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From spreading misinformation about CAA, Farmers Protest, elections and more: Who is the AAP ‘social media team lead’ who has started the ‘Cockroach Janta Party’, mocking CJI’s comments about people like him

Anurag
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From spreading misinformation about CAA, Farmers Protest, elections and more: Who is the AAP ‘social media team lead’ who has started the ‘Cockroach Janta Party’, mocking CJI’s comments about people like him

Recently, Chief Justice of India Surya Kant’s courtroom remarks about jobless youth, lawyers, journalists and RTI activists triggered debate on social media platforms. Following mixed reactions, including criticism, CJI clarified that he was not talking about professionals but about those who pose as professionals but have bogus degrees. On the sidelines of his remarks, a new “satirical” political outfit named Cockroach Janta Party has appeared on social media with a functioning website.

Source: CJP

The so-called party has been launched by Abhijeet Dipke, a self-styled political commentator who has served as part of the Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) social media machinery. Several media reports from the past have either a member or a team lead in AAP’s social media machinery.

In a social media post, Dipke claimed “The cockroaches have awakened!” as if it is some sort of youth uprising which in itself should raise alarms as both Congress and AAP have tried to invoke Gen Z-led protests in India against the central government just like in neighbouring countries like Nepal. The website of the so-called party says it is “a political party for the people the system forgot to count” and describes itself as the “voice of the lazy and unemployed”. It further says, “They tried to step on us. We came back.”

Source: X

At first glance, Cockroach Janta Party may resemble just another meme page sparked by online outrage. However, examining the founder’s political connections, media coverage, and the party’s manifesto reveals that the satire functions as a pointed extension of persistent anti-BJP, anti-institution, and conspiratorial rhetoric often used by opposition circles.

CJP uses the CJI controversy to launch political satire

The immediate trigger for the CJP was the controversy around the CJI’s remarks in court. He had reportedly referred to certain “jobless” youth entering professions like law, journalism and activism as “cockroaches” and “parasites” attacking the system. After the backlash, he issued a clarification saying he had been misquoted and he was referring to those who entered the profession using bogus degrees.

Dipke used the controversy to launch the satirical political party CJP. The website says the party exists for young people who are called “lazy, chronically online, and most recently, cockroaches”. Its membership criteria include being “unemployed”, “lazy”, “chronically online” and able to “rant professionally”.

Source: CJP

The online stunt also received attention from opposition leaders. TMC MP Kirti Azad jokingly asked what the qualifications were to join the Cockroach Janta Party, to which the CJP handle replied that winning the 1983 World Cup was good enough.

Source: X

TMC leader Mahua Moitra also joined the banter, saying that she too would like to join the CJP, apart from being a “card carrying member of the Anti National Party”.

The tone of CJP is deliberately comic, but the targets are very political.

Manifesto targets judiciary, Election Commission, media and big business

The manifesto of CJP says that if it comes to power, no CJI would be given a Rajya Sabha seat as a post-retirement reward. It also says that if any “legit vote” is deleted, the Chief Election Commissioner should be arrested under UAPA and claimed that taking away voting rights is “no less than terrorism”. It is clearly in line with the propaganda opposition parties including Congress and AAP, have spread in the past few months while targeting Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise.

Source: CJP

The manifesto further demands 50% reservation for women in Parliament without increasing the strength of Parliament and 50% reservation for women in all Cabinet positions. This is a direct attack on the scheduled delimitation exercise under the Central Government.

It also calls for cancellation of licences of media houses owned by Ambani and Adani and investigation into the bank accounts of “Godi media anchors”. Again, this is an attack on the BJP government at the Centre by claiming that channels owned by Ambani and Adani are the government’s mouthpieces.

Another demand says that any MLA or MP who defects should be barred from contesting elections and holding public office for 20 years.

Beneath its comedic surface, the platform systematically advances opposition stances—targeting the judiciary, Election Commission, corporate interests, media, and political defectors, thus disguising partisan messaging as satire.

Who is Abhijeet Dipke?

Abhijeet Dipke is not an apolitical, random social media user who suddenly entered public debate after the CJI controversy. He is directly linked to the Aam Aadmi Party’s election and social media campaigns.

During the 2020 Delhi Assembly elections, one media report described him as a 23-year-old from Pune who was behind AAP’s social media transformation. The report said AAP was using catchy one-liners, parody videos, short clips and memes to promote Arvind Kejriwal and attack the BJP and Congress.

