The Department of Posts on Sunday announced a complete suspension of all mails to the USA over president Donald Trump’s tariff policy. Earlier on 22 August, the department had announced a temporary suspension of parcels to the USA valued over $100, but now shipment of all parcels has been suspended.
A statement issued by the Ministry of Communications said, “In view of the ongoing inability of carriers to transport U.S.-bound mail and in the absence of defined regulatory mechanisms, it has been decided to completely suspend the booking of all categories of mail, including letters, documents, and gift items valued up to USD 100, destined for the USA.”
It further added, “The Department is closely monitoring the situation and making every effort to restore services at the earliest. Customers who have already booked items that could not be dispatched may claim a refund of postage.”
Global parcel deliveries to the United States of America have been impacted after president Trump revoked the “de minimis” tariff exemption, which allowed shipments of items valued under $800 to be imported to the USA without any import duty. President Donald Trump signed an executive order on 30th July shutting down this exemption.
As per new rules, such shipments will attract import duty according to the tariff fixed for the originating country. However, letters/documents and gift items valued up to $100 remain exempt from these new duties, according to the executive order.
The introduction of tariff on small value items have caused huge delays at US ports. As a result, major carriers have stopped shipping such packages to the USA. Several countries in the world have suspended parcel deliveries to the USA for this reason. India Post’s latest decision indicates that shipping issues have not been sorted yet, and they had to suspend shipment of even tariff exempted items.
Bangladesh, a nation of over 170 million people, is quietly spiraling toward an ominous black hole, with every passing day bringing it closer to becoming one of the gravest security threats in South Asia – and potentially the wider world.
Since the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus has plunged the country into chaos, economic disintegration, and rising Islamist militancy.
When Yunus assumed power, he promised democratic reforms, protection of human rights, freedom of the press, and the restoration of the rule of law.
Instead, what followed has been a stunning reversal. The country’s economy is now in crisis, radical Islamist groups are resurging, and a dangerously high number of young people are being lured toward extremism and jihadist ideologies.
Initially hailed as a reformist, Yunus was viewed by many as a potential savior of Bangladesh’s fragile democracy. However, that illusion quickly shattered.
Indian strategist Professor Brahma Chellaney, noting disturbing parallels, described Bangladesh as following the same trajectory as Pakistan.
Meanwhile, Yunus’s Nobel Peace Prize – long viewed as controversial – has come under renewed scrutiny.
Although the Norwegian Nobel Committee chairman Professor Ole Danbolt Mjøs once portrayed him as a symbolic bridge between Islam and the West, it is now widely believed that the award was secured through years of lobbying by former US President Bill Clinton.
Indeed, the links between Muhammad Yunus and the Clinton family are both extensive and troubling. During a reception organised by the Clinton Global Initiative on September 26, 2024, Yunus publicly introduced key figures behind the so-called “mass uprising” in Bangladesh – an event now widely recognised as a jihadist coup.
At that same event, Bill Clinton praised Mahfuz Alam, a known leader of Hizb ut-Tahrir, a globally banned terrorist organisation. A 2024 article in the Gatestone Institute stated:
“Yunus is one of the majordonors to the Clinton Foundation. According to a cable leaked by WikiLeaks in 2007, Hillary Clinton made frantic efforts and exerted pressure on the Bangladesh Army to appoint her friend Yunus as head of the then military-backed interim government”.
The fall of Hasina’s government opened the floodgates for Islamist and jihadist groups, who are now operating with newfound boldness.
According to the Atlantic Council, “Religious extremists demolished sculptures and artworks across the country. Soon after, As-Sahab, Al Qaeda’s official media wing, released a twelve-page statement hailing the events as a victory for Muslims, portraying Bangladesh as a new beacon of Islamic conquest in South Asia”.
The article further stated, in March, Hizb Ut Tahrir staged a “March for Khilafah” in Dhaka, which was widely publicized and occurred without meaningful government interference.
These events mark not just a collapse of law and order, but an ideological shift toward a jihadist state.
From her exile in India, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina issued a statement denouncing Yunus as a “militant leader” who was “selling Bangladesh to the United States”. Her party’s student wing went further, declaring the country had become a “graveyard of democracy”.
A year after the Islamist uprising, India Today Digitalpublished a revealing article stating:
“Anti-Hasina forces had cultivated loyalists within the administration for years. As the student-led protests peaked, these insiders paralyzed state institutions, causing a total collapse of governance. Bangladesh now mirrors what Pakistan became in the 1980s – an ideological state held hostage by jihadist impulses. Hindus, Buddhists, and Christians, the real sons and daughters of the soil, are being driven out or buried beneath the rubble of destroyed temples”.
“Despite the promises of Muhammad Yunus, Chief Advisor to the Interim Regime, the past year has witnessed a surge in religious extremism and a collapse of rule of law. Awami League leaders have been jailed en masse, while individuals linked to terrorism have been released or allowed to escape. The ancestral home of Bangladesh’s founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, has been destroyed. The pluralistic identity of Bangladesh is under siege”.
The US Commission on International Religious Freedomcorroborated these concerns in its latest report, warning that “systematic pressure on religious minorities continued to generally worsen”. In May, thousands of supporters of Hefazat-e-Islam protested efforts to ensure equal rights for Muslim women. Simultaneously, violent crime is on the rise, and the economy is faltering under the weight of public debt and poor governance.
“Bangladesh is now in a state of lawlessness. The Awami League’s unofficial control over extortion has been replaced by an anarchic competition between political factions, radical student groups, and organized crime syndicates”.
Sheikh Hasina, calling the transition of power a “dark moment”, has repeatedly criticized Yunus’s regime as unconstitutional and tyrannical.
Although on August 5, 2025 Yunus announced plans in August to hold elections by February, his actions suggest otherwise. In a bizarre and symbolic move, he has begun converting the official Prime Minister’s residence into a so-called “Museum of Tyranny”.
This act – unaccompanied by preparations for a new government complex – implies no intention of restoring democratic rule. Worse still, Yunus is cultivatingdeeperties with Islamist regimes in Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, and “Palestine“, while simultaneously demonizing Israel through repeated propaganda.
Domestically, Islamist militancy is reaching new heights. Bangladesh’s madrassa-educated militants, many of whom trained in Afghanistan during the 1970s and 1980s, later founded notorious groups like HuJI-B and JMB. Today, these groups are joined by others like Ansar Al Islam (Al Qaeda’s Bangladesh affiliate), Hizb Ut Tahrir, Hefazat-e-Islam, Khelafat Majlish, and Islami Andolan Bangladesh.
Islamic fundamentalists, mostly comprising madrassa-students, who had traveled from Bangladesh to Afghanistan in the 1970s and 80s to fight alongside the Afghans against the then Soviet Union later returned home and formed militant groups including Harkat-ul Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B) and Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB).
Today, the list of such elements has significantly expanded, with the emergence of Ansar Al Islam, which is affiliated with Al Qaeda, Hizb Ut Tahrir, Hefazat-e-Islam, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, Khelafat Majlish and others.
Recently, during a meeting with US Chargé d’Affaires Tracey Ann Jacobson, Yunus claimed:
“Combating terrorism is our top priority. We have zero tolerance for terrorism in Bangladesh”.
Yunus further told the US envoy, “combating terrorism is our top priority. We have zero tolerance for terrorism in Bangladesh. We will exert every effort to eliminate terrorists from our soil”.
But these words ring hollow. In January, his regime attempted to pardon a terrorist linked to Al Qaeda and implicated in the 2015 murder of an American citizen.
This same individual has a US$5 million reward on his head offered by the US State Department. Yunus’s willingness to protect such a high-value fugitive exposes the deceit behind his public declarations.
The world cannot afford to remain a silent spectator as Bangladesh descends into extremist chaos.
