknowledged a substantial number of phoney voter application forms.

An urgent investigation into the incident was ordered by the CEO, who also instructed the DEO to assemble a group of senior officials and perform a sample check of all voter application forms that were disposed of in the previous year.

On 13th August, the West Bengal government was given a seven-day deadline by the Election Commission to take action against state election officials who added fraudulent voters to the list. On 20th August, the government then suspended four officers.

Furthermore, according to the results of a study titled “Electoral Roll Inflation in West Bengal: A Demographic Reconstruction of Legitimate Voter Counts (2024)” the 2024 electoral roll of West Bengal could show an astounding 13.69% inflation amounting to 1 crore additional voters.

The crucial research was conducted by Dr. Milan Kumar, Assistant Professor at the Indian Institute of Management Visakhapatnam and Dr. Vidhu Shekhar, Assistant Professor at SP Jain Institute of Management & Research, an alumnus of IIT Kharagpur and IIM Calcutta.

It was published on 7th August and estimated the number of surviving voters from the 2004 base roll, additions through new cohorts (1986-2006 births) and adjustments for net permanent migration using official data from electoral rolls, censuses and civil registration systems. A similar paper was published in relation to Bihar as well.

Meanwhile, the West Bengal Chief Election Officer (CEO) was asked by the state government to provide a “clarification” on 8th August over a reported letter to the Election Commission of India stating that the state was “ready” to participate in the SIR exercise.

It took place following the release of the 2002 SIR voter lists by the body for all but one of the 293 assembly constituencies . Notably, West Bengal’s last SIR took place in the aforementioned year which served as the basis for the 2004 election roster.

SIR is clearly not related to the political agenda of the BJP and instead addresses the grave problem of counterfeit voters, a matter that the Election Commission and even the government are responsible for resolving. However, rather than aiding in the essential processes, Mamata took to threatening Booth Level Officers (BLOs).

She “reminded” them that they are employed by the state government and not the Election Commission of India (ECI) as they attend training for summary revision. “Voter names should not be arbitrarily excluded from the electoral process,” she stated authoritatively. “The ECI takes over only after the poll dates are announced. Until then, and even after that, the administration lies with the state government. You are employees of the state government. Do not harass any individual needlessly,” the chief minister added.

The opposition in Bihar created a massive uproar over the SIR while their own Booth Level Agents (BLAs) who were engaged in the detailed process at every level, conveyed their complete faith in the same. Additionally, no party filed any grievances regarding it within the specified timeframe, despite making ludicrous claims in the media and social media.

Their anger stemmed solely from the reduction of their voter base and parallel scenes are happening in West Bengal where the TMC has also emulated their approach. The challenge posed by the fake voters is just as serious, if not more so, in the state. However, since they benefit the TMC, Mamata and her party support them with no concern for the Constitution or democracy which they seem to propagate and advocate for only when it serves their agenda.

Conclusion

Mamata and her TMC are evidently alarmed by the potential loss of their electoral support following the SIR in West Bengal which will eliminate non-Indians and other bogus names from the list of voters.

Just as many names were eliminated in Bihar, which were supporters of the Mahagathbandhan and incited backlash from the bloc, a similar situation is poised to unfold in West Bengal, a region plagued by illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and blatant Muslim appeasement at the cost of national interest and integrity, by the chief minsiter and her administration.

Moreover, the TMC and its leaders have openly endorsed these elements in the past for votes and thus the potential removal of their voting power, which should never have been granted in the first place, has driven her to descend to the lowest levels of political rhetoric.

Nevertheless, considering the strong stance of the center and the Election Commission, it seems that no amount of low-level political attacks will deter them from executing the much needed exercise in the state.

“No valid voter’s name will be excluded. Whatever is stated in the law will be followed,” CEO Manoj Kumar Agarwal assured after a high-level meeting on 9th October, amid verbal attacks including corruption charges from Mamata.

Game of power: Why Donald Trump wants to take over Bagram air base in Afghanistan despite Taliban’s refusal and opposition from regional powers including Russia, China, India

Rukma Rathore
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Game of power: Why Donald Trump wants to take over Bagram air base in Afghanistan despite Taliban’s refusal and opposition from regional powers including Russia, China, India

The world has been in disarray since President Donald Trump was re-elected for a second term. He has repeatedly encountered backlash from the international community because of his outrageous ambitions. From setting his sights on Greenland, trying to annex Canada as 51st state of the USA, renaming the “Gulf of Mexico” to “Gulf of America” and trying to exert control over the Panama Canal, his diplomatic manoeuvres have sparked intense opposition.