Dipke was quoted explaining how political messaging had to be simplified for millennials and first-time voters through memes and videos. The report also stated that he reported to AAP IT media head Ankit Lal.

Another report on the Delhi election meme war identified Dipke as a media studies graduate from Pune who was behind several AAP memes. These memes used Bollywood scenes, edited images and pop culture references to project Kejriwal positively and target political opponents.

Dipke and AAP’s election war room

Dipke’s connection with AAP was also mentioned in reports about the party’s war room. In one such report, he was identified as in charge of national social media coordination for AAP.

The report said AAP’s social media wing was working across war rooms and preparing responses to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rally. Dipke was quoted as saying that the hashtag #DelhiWithKejriwal was meant to project Kejriwal as “apna banda” and “hamaara aadmi”.

He also claimed that AAP was focusing heavily on WhatsApp and Facebook and had moderators tracking BJP, Congress and other political handles to counter what the party called “fake news”.

In another report on AAP’s 2020 campaign strategy, Dipke was described as being at the forefront of the party’s meme and parody offensive, which used films, advertisements and social media trends to push “Brand Kejriwal”.

Farmers’ protest and anti-Modi messaging

Dipke’s past social media activity also shows a clear political line. During the tractor rally chaos in Delhi, when police used tear gas and lathi charge after protesters broke barricades, Dipke shared videos and photos of the police action and attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Now-deleted post of Dipke from farmer protests. (Source: WayBackMachine/X)

He wrote, “Modi’s police welcoming farmers in Delhi. Modi cannot be trusted. Shame on you @narendramodi #HistoricTractorMarch.”

This was not neutral commentary. It was political messaging against the Modi government during a volatile protest where several violent incidents were reported.

Election claims and voter deletion narrative

Dipke has also pushed claims around the credibility of election outcomes. In one post, he argued that doubts over election results were rising because the BJP’s popularity had allegedly declined after 2024, but the party continued to win elections. He claimed this would not have been possible without deleting voters across states.

This narrative now appears inside the CJP manifesto, where “vote deletion” is compared to terrorism and the arrest of the CEC under UAPA is demanded. This should be considered as a direct political threat against the Election Commission by someone who is posing as a satirical character.

Therefore, the CJP is not merely mocking one remark made by the CJI. It is also amplifying election-related conspiracy claims that have already been pushed by Dipke and others in the opposition ecosystem.

CJP tries to tap student anger over NEET

The Cockroach Janta Party has also tried to insert itself into the debate around students and exam fraud. It says it stands with every student who has suffered due to exam fraud like NEET and CBSE. It also demands that CBSE scrap rechecking fees if the mistake was made by the board.

Source: X

This too follows a familiar template. Student anger is being used as a political tool. It must be remembered that Arvind Kejriwal was anyway instigating violence over NEET. Now, a person from the AAP social media ecosystem is trying to repackage student issues under a meme party branding.

A meme party with familiar politics

The Cockroach Janta Party is being sold as satire, but its politics are not difficult to identify. Its founder has been linked to AAP’s social media team and Kejriwal-centred election campaigns. Its manifesto attacks the judiciary, Election Commission, media, corporate houses and opposition targets in language familiar to the anti-BJP ecosystem.

The party may use jokes, memes and “chronically online” humour, but behind the branding lies a familiar political project, one that uses outrage, misinformation and online mobilisation to create the impression of an organic youth uprising.

In reality, the “Cockroach Janta Party” looks less like a spontaneous movement of unemployed youth and more like another digital experiment by an AAP-linked social media operative.

‘Ignored complaints, blamed victim, told her to let go of the accused’: Inside the court order denying bail to TCS POSH Committee member in Nashik forced conversion case

Rukma Rathore
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‘Ignored complaints, blamed victim, told her to let go of the accused’: Inside the court order denying bail to TCS POSH Committee member in Nashik forced conversion case

On 15th May (Friday), Additional Sessions Judge V. V. Kathare rejected the bail application of Ashwini Ashok Chainani in relation to the forced conversion and sexual harassment scandal at Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) Business Process Outsourcing (BPO), Nashik in Maharashtra.

The decision was made on the grounds of her negligence in addressing the grave complaints, even though she was a member of the Prevention of Sexual Harassment (POSH) Committee. She was bound by her position to extend help, but instead, she resorted to blaming the victim and pushed her to spare the accused.

Meanwhile, the court had also dismissed bail pleas of accused Asif Ansari, Raza Memon, Tausif Attar and Shahrukh Qureshi.