The international community – particularly the United States, India, the European Union, and regional allies – must recognize that what is unfolding under Muhammad Yunus’s regime is not a domestic political affair, but a ticking time bomb with global ramifications.
Bangladesh is rapidly transforming into a hub for jihadism, transnational narco-trade, arms trafficking, and radical indoctrination.
If left unchecked, it will soon become the launchpad for thousands of jihadists, flooding across borders with the sole purpose of destroying Western civilization and targeting Christians, Jews, Hindus, and secularists alike.
The time for polite diplomacy is over. The international community must act decisively – through sanctions, visa restrictions, financial scrutiny, and targeted counter-terrorism measures – to hold the Yunus regime accountable.
The longer the world waits, the darker the shadow grows. Bangladesh’s fall will not remain confined within its borders. The consequences will be global, devastating, and irreversible.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi reaffirmed their commitment to warmer ties during a significant bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit. Xi Jinping emphasised the importance of India-China friendship during the meeting on Sunday.
He stated that it is the “right choice” for both nations to be friends, highlighting both country’s shared historical and cultural ties. Xi further mentioned that the partnership between the “dragon and elephant” enables each other’s success.
Welcoming PM Modi, Xi Jinping remarked: “It is a great pleasure to meet you again, Mr Prime Minister. I welcome you to China for the SCO summit. Last year, we had a successful meeting in Kazan.” He went on to highlight the shared heritage and global mission of the two countries by saying, “China and India are two ancient civilisations in the East. We are the world’s two most populous countries and also important members of the Global South. We both share the historical responsibility of improving the well-being of our two peoples, promoting solidarity and rejuvenation in developing countries, and advancing the progress of human society.”
Underscored the importance of friendship and collaboration between India and China, the Chinese president said, “It is the right choice for both countries to be friends who have good neighbourly and amicable ties, partners who enable each other’s success, and to have the dragon and the elephant come together.”
Echoing the sentiment, Prime Minister Modi stressed his country’s dedication to advancing relations on a foundation of mutual respect and stability. He committed to taking the India-China ties forward, based on mutual trust, respect and sensitivity. PM Modi further appreciated the progress made on several fronts of ties and peace on the border post disengagements.
Modi added that several significant developments have taken shape: an agreement on border management has been reached, the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra has resumed, and direct flights between the two countries are being restored.
PM Modi said, “We are committed to progressing our relations based on mutual respect, trust, and sensitivities.” He further added, “Last year in Kazan, we had very fruitful discussions, which gave a positive direction to our relations. After the disengagement on the border, an atmosphere of peace and stability has been created.”
Summing up the broader significance, he said: “The interests of 2.8 billion people of both countries are linked to our cooperation. This will also pave the way for the welfare of the entire humanity.”
This high-profile meeting marks Modi’s first visit to China in seven years and arrives amid recent indications that both nations are striving to mend ties after the 2020 border clashes.
Days after the Ladakh administration cancelled the land allotment to the Himalayan Institute of Alternative Learning (HIAL), Pakistani handles on social media have extended support to ‘activist’ Sonam Wangchuk.
Wangchuk, who had travelled to Pakistan earlier in February 2025 to attend a ‘climate conference’, had dubbed the decision of the local administration as ‘an attack on Ladakh.’
In the meantime, Pakistani accounts are amplifying the fake narrative that Sonam Wangchuk is somehow being victimised by the Indian government.
Screengrab of the tweets in support of Sonam Wangchuk by Pakistani handles
They are deliberately misleading about the internal matter of India and characterising the decision by the Ladakh administration as a ‘political move to silence voices demanding statehood.’
The Background of the Controversy
The year was 2018. The local administration had allotted around 135 acres of land in Phywang village of Leh to ‘activist’ Sonam Wangchuk and his Himalayan Institute of Alternative Learning (HIAL).
The parcel of land was leased for a period of 40 years. On 21st August this year, the Deputy Commissioner of Leh cancelled the land allotment in its entirety.
The administration was forced to take the drastic decision since the allotted land was not being used for the purpose agreed upon by both parties.
‘Activist’ Sonam Wangchuk had failed to establish an accredited university to date on the 135 acres of land. At the same time, he has neither executed the lease agreement nor formally handed over the land to the Tehsildar.
In his order, the Deputy Commissioner of Leh, Romil Singh Donk, stated, “The allotment order has lapsed on 5-5-2019 and is deemed to have been cancelled as per condition No IV of the allotment order.”
He further added the land ‘stands escheated to the State’ and directed the Tehsildar to ‘remove all the encumbrances’ from the allotted land and update the revenue records.
Fake claims about ‘witchhunt’
Since the order of the Ladakh administration, ‘activist’ Sonam Wangchuk has left no stone unturned to portray himself as the victim of government-enabled hegemony.
“The decision to cancel the land allotment to HIAL has been taken when people of Ladakh are demanding their rights, safeguards and democracy. It seems to be a witch-hunting process,” he had alleged.
Similar claims of a supposed ‘witchhunt’ have been made by political groups such as Leh Apex Body (LAB) and Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA). However, the reality is starkly different.
The truth that Sonam Wangchuk doesn’t want you to know
‘Activist’ Sonam Wangchuk has not paid rent for several years for 135 acres of land, whose present market value is between ₹27 and ₹30 crores. This was despite the issuance of notices by the Deputy Commissioner under Clause 4(b).
Sonam Wangchuk has himself acknowledged that no rent has been paid. In his defence, the activist alleged, “Since 2018, they have four times reminded the administration that the lease amount of the land has not been taken. However, every time officials apologised, saying that lease policy is yet to be framed and that is why we are not taking the lease amount”
At the same time, no university was set up within one-year period of the lease agreement. Interestingly, HIAL applied for ‘university status’ only in 2022, i.e. 4 years after land allotment.
This gives us a sneak peek into the non-compliance with the lease agreement by Sonam Wangchuk. But this has not stopped the ‘activist’ from making frivolous claims of regulatory hurdles.
Coincidentally, HIAL did not approach the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) for 3 years. It attempted to bypass the council by directly reaching out to the Deputy Commissioner of Leh.
Moreover, Sonam Wangchuk has claimed that the Himalayan Institute of Alternative Learning (HIAL) was granted a waiver of ₹14 crore premium.
However, the request was never accepted by LAHDC. As such, no exemption of any kind exists in official records.
As a matter of fact, complaints were filed against HIAL for violation of land use. A letter to this effect was fired off to LAHDC by the Sarparnch and Nambardar of Phyang village in Leh in February 2020.
Given the circumstances and multiple violations of the lease agreement, the Ladkah administration was forced to cancel the land allotment to HIAL.
‘Activist’ Sonam Wangchuk did not bother to comply with the lease agreement or resolve grievances raised by LAHDC. Despite defaulting on payment for all these years, he is now pretending to be the victim of a political vendetta.
The violations by HIAL and Sonam Wangchuk are now documented through administrative records, notices and the Executive Councillor within the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council.
While it is obvious for the ‘activist’ to be rattled, it is important to note that Sonam Wangchuk is receiving overwhelming support from across the border.
It is a matter of grave concern given that Pakistan is eyeing to create discord in the Indian territory through half-truths and conspiracy theories.
‘Activist’ Sonam Wangchuk is actively aiding them to disseminate anti-India propaganda by not being truthful about his misuse of public resources.
On 30th August, the ECI disclosed the number of applications of claims and objections filed by various political parties between 1st and 30th August, in relation to the draft roll prepared by the commission after revising electoral data during the SIR. The draft roll was published by the commission on 1st August, as the SIR has entered its concluding phase. The period for raising claims and objections ends on 1st September. The latest figures published by the Election Commission of India (ECI) regarding the Specific Intensive Revision (SIR) in Bihar have laid bare the opposition’s false ‘Vote Chori’ propaganda.