Now, a similar scenario has transpired as ten nations, including India, Russia, China, Pakistan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan have banded together to resist the United States. It happened during the 7th “Moscow Format Consultations on Afghanistan” which was hosted by Russia. The development took place after the Trump administration attempted to seize control of the Bagram air base near Kabul.

“They (the participants) called unacceptable the attempts by countries to deploy their military infrastructure in Afghanistan and neighboring states, since this does not serve the interests of regional peace and stability,” read a joint statement from the pivotal event. Amir Khan Muttaqi, the foreign minister of the Taliban who led the Afghan delegation, reaffirmed the same at a press conference following the meeting.

He aserted, “Afghanistan is a free and independent country, and throughout history, it has never accepted the military presence of foreigners. Our decision and policy will remain the same to keep Afghanistan free and independent.”

Trump asked the Taliban to turn over the Bagram air base to Washington, five years after an agreement with them that allowed the United States to withdraw from Kabul. The Taliban, however, refused the proposal.

Brief history of Bagram air base

Afghanistan’s largest military facility, Bagram air base, is situated in the pivotal Parwan region which is approximately 60 kilometres north of Kabul. Parwan’s connections with key cities like Kabul, Kandahar and Bamiyan provide it the capability to govern a large portion of the country

The Soviet Union built the installation in the 1950s and it gained prominence during the Cold War and the Soviet-Afghan War (1979-1989). However, the base was under the jurisdiction of the Afghan government at the time which changed when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979.

Image via Kyber Mail

Moscow left the nation after 10 years of its authority on the air base. The Northern Alliance, one of the most powerful opposition parties vying for power, secured its from the Soviet-backed government of Muhammad Najibullah in 1991. However, it came to the hands of the Taliban later.

The air base became the primary operating base for American forces after the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and served as a command, information and logistics centre during the “War on Terror.” The base could carry around 10,000 people in 2009.

Thousands of US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces comprising of units from the United Kindgom’s Royal Marines.were stationed there. They remained in the mountainous South Asian country after the 11th September 2001 attacks and withdrew under former President Joe Biden when the Taliban stormed to power in 2021.

The air base operates as a bastion

The air base is approximately 5,000 acres in size. It has two concrete runways, one measuring 3.6 kilometre in length and the other spanning 3 kilometre. It can accommodate large cargo planes and aircrafts like the C-130 Hercules and C-17 Globemaster as well as B-52 bombers due to its spacious area.

Its 11,800 feet runway is long enough to handle takeoffs from several fighter aircrafts. The expansive runways enhances its utility for rapid deployment and logistics operations. Additionally, the air base has three sizable hangars that can hold Apache and Chinook assault and supply helicopters.

It also features a control tower, multiple support buildings and a variety of housing sections. Moreover, there are five aircraft dispersal areas, more than 110 revetments and over 13 hectares of ramp space. It is a fortress owing to the vast space which can fit about 40,000 soldiers.

Image via @VivekSi85847001/X

The air base had expanded to the size of a small town by 2010 when the US control was at its strongest and featured a fully operational hospital, dormitories for thousands of soldiers, stores and supermarkets that had many US franchise restaurants such as Pizza Hut, Subway, Dairy Queen and Burger King. Over 100,000 US personnel used to pass through the airfield in 2012.

A new and upgraded runway, healthcare services and other amenities for the foreign troops were built while the base extended to cover more than 77 square kilometres. Its perimeter displayed thousands of housing units, fuel depots, intelligence centres, a 50-bed hospital with advanced trauma care, more than 110 aircraft shelters and fortified bunkers.

The Parwan Detention Facility which held valuable Taliban and al-Qaeda inmates was also located there. Special missions, drone operations, and intelligence gathering were coordinated from the facility. Several American presidents visited the place like Trump in 2019 and Barack Obama in 2012.

The air base is near the Central Asian, Iranian, Pakistani and Chinese borders. Beijing maintains military and nuclear structures in the Xinjiang region which is also nearby. The Taliban-led Afghan defence ministry currently controls it.