The informant’s ordeal, continuous torment and Chanani’s flagrant indifference, victim-blaming

Chainani served as site supervisor of the victim (informant) who worked as an associate under the team leader Raza Meman. He contacted the woman in May 2023 while she was by herself in the training area and attempted to establish intimacy by asking her personal information. He would present her a word puzzle to solve and ask her to keep it a secret. The unwanted advances made her feel uneasy. He “gazed her strangely,” sought to engage with her against her will and made inappropriate physical contact when she was alone in the office.

The victim orally informed the quality and training manager, who warned her to be careful and stated that Memon was not a person of good character. She likewise alerted another team leader Nitali Jagzap who advised her to never be alone and always remain in a group.

Meman learnt about the same and purposefully linked her name with a male coworker Abhishekh and disparaged her by claiming that the two were having an affair. The victim tied the knot in last November. She used to nap at the office after lunch. The perpetrator further embarrassed her by enquiring about private aspects of her marriage and life at the time. Afterwards, she requested him to grant her a leave of absence in February to spend with her spouse in Goa.

However, he probed into whether she indulged in alcohol and was planning to celebrate her honeymoon there. She felt assaulted by the way he stared at her from head to toe and his actions “amounted to sexual harassment.” Additionally, it was laid out that Meman managed her work in a manner that led to a significant strain with the intention of harassing her.

Her frustration prompted her to report the ordeal to the office head Chainani who preferred to partake in victim blaming instead of confronting the offenders. “However, without taking any action against Raza Meman, Danish and Taushif who were responsible for her harassment, Ashwini Chainani rather blamed her by saying as to why she wants to be in highlight and ask her to let it go,” the order read. It added that as a result she abated them concerning the crime and their objectionable behaviour persisted due to her conduct.

On 19th March (Gudipadwa), the woman was wearing a saree (sari) to work when Shahrukh came up to her and looked at her with an expression that left her ashamed. She had often protested about him before Chainani. However, the latter did nothing which only emboldened him.

The court points to facts to eliminate Chainani’s weak arguments

It was contended that the applicant had been drawn into the matter on the pretext that, as the head (delivery partner) she had failed to react appropriately to the oral complaints made to her, consequently aiding and abetting the violations. The submission insisted “discrimination” and asserted that she was “operating and posted at the Pune office of TCS and the day-to-day work at a Nashik office was not under her direct supervision.” Hence, she was oblivious about the instances and “did not received any report or complaint of sexual harassment.”

It was also alleged that she has been assisting in the inquiry and her son’s wedding is scheduled for 26th June. However, the state of Maharashtra pointed out that Chainani “failed to take timely cognisance of the oral complaints of sexual harassment made by the informant against co-accused and as a result the activities of the co-accused continue unbridled. The investigation is in progress and in the event of release of applicant on bail the prosecution apprehends influencing witnesses and to tamper with the prosecution evidence.”

Chanini also voiced dissatisfaction at the lack of action taken against Jayesh and Jagzap. Nevertheless, the court emphasised that a comparison cannot be made as the duo “not only not cautioned the informant about the immoral character of the accused Meman but also advised her to stay in a group to avoid any unword instance.”

On the other hand, when the victim lodged a report to Chainani, she accused her of wanting to remain in the spotlight and urged her to let go the accused instead of taking any precautionary step. The latter “admittedly” was member of the “POSH Committee (Internal Committee), and it was her responsibility to take appropriate action in the event of coming any complaint of sexual harassment, to her notice.”

The court noted the gravity of the situation by restating the offences perpetrated by the accused, which included their endeavours to cultivate intimacy. “They used to ask personal questions and frequently passed lewd remarks, asked intrusive and embarrassing questions such as how her marital life was going on and whether she was getting sufficient sleep, whether she was availing leave for going to honeymoon, whether she was habitual drinker etc.,” it mentioned.

The allegations in the FIR (First Information Report) illustrated that Shahrukh and Meman molested her by staring at her from head to toe with a sexual motive. They even stalked her and uttered crude comments about her beauty when she wore a saree on Gudipadwa. According to the probe, she resigned from the position in March 2026, shortly before the official complaint was registered owing to the toxic atmosphere of the office.

The court pronounced, “Thus, it would be evident that the applicant despite being a member of POSH Committee (Internal Committee) demonstrated insensitivity to the oral complaints lodged by the victim and thereby not only she has shielded the accused but also abetted them to continue with their acts of sexual harassment.”