Interestingly, the numbers do not match the zeal displayed by the opposition in running a propaganda of ‘vote chori’ against the Election Commission (EC) and accusing it of rigging the electoral roll in the poll-bound state of Bihar. The entire opposition, led by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, has been calling the SIR in Bihar a conspiracy of the BJP and the ECI to disenfranchise ‘lakhs’ of voters. However, the total applications raising objections regarding the draft roll published by the ECI after revising the electoral data are only 128. Notably, out of these 128 applications, 118 are filed by the CPI(ML)(L), including only 15 applications for the inclusion of eligible voters and the remaining 103 for the exclusion of ineligible voters. The rest of the applications, that is, 10, are filed by the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) for the inclusion of eligible voters.
Rahul Gandhi’s party did not raise a single objection regarding the draft roll
The Congress Party did not file even a single application raising any objections regarding the draft roll prepared during the SIR. Notably, Congress has been spearheading the mud-slinging campaign against the Election Commission. The draft roll was shared by the ECI with all 12 political parties recognised in Bihar. And yet, only two parties filed applications raising objections regarding the draft roll.
Besides, a total of 2,27,636 claims and objections received by the commission directly through voters, only 29,872 were regarding the addition of eligible voters; the remaining 1,97,764 were for the exclusion of ineligible voters. A total of 7.24 crore voters are included in the draft rolls by the election body after undertaking a humongous task of revising the voter list in Bihar under the SIR, which commenced on 24th June 2025.
Opposition ran a baseless and malicious campaign against the EC
Ever since the beginning of the SIR, which is a routine exercise undertaken by the Election Commission to update the voter list, the INDI Alliance parties have been running a malicious campaign against the commission, which is merely fulfilling its constitutional mandate. The malicious campaign was kick-started by Congress scion Rahul Gandhi, who levelled baseless accusations of vote theft and voter list rigging in a press conference held earlier this month. He even threatened the election officials with ‘consequences’ once his party comes to power.
Gandhi’s allegations were refuted by the Election Commission of India in a point-by-point manner. The commission urged Gandhi to submit his allegations enclosed in a written declaration, as required by the rules, and tender an apology for levelling false accusations against the commission. Interestingly, Gandhi did neither.
The opposition also has to face embarrassment in the Supreme Court after their request to stay the SIR in Bihar was declined by the court. The Apex Court acknowledged that the ECI was constitutionally empowered to conduct the SIR and that it was a routine exercise needed to update the electoral roll for fair and transparent elections.
On 28th August, Houthi rebel-held government’s Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahawi was killed in an Israeli missile strike in Yemen’s capital Sanaa. Houthi confirmed the death on 30th August. In an earlier statement, Houthis said that some ministers were assassinated and top officials were wounded in the air strike.
The group stated that al-Rahawi and his fellow officials were at a normal government seminar when the air strike occurred. The gathering was taking place in a Beit Baws villa, an old village on the outskirts of southern Sanaa.
Meanwhile, rebel-controlled television was airing a speech by Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, the reclusive group leader, who was reading out reports on the Gaza conflict and threatening revenge against Israel.
Tribal leaders told the Associated Press that senior Houthi officials had gathered to watch al-Houthi’s pre-recorded speech when the strike hit. They confirmed the location of the attack but spoke on condition of anonymity, fearing backlash from the rebels.
Al-Rahawi was just a year-old Prime Minister and was appointed in August 2024. He is the highest-ranking Houthi official to be executed since the US and Israel launched their concerted campaign of air and sea attacks on the rebels. Al-Rahawi was close to former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh before aligning with the Houthis in 2014 when they overran Sanaa and much of northern Yemen.
Last week, al-Rahawi had vowed to stand against Israeli strikes after an attack on an oil facility and power plant under rebel control. “Yemen endures a lot for the victory of the Palestinian people,” he said, underscoring his loyalty to the larger cause of fighting Israel.
Houthi threats after the strike
Mahdi al-Mashat, head of the Houthis’ supreme political council, vowed revenge after confirming the death of al-Rahawi. “We promise God, the Yemeni people, and the families of the martyrs that we will take revenge,” he declared. He went further, warning foreign companies to pull out of Israel “before it’s too late.”
For Israel, the strike marked a significant tactical victory. Defence Minister Israel Katz described it as “a crushing blow” to the Houthis, adding that “this is only the beginning.” The raid was one in a series aimed at taking out the top leaders of the Houthis, including their chief of staff and defence minister, Israeli officials said.
Ahmed Nagi, a Crisis Group senior analyst, stated that the murder of the Houthi prime minister was a “serious setback” for the rebels. It is, in his view, an indication that Israel has changed course from attacking infrastructure to attacking the Houthis’ command structure directly, which is riskier for the leadership of the group.
Houthis’ role in the regional conflict
The Houthis, who are aligned with Iran, have escalated their activities since the Israel-Hamas war broke out in October 2023. In their own words, they say their fight is in “solidarity with Palestinians.” In the past two years, they have fired missiles and drones at Israel as well as at merchant vessels in the Red Sea, interdicting one of the globe’s busiest trade corridors. Almost $1 trillion in goods travels via the Red Sea annually, making it an important international shipping artery.
On 22nd August, just days before the airstrike that killed al-Rahawi, the Houthis launched a ballistic missile armed with cluster munitions toward Israel. It was the first of its kind since 2023, according to the Israeli military.
The US and Israel have jointly carried out a series of retaliatory strikes against Houthi targets in Yemen, often hitting missile launch sites, drone facilities, and naval assets. However, Thursday’s strike was different; it went after the political and military leadership directly.
Israel’s wider conflicts: Hamas, Houthis, and beyond
The strike on al-Rahawi is only one piece of Israel’s wider war across the Middle East. The country is not only fighting Hamas in Gaza but also dealing with Iranian-backed militias in Yemen, Lebanon and Syria.
The war with Hamas erupted after the terror group launched its brutal attacks on Israel in October 2023. They took credit for missile and drone strikes on Israel’s southern city of Eilat, as well as for repeated attacks on merchant ships in the Red Sea. Their engagement expanded the security front of Israel, making it confront threats from both the north and the south at the same time.
At the same time, in Lebanon, Hezbollah is continuing to launch rockets into Israeli cities, making the northern border unstable. Pro-Iranian militias have also been busy inside Syria, although Israel has reacted by launching routine air strikes against arms warehouses and smuggling corridors.
Read about India’s evolving role within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership. India has transitioned from an observer to an active member of SCO, promoting a multi-faceted agenda beyond traditional security concerns, which is aligned with Modi’s “SECURE” framework. There are opportunities as well as challenges India faces in the SCO.
Redefining relations with Central Asia: India’s transformative role in the SCO under PM Modi – a comprehensive article that covers all these aspects.
PM MODI joins the leaders of SCO member states, 2022
INTRODUCTION
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is now a critical pillar of Eurasian diplomacy, with an agenda and reach that extend far beyond its roots as a regional security union. The SCO, founded in 2001 and currently including eight member states including heavyweights such as China, Russia, and India is positioned at the intersection of Asia’s most pressing economic, political, and strategic concerns.
As the organization’s annual summit takes place in Tianjin, China, from August 31 to September 1, 2025, global attention focuses not only on the deliberations, but also on the high-stakes context that shapes them: a world economy rattled by renewed US tariff escalations under President Trump, intensifying regional rivalries, and a charged broader debate on the future of multilateralism.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s involvement takes on significant importance in this context. Modi’s visit, which will be his first to China in seven years, demonstrates India’s renewed dedication to Eurasian cooperation at a time when trade disputes and disruptions to global supply networks threaten the foundation of international alliances.