On the other hand, the 2.6 kilometer Salang tunnel which links Kabul to Mazar-e-Sharif and other northern cities makes the province a vital entry point. Kabul is also critical to Afghanistan’s connectivity and control as it hosts the highways that connect it to Bamiyan in the west and Ghazni and Kandahar in the south.

Why is the air base strategically signficiant

The capacity of Bagram air base is a notable aspect, however, its unique advantage is in the geographical location. Its strategic importance remained considerable even after the US withdrew the troops from Afghanistan. Its position provides insight into regional dynamics and bears even greater significance as China and the Taliban develop closer connections.

Its proximity to sensitive Chinese locations, the Koko Nur nuclear weapons plant located farther east in Qinghai province and the Lop Nur nuclear test site in Xinjiang which is about 2,000 kilometres away, increases the relevance. It offers dependable surveillance because it is located just 800 kilometres from some these nuclear plants.

According to other reports, the air base’s location provides a critical vantage point for monitoring China’s nuclear arsenal, as it is nearly 92 kilometers from the sites. This allows for a close watch on their nuclear infrastructure and actions. Similarly, it is just 650 kilometres from the Iranian border which means the US can continue to exert pressure on the Islamic Republic, its long-time adversary.

Washington used the air base to support counterterrorism operations, conduct surveillance and keep an eye on nations in the region including China, Russia, Iran and Pakistan. Therefore, the strong rivalry between the United States and China, the two biggest economies of the world, elevates its appeal for the White House.

Likewise, gaining control of the air base can place the US in a position to influence broader Central Asia as Trump wants to include countries such as Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in the Abraham Accords.

China has been using projects like the Belt and Road to grow and consolidate its power. The US could offset its expanding rise in the region by keeping a foothold at the air base. According to experts, China might be able to obtain a strategic foundation in Afghanistan in the absence of the US, possibly acquiring access to its mineral resources and forging a more formidable regional impact.

Key attractions of the air base

Trump’s efforts to retake the base from the Taliban are part of a larger strategic plan and a firm step to protect American national security interests and thwart China’s growing authority in the area.

He has made it clear that Bagram air base is more than just a remnant of the war in Afghanistan. It  provides an unrivalled logistical and strategic edge in the region with to its vast runways, state-of-the-art medical facilities and command centres.

America could have unmatched operational reach due to the air base where planes can fly to Pakistan to the east, Iran to the west and the Chinese and Central Asian borders to the north in a matter of hours.

The administration can project American strength in Central Asia and have leverage alongside rapid response capabilities by holding the air base. Hence, it has become a central subject in Washington on the subject of American regional strategy.

Largest American military base in Afghanistan: It could house tens of thousands of soldiers, had hardened shelters, clinics, fuel stores and runways longer than many international airports. It served as America’s regional nerve centre.

Launching pad in Central Asia: The air base is located north of Kabul at the intersection of Central Asia, Iran, Pakistan and the Chinese region of Xinjiang.

Nearby China’s sensitive locations: The air base is about “an hour away” from important Chinese nuclear and missile sites in Xinjiang. Its location puts it among the closest points of view the United States possibly have against China.

Treasure of intelligence and surveillance: Controlling the air base means having sophisticated aerial surveillance and signal intelligence over a wide area of Eurasia, from Chinese infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road initiative to Russian military operations.

Counterweight to Iran and Russia: The United States could keep an eye on Iranian operations to the west and Russian influence in Central Asia from Bagram. The base acted as a continual reminder to Tehran and Moscow that the United States was in their backyard.

Command of trade routes and supply chains: Afghanistan is situated on new trade routes and has a wealth of unexplored resources. Whoever is in charge of the air base has strategic control over the trade lines that Russia and China wish to protect.

Military foothold close to China: The closest American military installations are located thousands of miles distant from the border with Western China. The air base would improve the US preparedness and deterrence capabilities by restoring an essential forward operating base that is within striking distance of Chinese strategic assets.

Projecting power to combat insurgency and terrorism: The air base served as the starting point for operations against the Taliban, Al Qaeda and Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) throughout the war on terror. America’s ability to launch a swift attack in the area suffered after it was lost.

Symbol of American credibility and prestige: The abandonment of Bagram air base was seen as a shameful event and regaining it would send a strong message that the United States is not backing down from Central Asia and is back in the game.