Chainani waited for the crisis to materialise rather than taking proper action against the co-accused. Her apathy and silence enabled their deeds. “She turned a blind eye and a deaf ear to what was happening in front of her. Despite lodging first FIR on 25 March, she did not visit the T.C.S. office at Nashik, nor took appropriate steps to check unbridled activities of the co-accused,” the judge observed.

He stated that the victim cannot be held accountable for the holdup in posting the complaint because she instantly informed Chainani of the circumstances.

The reasons for the delay in the complaint are justified

The court also stated that section 9 of “The sexual harassment of women at work place (Prevention, prohibition and redressal) Act, 2013 which prescribes that where such complaint cannot be made in writing, the Presiding Officer or any member of the Internal Committee etc. as the case may be, shall render all reasonable assistance to the women for making the complaint in writing,” against the discussion in relation to the lack of a written complaint, terming it as an “after thought” of the victim.

The judge outlined, “It can be seen that the complaint of sexual harassment has to be routed through the accused persons who were the team leaders and the victim worked under them. She is coming from humble background and serving in the company to financially support her family and for economic independence.”

The court acknowledged that she would face negative repercussions that would impact her career and service in the light of a complaint against her bosses. There is also concern that the victim’s spouse and parents might prefer that she resign from her job due to charges of sexual harassment. As a result, each postponement is primarily justified by the conditions documented in the case.

It was brought to the court’s attention that Chainani was not cooperating with the investigating officer. Hence, the personnel arrested her on short notice, citing explanations after considering the possibility of flight risk. Chainani even referred to a past verdict involving a principal to maintain that her actions do not amount to abetment.

However, the court ruled that there was insufficient proof that the principal encouraged, assisted or colluded with the accused faculty member. Thus, the proceedings were junked.

“The facts of the case in hand would reveal that despite making complaint of sexual harassment by the informant, the applicant being the member of internal committee for taking cognizance in respect of the allegations of sexual harassment, not only she ignored the same but also insisted the information to let go the accused. Therefore, there exists clear evidence of abetment by the applicant,” it declared.

“The investigation in the matter is at the nascent stage. Considering the influential nature of the applicant and co-accused there is every likelihood of influencing witnesses and tampering with the prosecution evidence in the event of release on bail. Hence, the application deserves to be rejected,” the judge concluded.

When NCW flagged toxic work culture and “zero POSH compliance” in its report

On 11th May, the National Commission for Women (NCW) conveyed that the Maharashtra government had received a comprehensive report from its fact-finding committee, which was established to look into the matter. According to the body, the examination uncovered a “deeply disturbing and toxic workplace environment” which revolved around systematic bullying, sexual harassment, misuse of authority and constant anti-Hindu statements made against female employees.

It strongly disapproved of the Nashik office’s application of the POSH Act and pointed out that Pune and Nashik shared a common Internal Committee, which is an infraction of the law. Moreover, no IC members had ever visited or assessed the Nashik unit for enforcement of these guidelines.

The committee expressed that the office did not have any signs, boards or posters detailing POSH conformity. Similarly, there was no visible content alerting staff to the consequences of breaking these rules and no board with the contact details and names of IC members. The report also noted the absence of employee awareness drives and IC member induction programs. According to the committee, there was “zero compliance” with the POSH Act.

The latest judgment has also confirmed the extremely compromised system of the firm and how the individuals who had to ensure the safety of the vulnerable Hindu women turned out to be its prominent violators.

Leaked Pakistani document shows how US pressure, Pakistan Army’s sellout politics and Washington-backed ‘regime change’ removed Imran Khan from power

Anurag
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Leaked Pakistani document shows how US pressure, Pakistan Army’s sellout politics and Washington-backed ‘regime change’ removed Imran Khan from power

On 17th May (local time), a leaked Pakistani diplomatic cypher surfaced that brought the 2022 ouster of former Prime Minister Imran Khan into focus. The cypher showed how the United States views his removal through a no-confidence vote as the way to reset the relationship with Islamabad.

The document, which was marked “SECRET” and “No circulation”, had information about a meeting that took place on 7th March 2022 between then-ambassador of Pakistan to Washington, Asad Majeed Khan and then-US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, Donald Lu.