Expanding the scope of the SCO has been made possible in large part by Modi’s leadership, which is marked by diplomatic ingenuity and an ambitious agenda. India has transformed the organization into a platform for security and comprehensive, people-centered collaboration under his leadership by supporting programs in digital inclusiveness, entrepreneurship, traditional medicine, youth and cultural exchanges, and the preservation of Buddhist legacy.
Despite these aspects, some analysts have gone so far as to say that India need to think about leaving the SCO since it is a Chinese-dominated organization and its membership serves no strategic, political, or economic goals. This is a terribly ill-advised and shortsighted way to think.
This paper examines how PM Modi has helped the SCO move toward multifaceted involvement while also changing India’s place within the group. The SECURE framework, which he has promoted at past summits, is at the heart of this story. It is a holistic vision that combines security, economic growth, connectivity, cultural rapport, environmental sustainability, and educational exchange as the cornerstones of regional peace and prosperity.
This paper will analyze PM Modi’s tactics, the relevance of his ambitions in a changing global order, and the opportunities they present for India’s future as a defining power in Eurasian affairs by placing India as a major architect of the SCO’s expanded mandate.
OVERVIEW OF SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION
The SCO is a regional multilateral organization that prioritizes economic growth and security. It was founded in 2001 by Russia and China. China’s top concern following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 was the safety and stability of its western border, which had always been at risk. China was eager to resume the delayed negotiations to settle the long-standing border dispute that former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev had started in 1986. The lengthy border talks between China and the four Soviet Union successor states Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan that shared boundaries came to an end in 1996.
In order to maintain the momentum of friendship in the post-settlement era, China took the initiative and joined forces with Russia to form the “Shanghai Five” in 1996. Therefore, the idea behind the Shanghai Five was to maintain peace and stability along the vast border between these five nations. In 2000, the Dushanbe summit decided to turn the Shanghai Five into a regional association. In 2001, it was succeeded by SCO.[1]
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization Charter was signed in 2002 at a meeting of the Council of Heads of State in St. Petersburg, and it went into effect on September 19, 2003. It is a statute that establishes the organization’s goals, ideals, structure, and primary areas of activity.[2]
The primary goals of the SCO are to foster mutual trust and good neighbourly relations among member states; to enable effective cooperation in a wide range of fields such as politics, economics, science, technology, and culture; to jointly safeguard regional peace, security, and stability; and to promote a democratic, fair, and rational international order.[3]
With well-structured layers of dialogue mechanisms ranging from annual summit meetings between heads of state and parliament to numerous ministerial-level meetings covering defense, foreign affairs, internal security, economic development, and finance, the organization has progressively institutionalized over the past 20 years. The SCO consists of two permanent bodies: the Secretariat, based in Beijing since 2004, and the Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS), formed in Tashkent in 2005. The SCO promotes economic and energy cooperation among its member states.
The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) of the SCO was established in 2004 and operates out of Tashkent, Uzbekistan. Information sharing and operation coordination pertaining to terrorist training facilities and funding sources are part of RATS’s duties. RATS is currently attempting to bring all of the member nations’ anti-terrorist laws into uniformity. RATS submits its reports to the UN and other international bodies.[4]
INDIA AND SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION
India was admitted to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an observer at the 2005 Astana Summit. Since then, India actively participated in SCO operations as an observer, often represented by its foreign minister. India sees the SCO as a valuable venue to address its concerns in the Eurasian region, particularly regarding security and economics. India expressed a strong desire to become a full member and participate effectively since its inception.
Prior to Narendra Modi’s election in 2014, India had mostly served as an observer in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) since 2005. During this period, India’s involvement with the SCO was cautious and restricted.
In September 2014, during the SCO Heads of State Summit in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, India formally applied for full membership in the SCO.[5] India’s External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj stated, “We have given new energy and momentum to our ties with our immediate and extended neighbourhood.” Our administration is committed to increasing involvement with the SCO and making a more meaningful contribution to its activities. She stated, “We have submitted a formal application for full membership in the SCO to the current chair.” We aim to establish a new engagement with the SCO region, using our historical ties while preparing for the difficulties of the 21st century.[6]
Central Asian Republics supported India’s membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. India was considered as a soft balancer against big powers China and Russia, strengthening their multi-vector foreign strategies.[7]
20th Summit of SCO Council of Heads of State held virtually, 2020
INDIA’S STRATEGIC LEVERAGE IN SCO: THE ROLE OF CENTRAL ASIAN REPUBLICS
One of the primary goals of the SCO was to offer a framework for close cooperation with newly established Central Asian states to ensure peace and security in the dangerous region, including resolving boundary issues and countering transnational terrorist and separatist groups. As a result, Article 1 of the SCO Charter, which outlines the organization’s primary “goals and tasks,” exhorts member nations to “jointly counteract” the three evils of “extremism, terrorism, and separatism in all their manifestations.”
India’s reputation as a stable democracy and its proficiency in counterterrorism are major contributors to its strategic influence in Central Asia. This view is further supported by the SCO’s development as a security mechanism. The group “has expanded its agenda from border security to encompass terrorism, extremism, separatism, and drug trafficking,” as Aris (2009) describes.
In order to strengthen India’s reputation as a frontline state against terrorism, New Delhi can coordinate intelligence, training, and operational procedures with CARs through the SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS).[8]
In addition to acknowledging its growing geopolitical influence, India’s full membership in June 2016 provided a direct path to further relations with the Central Asian Republics (CARs) Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.[9]
Central Asia’s geopolitical location as Eurasia’s heartland, its resource-rich character, and the tense security situation in Afghanistan following the return of the Taliban have all put the region at the forefront of the SCO’s attention. Russia’s conflict with Ukraine has also created a vacuum, resulting in fierce competition among major external parties, including China and other states. Central Asian republics, in turn, have attempted to deter external power play by utilizing their ‘Multi-Vector’ foreign strategies. This has created opportunities and difficulties for India.
Russia and China have generally led the SCO, using it to consolidate their power in Central Asia. However, India’s membership provides a third pillar, reducing the organization’s bipolarity and increasing its multipolarity. Renowned research analyst Poonam Mann writing in Air Power Journal states that, “India can be welcomed as the third pillar of the SCO” because its membership offers the Central Asian republics with “a soft balancer against the two leading powers”.[10] As a result, India’s strategic influence comes from both its independent weight and its contribution to the CARs’ increased autonomy in forming their multifaceted foreign policy.
CENTRAL ASIA AS INDIA’S EXTENDED NEIGHBORHOOD
India has always made it clear that the CARs are part of its “extended neighbourhood”.[11] Geographical obstacles and Pakistan’s blocking of transit routes have kept India’s influence in the area small despite strong civilizational and cultural ties that date back to ancient trade routes, Buddhism, and Persian cultural interactions.
“India’s transit to the region lies through Pakistan and Afghanistan, thus limiting India’s reach in a pure physical sense,” Mann notes as a significant limitation.[12] Therefore, both innovative connection initiatives and more robust global participation are needed to overcome this obstacle.
Due to insufficient and sporadic communication between India’s senior leadership and Central Asia, India has not been able to deepen its connection with these nations. The ability for India’s prime minister, ministers, and senior officials to interact with the presidents and counterpart ministers and officials of the four Central Asian nations (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan) is perhaps the biggest benefit of the SCO for India.
Central Asia’s strategic importance is derived from its massive energy reserves and mineral wealth. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan collectively own some of the world’s largest oil and natural gas deposits, while Kazakhstan controls roughly a quarter of worldwide uranium reserves.[13] These resources are critical for India’s energy-intensive economy.