China would love to use the infrastructure: China has long been rumoured to be interested in teh air base as a way to expand its Belt and Road footprint and establish a forward operating facility close to India. Washington is alarmed by the same.

Diplomatic chessboard: Trump’s fixation on the air base is a reflection of a broader strategy which is Central Asia. Its control can shift the balance between China, India and Russia, the three largest players and the competitors will fill the void.

Trump’s desperation for the air base

The stated objective of the Trump administration has generated worries about the reintroduction of US forces in the area. The Republican leader openly declared that his country should reclaim the air base due to its close placement to western China, noting that it is near Beijing’s nuclear weapons development facility.

Image via @VivekSi85847001/X

According to Trump, the US and NATO constructed the facility. “We’re trying to get it back. We want that base back,” he declared during a press conference with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, on 18th September. “But one of the reasons we want the base is, as you know, it’s an hour away from where China makes its nuclear weapons,” he pointed out. “We gave it to the Taliban for nothing,” the president added.

He highlighted that it is “one of the most powerful bases in the world in terms of runway strength and length,” while addressing the journalists and added that “you could land anything there.” The base was, he repeated, “an hour away from where they make their missiles, China.”

On 20th September he reiterated, “If Afghanistan doesn’t give Bagram air base back to those that built it, the United States of America, bad things are going to happen,” on Truth Social.

Trump already demonstrated interest in retaking the former US military compound. He made a similar remark at a press conference in February 2025, which has since been removed from the White House website. “We were going to keep Bagram. We were going to keep a small force there,” he claimed.

“We’re talking now to Afghanistan, and we want it back, and we want it back soon. If they don’t do it, you’re going to find out what I’m going to do,” Trump threatened while talking to the media. He has often criticised the United States for leaving major weapons in Afghanistan after its hasty pullout in 2021, thereby giving them to the Taliban and other armed forces.

The Taliban’s repeated rebuffs

Meanwhile, any foreign military presence in Afghanistan has been categorically rejected by the Taliban. On 21st September, a defence official for the Afghan government emphasised that a deal over Bagram air base was “not possible.” Afghanistan’s Ministry of Defence chief of staff, Fasihuddin Fitrat outlined that “some people” wish to retake the base via a “political deal.”

“Recently, some people have said that they have entered negotiations with Afghanistan for taking back Bagram air base. A deal over even an inch of Afghanistan’s soil is not possible. We don’t need it,” he announced. Hamdullah Fitrat, the deputy spokesperson expressed that “a policy of realism and rationality should be adopted rather than repeating past failed approaches.”

Zakir Jalal, an Afghan Foreign Ministry official mentioned, “Afghanistan and the United States need to engage with one another without the United States maintaining any military presence in any part of Afghanistan,” on social media.

“The Afghans have not accepted a military presence in history and this possibility was completely rejected during the Doha talks and agreement (before the Taliban seized power in 2021) but the door is open for further interaction,” he stressed.

“Afghanistan’s independence and territorial integrity are of the utmost importance,” the government officially warned later. The Taliban earlier firmly denied Trump’s allusion to Beijing’s presence in the air base in March and stressed, “Bagram is controlled by the Islamic Emirate not China. Chinese troops are not present there nor do we have any such pact with any country.”

Notably, the first Trump administration (2017-21) had reached an agreement with the Taliban in 2020 that mandated the departure of all NATO forces from Afghanistan.

Opposition to Trump’s aspirations

India has given billions of dollars to Afghanistan. Pakistan has long fought to establish its presence in the country while China is also increasing its investments there. Any Pakistani involvemnet in Afghanistan has frequently been regarded with suspicion by Iran.

Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan have long feared that the bloodshed in Afghanistan will spread to their own countries. Additionally, Pakistan and the Taliban have had problematic relations in recent years. Islamabad had previously funded and protected the group for decades despite taking US dollars,

Nevertheless, this time the differences have been set aside as the matter of an outside power seeking to make its mark in the region through the country has emerged as the primary concern, reported Al Jazeera. Furthermore, majority of their neighbours are strengthening their ties with them, despite the fact that only Russia has officially acknowledged them as the Afghan government.

Russia and even China, America’s largest long-term adversaries, are not the only countries worried about this re-entry in Afghanistan. Iran is also against an American military deployment amid the heightened tensions with the US and Israel. It could aggravate tensions between the United States and China since the latter sees the military post near its borders as a direct security threat.