The CARs also serve as a strategic link between South Asia, Eurasia, and Europe, making them critical to India’s connectivity efforts. If a feasible method of transporting these minerals from the region to India can be established, these nations can successfully help meet India’s energy security needs. Due to the unfavorable security conditions in both Afghanistan and Pakistan, the TAPI (Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India) gas pipeline project has been ongoing for many years but has not advanced much. India has been trying for years to develop connection through the International North-South Transport Corridor and the Chabahar seaport in Iran to address the lack of border continuity. While development on both projects has been gradual, recent years have seen greater activity and significant forward momentum.[14]
Relationships between India and the Central Asian Republics are not just strategic, they are also advantageous to both parties. The CARs desire diversification of alliances to safeguard their sovereignty, whereas India needs dependable allies in energy, security, and diplomacy. Both face the common challenges of violent extremism, transnational criminality, and geopolitical fragility under the shadow of greater powers. Through the SCO, India may formalize these alignments into a cooperative framework.
CONSTRAINTS ON INDIA’S INFLUENCE
Notwithstanding these advantages, India does not have total influence. “China and Russia retain the ability to block initiatives that do not serve their interests” in the SCO, which is still a consensus-driven institution. Therefore, institutional inertia and the veto power of larger countries may limit India’s actions. Furthermore, India’s aspirations are complicated by its lack of direct geographic access to Central Asia. Implementation is frequently slowed by regional instability, even if Iran’s Chabahar port and the INSTC provide partial solutions.
India’s aim is further complicated by Pakistan’s membership in the SCO. “India and Pakistan’s simultaneous entry into the SCO created an inherent contradiction,” as Mann observes.[15] This dynamic frequently hinders agreement on delicate matters, weakening the organization’s capacity for decisive action. India must therefore acknowledge the structural constraints of the SCO framework and strike a balance between assertiveness and pragmatism.
Thus, the future of India’s Eurasian strategy will be determined not just by bilateral initiatives with the CARs, but also by how successfully it navigates the SCO’s institutional dynamics. This balancing act contains both the potential and the hazard of India’s Central Asian commitment.
PM MODI’S STRATEGIC VISION FOR SCO
Since India’s full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), in 2017, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has outlined a strategic vision that has steadily changed the organization’s agenda and expanded its scope to address modern regional and global concerns. PM Modi’s strategy is best characterized by the acronym “SECURE,” which was introduced at the 2018 SCO Summit in Qingdao, China. This vision is based on six pillars: Security, Economic development, Connectivity, Unity, Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and Environmental protection, all of which reflect India’s holistic priorities within the SCO framework.[16]
India actively took part in SCO events from 2017 to 2020, encouraging further technology cooperation and economic integration. India positioned itself as a leader in tech-driven multilateralism inside the SCO by advocating for enhanced transit regimes, deeper commercial ties, and increased collaboration on digital technologies, such as artificial intelligence.
India demonstrated its capacity to lead SCO activities in the face of the worldwide pandemic in 2020 by hosting the SCO Council of Heads of Government meeting virtually. In order to build stronger people-to-people ties, Modi’s government broadened the agenda during this time by promoting collaboration in new areas like startups, innovation, traditional medicine, youth empowerment, digital inclusion, and cultural exchanges.[17]
India assumed the SCO rotating leadership in 2023, hosting the Council of Heads of State summit virtually in July. Under its leadership, India established five new cooperation pillars that represent contemporary concerns and aspirations: innovation and entrepreneurship, youth empowerment, traditional medicinal systems, digital inclusiveness, and common Buddhist heritage.[18] These activities emphasized India’s desire for a more people-centered, modern SCO. Furthermore, the addition of new members such as Iran and Belarus during this time period indicated a significant increase in the organization’s geographical and strategic impact, indicating India’s involvement in extending the multilateral structure.
India continuously emphasized the value of upholding territorial integrity and sovereignty throughout this time, which is essential for fostering confidence among SCO members. By promoting SCO-wide commitments to climate action, sustainable development, the advancement of renewable energy, and the decarbonization of the transportation sector, Modi also raised awareness of environmental issues.[19]
THE SECURE FRAMEWORK AS A CENTRAL ORGANIZING IDEA
Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced and championed the SECURE framework, which provides a strategic and comprehensive vision for the future of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It aims to go beyond traditional security paradigms and construct a multidimensional cooperation model that incorporates economic development, connectivity, cultural diplomacy, environmental sustainability, and education alongside traditional security concerns.
WHAT IS SECURE FRAMEWORK?
Prime Minister Modi unveiled the acronym ‘SECURE’ at the 2018 SCO meeting in Qingdao, China, and explained the semantic importance of each letter in the phrase. The speaker emphasized the importance of the six elements: S for citizen security, E for economic growth, C for regional interconnectivity, U for unity, R for respect for sovereignty and integrity, and E for environmental preservation.
At a recent SCO meeting, Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh emphasized the importance of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘SECURE’ project, which demonstrates India’s commitment to strengthening the region’s overall welfare and inclusion.[20] Minister Rajnath Singh went on to clarify that each alphabet in the word ‘SECURE’ represents India’s unshakable commitment to specific facets of regional development. To begin, the letter ‘S’ stands for Security of Citizens, emphasizing India’s commitment to the safety and well-being of people living in the SCO region. The letter ‘E’ denotes economic development for all, emphasizing India’s commitment to promoting inclusive growth and prosperity for all member states. ‘C’ stands for Connecting the Region, underlining the need of improving connectivity through many means such as infrastructure development and digital connectivity. The letter ‘U’ stands for Uniting the People, indicating India’s desire to foster people-to-people relations and cultural cooperation among SCO member countries. SECURE is a shorthand for the main ideas that underpin the SCO’s changing agenda under Modi’s direction.[21]
PM MODI’S ADVOCACY AND PROMOTION OF SECURE IN SCO FORUMS
Prime Minister Modi has continuously underlined the SECURE framework at numerous SCO conferences and talks. His talks emphasize that a single focus on security is insufficient to handle the region’s difficulties, and that comprehensive collaboration across economic, cultural, and environmental domains is required for long-term peace and prosperity.
For example, throughout the SCO summit cycles chaired by India and at global forums, Modi emphasized the importance of integrating innovation and startup ecosystems into the SCO agenda, as well as supporting the use of digital tools to improve regional connectivity and inclusivity. He has also highlighted traditional medicine collaboration, youth participation, cultural linkage, and a focus on Buddhist legacy as distinct soft power characteristics that correspond with SECURE’s cultural and educational goals.[22]
IMPACT OF SECURE ON SCO’s POLICIES AND PROJECTS
India’s efforts to establish the SCO Working Group on Traditional Medicine and a new Task Force on Startups and Innovation to exchange experiences with SCO member nations would contribute to the development of economic cooperation within the SCO region, which will benefit common people in real-world ways.[23]
The SCO’s actions have expanded beyond its initial remit of counterterrorism and regional security since its inception, led by the SECURE framework. The framework has provided coherence to numerous efforts:
SCO STARTUP FORUM
The SCO Startup Forum provides a forum for stakeholders in the startup ecosystems of all SCO Member States to engage and collaborate. The entrepreneurship initiatives seek to empower local startup communities in the SCO Member States. The SCO Startup Forum seeks to foster multilateral cooperation and engagement for startups among SCO Member States. This participation will strengthen the local startup ecosystems in the SCO Member States.
The engagement aims to achieve the following goals:
(i). Best practices are shared to encourage innovation and entrepreneurship and create knowledge-exchange networks. (ii). Bringing in corporates and investors to collaborate closely with startups and give local business owners access to markets and much-needed support, expanding company scaling prospects by offering social innovation solutions and supplying governments with a wealth of creative alternatives. (iii). Establishing transparent procurement channels to facilitate matching in order to get creative solutions from startups (iv). Facilitating programs for cross-border incubation and acceleration that will allow businesses to investigate global markets and receive targeted mentoring.
At the 2022 SCO Heads of State Summit in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, member states agreed to establish a Special Working Group for Startups and Innovation (SWG). Given the importance of innovation and entrepreneurship in growing and diversifying an economy, India launched this initiative in 2020 to establish a new pillar of cooperation among SCO Member States. The SWG was established with the goal of encouraging collaboration among SCO Member States in order to benefit the startup environment while also accelerating regional economic development. After several rounds of meetings led by the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT), Government of India, the Member States resolved to ratify and adopt the SWG Regulations, which will be headed permanently by India in SCO.[24]
Since 2020, DPIIT has organized a number of programs for the SCO Member States’ startup ecosystems, such as three SCO Startup Forums. India seized the chance to broaden the innovative footprint by spearheading these engagements, tying the entire ecosystem together and encouraging other SCO Member States to launch like initiatives.
SCO AND COOPERATION ON TRADITIONAL MEDICINE
Under the auspices of the Ministry of Ayush and India’s SCO presidency, the B2B Conference and Expo and National Arogya Summit, which took place in Guwahati in 2023, successfully brought together 25 SCO nations to promote traditional medicine in order to help with economic development, environmental protection, and the attainment of the SCO nations’ goal of health security. During India’s SCO Presidency, the Ministry of Ayush organized a virtual conference of traditional medicine experts and practitioners, as well as the First Expert Working Group (EWG) on Traditional Medicine, which approved the EWG’s Draft Regulations on Traditional Medicine.[25]
SCO YOUNG SCIENTIST CONCLAVE
The plan to regularly organize youth events (forums, contests, etc.) was endorsed by the fifth session of the Heads of Ministries and Departments of Science and Technology of the SCO Member States, who acknowledged the immense talent among SCO youth and approved India’s request to host the SCO forum for young scientists and innovators on its territory. India hosted the second SCO Young Scientists Conclave from October 10-14, 2022, in a hybrid format with a preference for in-person attendance.[26]
SCO PEOPLE TO PEOPLE TIES
Engagement on a cultural and interpersonal level is one of the cornerstones of India’s connection with the area. Indian filmmakers, poets, and writers are well-known throughout the region. The cultural affinities, shared understandings, and preferences of people from India and Central Asia might strengthen their bonds. Aspects of Buddhism, Jainism, Sufism, and a rich literary legacy connect Central Asian nations and India together in shared cultural perspectives. Telemedicine, healthcare, and India’s technical cooperation program have all directly benefited and gained popularity among the region’s common people.
In the spirit of cultural-humanitarian cooperation, India hosted the first-ever SCO virtual 3D digital exhibition on shared Buddhist heritage in 2020. The National Museum of New Delhi, in active collaboration with SCO member countries, created a one-of-a-kind digital exhibition on shared Buddhist legacy that featured exquisite and rare treasures. The exhibition also revealed numerous Buddhist art traditions that cross national borders, rendering similar subjects that invite comparisons between regional aesthetics while identifying characteristics distinct to each area.[27]
IMPLICATIONS AND FUTURE TRAJECTORY
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and regional cooperation in Eurasia will be profoundly and extensively impacted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s agenda for the organization. In a conference that has traditionally been controlled by China and Russia, Modi has cleverly positioned India as an agenda-setter and an active member by leading the SECURE framework. His insistence on multifaceted collaboration has already started to expand the SCO’s purview from a military security-focused framework to a more comprehensive one that encompasses technical innovation, cultural interaction, economic development, and environmental sustainability.
One of the most significant ramifications of Modi’s approach is that the SCO’s identity will shift from a primarily security-oriented organization to a more balanced and versatile one. With India encouraging innovation through startup forums and digital inclusion, SCO members are encouraged to look for new opportunities for economic growth and youth empowerment, moving beyond the old state-centric security paradigm. Regional collaboration in traditional medicine, the preservation and promotion of Buddhist legacy, increasing cultural and youth exchanges, and a renewed emphasis on education and interpersonal contact all contribute to this transition. The end effect is a more dynamic and integrated Eurasian society, where soft power measures supplement hard security aims, paving the road for greater mutual trust and sustained growth. [28]
OPPORTUNITIES FOR INDIA
COUNTER TERRORISM AND SECURITY COOPERATION
One of the most critical opportunities is to strengthen counterterrorism cooperation. The SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) provides India with essential intelligence-sharing and collaborative operational capabilities. The research states that “India’s participation in RATS has enabled it to plug into the wider Eurasian counter-terrorism network, thereby strengthening its capacity to anticipate and neutralize cross-border threats”.[29]
This platform enables India to address its long-standing concerns about state-sponsored terrorism in Pakistan and radical spillovers from Afghanistan within a multilateral context.
Disrupting terrorist networks in and around Afghanistan is a critical strategic task that both India and the SCO are interested in. India is a significant contributor to Afghanistan’s aid and rehabilitation efforts. A special working group on Afghanistan has also been established by the SCO, and SCO member states are actively engaged in the country’s development of roads, power, and other energy-related initiatives. This area of agreement may present SCO and India with a favorable chance to establish shared strategies and discuss solutions to issues like drug trafficking, terrorism, and the Taliban’s comeback.[30]
ENERGY AND CONNECTIVITY GAIN
India also receives institutional support from the SCO to meet its energy and connectivity requirements. India’s expanding economy depends on the hydrocarbons of Central Asia, and the SCO framework enables organized collaboration. India’s admission into the SCO “occurred with renewed discussions on energy cooperation, positioning New Delhi as a credible partner in diversifying regional energy flows,” according to the report.[31] Under the SCO umbrella, connectivity initiatives like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and investments in Chabahar port, in addition to energy, receive more regional legitimacy.
Increasing contact in SCO with Russia and Kazakhstan, two significant global energy producers outside OPEC, could help India achieve energy security.[32]
DIPLOMATIC LEVERAGE AND MULTIPOLARITY
India’s membership in the SCO enables it to diplomatically counteract China’s or Russia’s overbearing domination in Eurasia. The paper makes clear that “India’s constructive engagement is welcomed by the Central Asian republics, who see New Delhi as a benign actor compared to the overbearing influence of Moscow and Beijing”.[33] This establishes India as a crucial pole in a multipolar order, enhancing its reputation as a stabilizing and respectable regional force.
TECHNOLOGY AND GOVERNANCE
Looking ahead, India has the potential to grow its impact in specific sectors such as digital governance and fintech. The research makes the case that “India’s digital initiatives, including its fintech and e-governance models, could serve as templates for Central Asian republics seeking modernization support”.[34] By exploiting its technological resources, India may strengthen its soft power while simultaneously establishing new types of collaboration inside the SCO.
CHALLENGES FOR INDIA
PAKISTAN FACTOR AND INSTITUTIONAL PARALYSIS
A major challenge remains Pakistan’s disruptive presence in the SCO. Despite giving New Delhi a place to voice worries about terrorism, “the India-Pakistan rivalry occasionally paralyzes the SCO’s consensus-driven mechanisms, limiting New Delhi’s ability to push ambitious initiatives.” This dynamic threatens to dilute India’s goal, particularly when Pakistan employs obstructionist measures.
RUSSIA-CHINA DOMINANCE
The SCO is still controlled by China and Russia, whose strategic interests frequently take precedence over others’, notwithstanding India’s rising prominence. “China and Russia retain the ability to block initiatives that do not serve their interests,” the report cautions. This implies that if India’s plans for energy diversification or connection clash with those of Beijing or Moscow, they may encounter resistance.
GEOGRAPHIC CONSTRAINTS AND BRI DISAGREEMENTS
Geography also restricts India’s reach. Without direct land access to Central Asia, New Delhi must rely on third-country transit routes via Iran or the INSTC. Any disruptions to these channels reduce India’s presence in Eurasia. Furthermore, India’s objection to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) confines it to the SCO’s economic objective. This research warns that “India’s cautious approach towards the BRI isolates it within the SCO’s economic agenda, where China continues to set the terms”. This structural restriction limits India’s ability to shape large-scale connectivity debates.