While New Delhi has been as a strategic ally to Washington, it has consistently opposed the existence of foreign powers in Afghanistan. Moreover, a considerable divide has emerged in the relationship between the two sides after the implementation of 50% tariffs on India, which encompasses a 25% tariff on acquiring Russian oil.

The six landlocked countries Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan along with Turkmenistan and Afghanistan have a distinct advantage in regional politics due to their geographic location, which also forces them to look for warmer waters for trade. Many of these countries would consider the US presence in the area to be “undesirable.”

“A US base would put host states on the front line of US-Russia-China rivalry. Moscow and Beijing have both signalled opposition to any renewed US presence, and aligning with that consensus reduces coercive pressure and economic or security retaliation on our much smaller economies,” stated Kuat Akizhanov. He is a Kazakh analyst and deputy director of the Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation Institute (CAREC).

There are apprehensions that reintroduction of the US military in Afghanistan would revive its intelligence activities, exacerbate unrest and revert the country to a proxy battleground.

India sides with Afghanistan

The Indian embassy in Moscow informed that the team from India, headed by Ambassador Vinay Kumar, to the “Russia Format” supported the socioeconomic development and prosperity of the Afghan people as well as an autonomous, peaceful and stable Afghanistan. A safe, secure and stable Afghanistan will benefit the Afghan people and be “fundamental to regional resilience and global security,” Kumar underlined India’s stance.

The events surrounding the air base have crucial regional and security ramifications even for India. Hence, the central government has continuously opposed the establishment of foreign military bases in Afghanistan, citing reservations about regional security, sovereignty and the possibility of stronger outside interference in the nation’s immediate neighbourhood.

Interestingly, Muttaqi is going to be India from 9th to 16th October and will hold talks with with National Security Advisor Ajit Doval as well as External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar. Given the contentious relationship between the US and India after “Operation Sindoor” and the latest row around Bagram air base, this meeting is indeed crucial and will be observed by Washington.

Who is Bipin Joshi, the Nepali Hindu student who was abducted from Israel by Hamas and taken hostage in Gaza

Shriti Sagar
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Who is Bipin Joshi, the Nepali Hindu student who was abducted from Israel by Hamas and taken hostage in Gaza

The family of Bipin Joshi, a Nepali Hindu student who was taken hostage by Hamas during the 7th October 2023 attack in Israel, has released a previously unseen video of him from Gaza. 

The video, which had been kept by Israeli intelligence for months, was released on Wednesday (8th October) after the government finally lifted restrictions on its publication.

According to Bipin’s family, this short clip is the only proof they have seen in two years that he might still be alive. “The sign of life found in Gaza, which we share with you today, is for us an anchor of firm faith that he is alive,” the Joshi family said in a statement.

Bipin Joshi: The only Hindu captured by Hamas in Gaza

Bipin Joshi, who was just 23 years old when he was taken hostage, had arrived in Israel only three weeks before the 7th October attack. He is the only Hindu captured by Hamas in Gaza. He was part of a group of Nepali students who went to Kibbutz Alumim under the ‘Learn and Earn’ agricultural training program. The students were learning farming techniques while working in a citrus and lemon farm.

That morning, when the Hamas terrorists attacked the kibbutz, Bipin and his friends were surrounded. Ten of his classmates were murdered, and Bipin was abducted. Before he was kidnapped, he texted some last messages to his cousin in English. One of them was, “If something happens to me, you have to take care of my family. Be strong and always look toward the future,” according to a report by the Times of Israel. 

The video finally released after two years

The released video, believed to have been filmed in November 2023, shows Bipin sitting in front of the camera. He introduces himself calmly: “My name is Bipin Joshi. I’m from Nepal. I’m 23 years old. I came to Israel 25 days ago for the ‘Learn and Earn’ program. I’m a student and I work on a citrus and lemon farm.”

At the end of the clip, Bipin looks slightly off-camera, his eyes shifting to the side, as if glancing at someone nearby. The short recording does not reveal his surroundings, but it is clear that he was alive weeks after being captured.

For his family, that small detail means everything. “When I saw the video, my mother and father were next to me. First, I thanked God that I didn’t see any injuries on his face or body. Then, my body started shaking, and I couldn’t control my tears,” said his 17-year-old sister, Pushpa, while speaking to reporters in Israel.

She said that the family had been given the video nearly a year ago, but it was hidden behind Israeli government censorship. They opted to release it now, in the hopes that it would attract more pressure for Bipin’s release and force negotiators to sit down with him and discuss the other remaining hostages.

Family continues to fight for his release

Bipin’s family has refused to give up hope. His parents and sister, who live in Nepal, are currently staying with relatives in North Carolina, United States. They have been travelling between Washington, DC, and New York, meeting diplomats and officials to raise international awareness about their son’s situation.

“We decided to release the video to show that he is in Gaza and alive, and maybe it can create a little bit of pressure on the negotiating teams to understand our pain,” Pushpa said. “It’s been two years, it’s too much pain for us and the other hostages’ families.”

Pushpa has extended her stay in the US, saying she hopes to meet President Donald Trump in person to request his help. “We are here with hopeful hearts, and we want to meet President Trump and advocate for Bipin’s safe release,” she said. “President Trump gave an ultimatum to Hamas and Israel to negotiate, so we are very thankful for that. We are totally dependent on him and really hope his steps will give us our Bipin back.”

Video was earlier censored by Israeli govt

In their official statement, the Joshi family said they wanted to remind the world that Bipin was not a soldier but a student who had nothing to do with the war. “Bipin was brutally abducted from Kibbutz Alumim while ten of his friends were murdered that same day. Young students, beautiful and innocent souls,” they said.

“For two years, it has been difficult for the world to imagine Bipin as a hostage in the tunnels. Not anymore. This sign of life found in Gaza serves as confirmation of our steadfast belief that he is alive.”

The family added that releasing the video publicly was not an easy decision. “For many months, this footage was under strict censorship. Only recently were we granted permission to release it. It is not easy for us to share it publicly, but we are in critical and historic days that will determine the fate of the 48 hostages, whether the living will return to their families and the deceased to a proper burial, or whether we will remain in pain without closure.”

Pushpa described her brother as a cheerful and creative young man with simple dreams. “My parents are devastated, barely holding on. They miss their only son. I miss my best friend, the one who dreamed of growing bananas to make banana chips. The creative and funny guy,” she said in an interview with i24 News.

Gujarat HC refuses to quash FIR in Bharuch religious conversion case, rejects argument that converted Muslims can’t be accused of forcing others to convert: Read details

Aditi
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Gujarat HC refuses to quash FIR in Bharuch religious conversion case, rejects argument that converted Muslims can’t be accused of forcing others to convert: Read details

The Gujarat High Court on October 1, 2025, dismissed a batch of applications filed by several accused in a case of religious conversion of Hindus to Islam, citing that prima facie offences were made out against the accused/applicants.

A Bench of Justice Nirzar S Desai was hearing the applications, which sought the quashing of the FIR filed against the accused in 2021 under Sections 120(B), 153(B)(1)(C), 153(A)(1), 295(A), 506(2), 466, 467, 468 and 471 of the Indian Penal Code, Section 3(2)(5-A) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, Section 84C of the Information Technology Act, 2000, and the relevant provisions of the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003.

The court rejected the arguments that they could not be made the accused in such a case since they were themselves converts from another faith. The Court said that prima facie the accused did not appear to be victims since they had themselves influenced and pressurized others to change religions. Three of the accused were originally Hindus who later converted to Islam.

The former Hindus along with others named in the case are accused of alluring Hindu villagers in Bharuch’s Amod to change their religion by promising them new houses, food-grain, cash and jobs.

Background of the case

An FIR was filed on November 14, 2021, at the Aamod police station in Bharuch city against several people on the complaint of a person named Pravinbhai Vasantbhai Vasava. Initially, 9 individuals were accused in the FIR, but after the investigation was carried out, the number of accused reached 16.

In his complaint, Pravinbhai Vasantbhai Vasava said that he was converted to Islam in 2018 through allurement and his name was changed to Salman Vasant Patel. He said that one Abdul Aziz Patel used to teach him how to chant Kalma by taking him into an Ibadatgah made in a Government premises. He added that one day he was taken to Surat, where he was made to put his thumb impression on a paper by misrepresentation, and thereafter his name was changed to Salman Vasant Patel on his Aadhaar Card.