CONCLUSION
India’s participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has gradually changed from serving as a token of its outreach to the Eurasian region to becoming a useful tool for furthering its strategic objectives. India has used the SCO over the years to improve connectivity initiatives, energy security, counterterrorism collaboration, and diplomatic relations with the Central Asian Republics (CARs). India has strengthened its national security infrastructure against terrorism and extremism by gaining access to intelligence networks throughout Eurasia through programs under the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS).
Economically, India’s membership has created prospects for energy diplomacy and trade corridors. Central Asia, with proven reserves of over 33 billion barrels of oil and over 350 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, is critical to India’s long-term energy diversification (BP Statistical Review, 2021). India’s efforts to connect via the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and investments in Chabahar port are consistent with the SCO’s economic strategy, notwithstanding its refusal to support the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which generates structural divergence.
The SCO provides India with a diplomatic platform to counterbalance China’s and Russia’s increasing hegemony in Eurasia. India is increasingly seen as a benign and stabilizing partner by the Central Asian Republics, many of which are looking for alternatives to their over-reliance on Beijing or Moscow (Aris, 2009). This impression is further reinforced by India’s democratic credentials and emphasis on developmental cooperation.
However, there are still major obstacles to overcome. Pakistan’s membership in the SCO frequently causes problems, especially when terrorism is brought up. Similarly, India’s capacity to advance bold ideas is constrained by China’s hegemony within the group and the consensus-based decision-making process. India’s expansion is further limited by its geographic location, since it depends on precarious routes through Iran and Afghanistan in lieu of direct borders with Central Asia. This vulnerability was shown by the fall of Kabul in 2021, when the SCO itself found it difficult to develop a cohesive Afghan strategy.
Looking ahead, India’s SCO significance and future direction will be determined by its ability to effectively convert chances into actual rewards. India must increase its niche contributions in sectors where it has demonstrable comparative advantages, such as digital governance, fintech, medicines, and capacity building. Similarly, continued investments in energy diplomacy and connectivity will determine whether India can establish itself as a key Eurasian stakeholder rather than a peripheral player.
In summary, India’s strategic calculation has benefited greatly from the SCO, which has given it influence and visibility in Eurasia during a period of shifting global alignments. The ability of India to maintain regional peace, manage great-power rivalries, and increase its strategic presence in the resource-rich and geopolitically sensitive heartland of Eurasia will ultimately determine its future in the SCO.
References
[1]Sajjanhar, A. (2022). India and Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Vital Partnership. Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, 17(3/4), 190–204. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48772509
[4]Kundu, N. D. (2009). Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Significance for India. Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, 4(3), 91–101. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45340804
[7]Kumari, K. (n.d.). India in SCO: India will be of great significance to the regional security (Exclusive). Armedia. https://armedia.am/eng/print/30675/
[13]Sultan, A. M. A. (2020). The importance of the Central Asian region in energy security at the global level: A review. Public Administration, 98(4), 1093–1107. https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2427
[14]Sajjanhar, A. (2022). India and Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Vital Partnership. Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, 17(3/4), 190–204. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48772509
[23]Indian Council of World Affairs. (2023). Towards a secure Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Views of SCO resident researchers at ICWA. Indian Council of World Affairs. https://icwa.in/pdfs/TowardsSecureSCOWeb.pdf
[24]Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade, Government of India. (n.d.). Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) – Startup and innovation initiatives. Startup India. Retrieved August 21, 2025, from https://www.startupindia.gov.in/sih/en/sco.html
[29]Indian Council of World Affairs. (2023). Towards a secure Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Views of SCO resident researchers. Indian Council of World Affairs. https://icwa.in/pdfs/TowardsSecureSCOWeb.pdf
[30]Kundu, N. D. (2009). Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Significance for India. Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, 4(3), 91–101. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45340804
[31]Indian Council of World Affairs. (2023). Towards a secure Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Views of SCO resident researchers. Indian Council of World Affairs. https://icwa.in/pdfs/TowardsSecureSCOWeb.pdf
[32]Kundu, N. D. (2009). Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Significance for India. Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, 4(3), 91–101. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45340804
[33]Indian Council of World Affairs. (2023). Towards a secure Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Views of SCO resident researchers. Indian Council of World Affairs. https://icwa.in/pdfs/TowardsSecureSCOWeb.pdf
Union Minister of Electronics and Information Technology Ashwini Vaishnaw on Saturday inaugurated India’s first Tempered Glass Manufacturing Facility for Mobile Devices at Noida. The facility has been set up by Optiemus Electronics in collaboration with Corning Incorporated, USA, and will produce high-quality tempered glass under the globally recognised brand “Engineered by Corning”. The products will be supplied to both domestic and international markets.
Corning has formed a joint venture with Optiemus worth ₹1000 crore for the project to make cover glass for smartphones. Optiemus Infra will import glass sheets into India for tempered glass and they will be processed as per Corning’s techniques and mandates. The finished product will be sold in the country under the Rhinotech brand. The screen protectors will carry the ‘Engineered by Corning’ trademark.
With an initial investment of ₹70 crore, the facility in Noida will feature a state-of-the-art infrastructure that will enable a complete transformation of raw material into excellent quality tempered glass. Phase 1 will have an installed capacity of 25 million units per annum, generating direct employment for over 600 people. In phase 2, it will scale up capacity to 200 million units per annum for local and global markets, with an additional investment of ₹ 800 crore, creating over 4,500 direct job opportunities.
The facility boasts comprehensive manufacturing capabilities, including scribing, shaping/chamfering, polishing, dual-stage rinsing, chemical tempering, coating, printing, and lamination. Each stage is conducted under stringent quality inspections, bringing standardized, high-quality tempered glass to Indian consumers for the first time in India.
Speaking on the occasion, Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said that tempered glass is an important accessory for mobile phones and its indigenous manufacturing is a major step forward in the success of Make in India and the vision of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He added that step by step, India will manufacture each and every component used in mobile phones, including chips, cover glasses, laptop and server components, thereby positioning the country as a global player in electronics manufacturing.
The Minister also informed that a Made in India chip is expected to roll out soon, marking another milestone in the country’s journey towards self-reliance.
Vaishnaw underlined that in the past 11 years, electronics manufacturing in India has grown six times to reach a production value of ₹11.5 lakh crore, with exports of over ₹3 lakh crore and direct and indirect employment for 2.5 million people. He said that the overall electronics ecosystem in the country is developing rapidly and value addition is being enhanced step by step.
For Tempered Glass, it is estimated that the domestic market is more than 500 million pieces with a retail value of approximately ₹ 20,000 crore, showcasing a large-scale opportunity in the country. The global market is worth over USD 60 billion.
On the occasion, Ashok Kumar Gupta, Chairman, Optiemus Infracom Limited said, “This is a landmark moment for the Indian electronics manufacturing industry and the Make in India vision. Despite being one of the world’s largest mobile phone markets, India has relied on imports for tempered glass. With this initiative, we are looking at building global-scale capabilities to support the Indian and international markets with the best quality products. Our aspiration is that every Indian mobile phone user must use a Make in India tempered glass with BIS certification and fog marking to protect their screen.”
After relentless efforts by the Assam government, a Museum in London has agreed to send the 16th century Vrindavani Vastra that originated in Assam, to be displayed in Assam. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma announced in a press conference on 30 August that the Victoria and Albert Museum has written to the state government indicating intention to loan the fabric to India, provided the government can fulfil the conditions for the arrangement.
Vrindavani Vastra is a large piece of Muga silk fabric woven by Assamese weavers led by Mathuradas Burha Aata, the first Satradhikar (chief) of Barpeta Satra in Barpeta. The fabric depicts the life of Lord Krishna during his childhood days in Vrindavan. The designs woven onto the fabric were guided by Srimanta Sankardeva, the saint-scholar who introduced Vaishnavism and the Bhakti movement in Assam in 16th century.