He accused Shabbirbhai Bakerywala and Samadbhai Bakerywala of converting another man named Ajitbhai Chhaganbhai Vasava (converted to Abdul Aziz Patel)to Islam by promising to provide him financial assistance and construct a house for him. After they provided him financial assistance, Ajitbhai Chhaganbhai Vasava converted two Hindu men, Mahendra Jivanbhai Vasava (name changed to Yusuf Jivan Patel) and Raman Barkat Vasava (name changed to Aiyub Barkat Patel). “Thereafter, all three persons together, along with Shabbir Bekriwala and Samajbhai Bekriwala, started alluring the other Hindu villagers of the village, and by giving them the temptation of constructing a new home, food-grain and cash, tempted them to convert to Islam,” said the complainant.

The complainant said that Abdul Aziz Patel received financial aid for religious conversion from one Hasan Tisli. He added that Hasan Tisli, Abdul Aziz Patel, and another person named Fefdawala Haji Abdullah, a foreign national, converted around 100 persons belonging to 37 Hindu families to Islam by offering them money. The complainant also said that Abdul Aziz Patel used to teach him Kalma in an Ibadatgah, which he had constructed by demolishing his house built using government aid. He further stated that the accused were part of a nationwide conspiracy to convert Hindus to Islam, and they were receiving huge financial aid for the same from abroad. When the complainant opposed the accused, they threatened to kill him, and therefore, he decided to approach the police.

The High Court refused to treat the accused as ‘victims’ of religious conversion

One of the grounds for challenge to the FIR was that the applicants were themselves victims of religious conversion and not the offenders. Describing their implication in the case as a misconception, the applicants claimed that the complainant and all other converts had converted to Islam of their own free will and not under any pressure or allurement, which is required to attract an offence.

Rejecting the contention the High Court noted, “…considering the fact that after their conversion to Islam, it is alleged that those persons also indulged into activity of pressurizing and alluring other persons as alleged in the FIR and as can be seen from the papers available on record, it is their further act of converting further people around 100 in numbers of 37 families to Islam would prima facie make out an offence against them and, therefore, I do not see any reason to interfere with the trial”.

Gujarat HC JudgmentDownload

“However, on account of their act of influencing and pressurizing and alluring other persons to convert to Islam, as can be seen from the FIR as well as statements of the witnesses, of course, those allegations are prima facie in nature for which today, upon examination of material produced, the Court is of the view that conversion of the victims indicates that a prima facie offence is made out. Therefore, it cannot be accepted that those persons who are arraigned as accused who are originally Hindus and subsequently were converted to Islam, can be said to be the victims on account of allegations made in the FIR as well as the material collected during the course of investigation by way of charge-sheet papers,” the court noted in the dismissal order.

Dismissing the petitions, the court said, “on account of their act of influencing and pressurizing and alluring other persons to convert to Islam, as can be seen from the FIR as well as statements of the witnesses, of course, those allegations are prima facie in nature for which today, upon examination of material produced, the Court is of the view that conversion of the victims indicates that a prima facie offence is made out. Therefore, it cannot be accepted that those persons who are arraigned as accused who are originally Hindus and subsequently were converted to Islam, can be said to be the victims on account of allegations made in the FIR as well as the material collected during the course of investigation by way of charge-sheet papers.”

Application of an accused dismissed on the ground of his non-cooperation in the investigation

The High Court dismissed the petition of accused Fefdawala, who lives in the United Kingdom, on the ground that he did Regarding the the application of accused the High Court noted that he did not cooperate with the authorities in the investigation and therefore, the court made it a ground for the dismissal of his application. The High Court pointed out that Fefdawala visited India 25 times before the registration of the case against him and has not visited even once thereafter. “…the applicant has visited India 25 times and, therefore, the Police Authority had insisted the aforesaid accused persons to come down to India and to participate in the investigation by extending his cooperation. However, the applicant has not come to India once thereafter and therefore, looking to his conduct, the petition filed by Mr. Fefdawala may be dismissed on the ground of his conduct itself without being considering the same on merits,” the court said.

“He did not prefer any anticipatory bail application and except the present petition for quashing, at no point of time, as per the records, he has shown any willingness to cooperate in the investigation. The applicant was served with a Summons under Section 41-A of CrPC which was though responded, but the applicant has chosen not to remain present and made himself available for extending cooperation in investigation,” the court added.

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