The Vastra was woven between 1567 and 1569 to be gifted to Koch King Nara Narayan, the last ruler of the undivided Koch dynasty. Notably, Nara Narayan had sheltered Sankardeva after the Vaishnav saint was targeted by the Ahom kingdom on the instigation of Brahmin priests in the state.
A large piece of the Vastra is currently owned by the Victoria and Albert Museum in London, while another piece is owned by Musee Guimet (the Guimet Museum) in Paris. However, the Vastra was not directly picked by the Europeans from Assam. It was first taken to Bhutan from Cooch Behar, and then to Tibet, from where European merchants took it to Europe.
During that period, several more similar clothes were woven, and many of them are currently preserved at various museums across the world. One such piece is present at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, while another piece was put up for auction by the auction house of Christie’s in New York. However, the pieces kept at London and Paris are considered to be made under the guidance of Sankardeva himself, while others were woven later.
The Vrindavani Vastra at Victoria and Albert Museum was displayed for public viewing, but now it has been removed to a restricted area. This has been done to protect the aging delicate fabric. Now, one needs to take prior appointment to view the fabric by contacting the museum beforehand. The over 450 years old fabric needs to be kept in 24×7 climate-controlled environment to prevent in any damage.
Assam government has been attempting to arrange displays of these two pieces of fabric in Assam, but has not been successful so far. Assam’s hot and humid climate has been a major concern for the museum for its display in the state, as any contact with moisture will cause great damage to the fabric.
But now, after renewed efforts by the Himanta Biswa Sarma government, the museum in London has said that they are willing it to send it to Assam for a period of 18 months, after which it will have to be returned. However, the museum has set certain conditions, and if they are fulfilled to their satisfaction, the fabric will be sent to Assam in the year 2027.
The museum said that transfer will take place through JSW Foundation, an organisation specialising in preservation of arts and crafts. The foundation is run by JSW Group of the Jindal family.
The Victoria and Albert Museum will also arrange for digital live view of the Vastra in Assam from this year itself. The museum said that a new museum will have to be built in Assam to house the Vastra. It will have to be built as per their specifications, so that it is fit to keep the Vastra for 18 months. Representatives of the museum London visited two existing museums in Guwahati, the Sankardev Kalakshetra Museum and the Assam State Museum, and concluded that both are not suitable to protect the delicate fabric.
If a suitable museum is built, they will send the fabric to India to be displayed in Guwahati and Mumbai, the UK museum said in their letter to Assam CM. They said, “we are actively working towards the loan of the textile to both CSMVS (Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya) in Mumbai and to Assam in 2027”.
Another condition is that the Union government of India will have to give a sovereign guarantee that the Vrindavani Vastra will be return to London after the contacted period of 18 months. The President of India will have to sign that guarantee.
Apart from these specific conditions, standards rules for touring exhibitions of museum artifacts will also apply to the arrangement.
To fulfil the condition of new museum, Assam government has allocated a plot of land belonging to Sericulture Department in Khanapara, near the Guwahati Science Museum. The museum will be built by JSW Group their own cost, as part of their CSR activity, and will gift it to Assam government.
The CM added that the state government is collaborating with Indian High Commissioner to UK for smooth transfer of the Vastra.
CM Himanta Biswa Sarma said that if this effort is successful, they will next attempt to bring the Vastra kept in Paris. He said that the Victoria and Albert Museum invited him to visit London in September for further discussions on the issue. However, due to BTAD elections, he will be visiting in October or November.
At a time when the United States has slapped steep tariffs on Indian goods for continuing to import Russian oil, Ukraine has quietly emerged as one of the biggest beneficiaries of India’s energy trade.
In July 2025, India became Ukraine’s top diesel supplier, even surpassing European nations. According to NaftoRynok, a Ukrainian oil market analytics firm, Indian diesel accounted for 15.5% of Ukraine’s total imports that month. Daily shipments averaged about 2,700 tons, making it one of India’s highest monthly export figures of the year.
From January to July 2025, India’s share in Ukraine’s diesel supply rose to 10.2%, a dramatic increase compared to just 1.9% during the same period last year. The fuel reaches Ukraine through multiple routes, including shipments via Romania along the Danube and through Turkey’s OPET terminal.
For Kyiv, this supply line is nothing short of critical. With its war machinery heavily dependent on fuel, India’s refined diesel, some of it sourced from Russian-origin crude, has helped Ukraine keep its economy running and its armed forces moving.
Other suppliers such as Slovakia, Greece, Turkey, and Lithuania also contributed, but India stood out for its rapid growth in exports. Ironically, while Washington punishes India for buying oil from Russia, it is Indian refiners who are quietly powering Ukraine’s wartime economy.
Trump’s aide blames India, calls it “Modi’s war”
Despite these realities, the Trump administration has chosen to come down hard on India. In July, President Donald Trump imposed 50% tariffs on Indian goods, first a 25% levy, later doubled, directly linking the move to New Delhi’s continued purchase of discounted Russian crude.
Senior Trump advisers have made sharp remarks about India’s position. Peter Navarro, the president’s trade adviser, went so far as to say the Ukraine conflict was “Modi’s war.” In an interview with Bloomberg Television’s Balance of Power, Navarro accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi of prolonging the war by refusing to cut ties with Moscow’s energy exports.
When the anchor reminded him that the war was started by Russia, Navarro doubled down: “No, I mean Modi’s war!” He described India’s energy purchases as “arrogant” and demanded that India behave “responsibly” as the world’s largest democracy.
“Everyone in America loses because India buys oil from Russia,” Navarro claimed, even suggesting that U.S. taxpayers were indirectly funding the conflict. His comments reflect the growing frustration within some U.S. political circles about India’s refusal to join Western sanctions.
Kevin Hassett, another top Trump-era economic adviser, echoed Navarro’s warning, saying that India’s position could damage relations with Washington. “If the Indians don’t budge, then President Trump is not going to either,” Hassett remarked, hinting that Trump might harden his stance even further.
This is not the first time Trump’s team has targeted India. His press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, earlier admitted that the tariffs on Indian exports were intended to squeeze Moscow, with the hope that it would, in turn, pressure Russia to stop the war.
The rhetoric has grown more intense, but New Delhi has always stood firm over its oil imports, emphasising that India’s first need is to find cheap energy for its 1.4 billion people.
India’s role in keeping global prices stable
Beyond the politics, there is another side to the story that rarely makes headlines. Analysts and industry insiders argue that India’s decision to keep buying Russian oil has actually prevented a global energy crisis.
According to estimates cited by Reuters, India has saved over $17 billion since 2022 by purchasing cheaper Russian crude. More importantly, its imports have played a stabilising role in the global market. Sources familiar with the situation cautioned that if India had entirely discontinued imports of Russian oil, global crude prices would have soared to $200 per barrel, almost three times the present rate.
That level of spike would have caused a global energy shock, driving up prices for consumers all over the world from Europe to Asia to America. Instead, India’s presence as a reliable buyer of Russian oil has helped balance supply and demand, keeping markets calmer than they might otherwise have been.
Even U.S. officials have acknowledged this reality. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen previously praised India’s role, suggesting that its approach had actually been beneficial in keeping global fuel prices manageable.
India is caught in a delicate situation. On the one hand, it is increasingly being put under pressure by the U.S. and its Western allies to abandon energy relations with Russia. On the other hand, it has stabilised international markets through its actions, as well as making supplies cheaper for its own people.
The irony remains hard to ignore. While the Trump administration accuses India of prolonging the Ukraine war by buying Russian crude, it is Indian-refined diesel that is keeping Ukraine’s tanks, trucks, and tractors moving. Without India’s role in the energy chain, both Kyiv’s war effort and global oil markets would be under far greater strain.