It is a fact that Imran Khan is no saint. His own politics, governance record and ideological contradictions caused enough trouble for India’s hostile neighbour. However, the cypher does show something far more dangerous for Pakistan as a state. It showed how Khan’s foreign policy line was treated by Washington as a problem to be corrected and how the military establishment of Pakistan appeared to have found its utility in serving American interests. It further showed how the eventual political arrangement after Khan’s removal brought Islamabad back into the familiar role of a client state for the US.

The leaked cable has been published by Drop Site News. It has strengthened the allegations that the regime change that happened in 2022 in Pakistan was backed by the US. The document draws a connection between Khan’s Russian policy, which was disliked by the US, and the internal no-confidence vote that removed him from office. It also records a blunt signal from the American side that if Khan is removed, Washington will “forgive everything”.

What the cypher actually records

Pakistan’s Washington mission had sent the cypher to Foreign Islamabad on 7th March 2022. It records that Asad Majeed Khan had a lunch meeting with Donald Lu, who was accompanied by Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Les Viguerie. Pakistan’s Deputy Chief of Mission and Counsellor Qasim also joined the meeting.

During the meeting, Lu referred to Pakistan’s position on the Ukraine crisis and stated that people in Europe were concerned about why Pakistan was taking an “aggressively neutral position” in the matter. He further claimed that such a position did not seem possible to Washington and that it appeared to be Khan’s policy.

Pakistan’s ambassador asked if the reaction coming from Washington was because Pakistan abstained from voting in the United Nations General Assembly. Lu reportedly replied in the negative and stated that the issue was due to Khan’s visit to Moscow. He then added that if the no-confidence vote against him succeeded, “all will be forgiven in Washington”, because the Russia visit was being looked at as a decision of PM Khan. Otherwise, he warned, “it will be tough going ahead”.

In simple words, the US gave a clear message beyond merely diplomatic displeasure. It linked the future of Pakistan’s relationship with Washington to the fate of Khan’s government. Lu reportedly added that he could not say how Europe would react. However, he suspected the reaction would be similar. He further added that isolation of PM Khan would become “very strong” from Europe and the US.

It cannot be seen as a vague geopolitical assessment but a direct message that if Khan survived the no-confidence vote, Pakistan would face trouble. However, if the political situation changed, Washington would move on.

During the conversation, Lu again made the point clearer. When the Pakistani ambassador expressed hope that PM Khan’s Russian visit would not affect bilateral ties, Lu reported replies that it had “already created a dent in the relationship”. He added that they should wait for a few days to see whether the political situation changed, which would mean that Washington would not have a “big disagreement” and the issue would “go away very quickly”.

The cypher also records that Pakistan’s ambassador pushed back strongly against Lu’s framing. He said it was wrong to present Khan’s Moscow visit as an isolated personal decision. He stated that the visit had been in the works for years and was the result of a deliberate institutional process. He also said that when Khan flew to Moscow, the Russian military action of Ukraine had not started, and there was still hope for a peaceful resolution.

The ambassador further said that Pakistan’s position on Ukraine was dictated by its desire to keep communication channels open with all sides. He stressed that Pakistan had reaffirmed its commitment to the principles of the UN Charter, including non-use of force, sovereignty, territorial integrity and peaceful settlement of disputes.

He also told Lu that Pakistan was worried about how the Ukraine crisis would affect Afghanistan. Islamabad’s priority, he said, was peace and stability in Afghanistan, for which coordination with all major powers, including Russia, was essential. Pakistan did not want the Ukraine crisis to divert attention away from Afghanistan.

The pushback matters because it shows that Islamabad’s official diplomatic position was more nuanced than what Washington wanted to accept. Yet the American side appeared determined to personalise the issue around Khan, as if Pakistan’s entire foreign policy disagreement could be solved by removing one Prime Minister.

The US expected obedience, and the Pakistan Army delivered it.

The cypher records another important complaint from Pakistan’s ambassador. He told Lu that over the past year, Islamabad had sensed reluctance from the US leadership to engage with Pakistan’s leadership. This had created a perception that Pakistan was being ignored and taken for granted. He said the US expected Pakistan’s support on issues important to Washington, but did not reciprocate on issues important to Pakistan, particularly Kashmir.

When Khan was elected, the US expected Pakistan to act as a loyal instrument. It was believed that Khan became Prime Minister with Washington’s backing, and there was chatter that he was a puppet of the US. However, as time passed by, his foreign policy, among other things, appeared to have angered the “bosses” sitting in Washington.

After Khan’s removal in April 2022, the new government, backed by the Pakistani military establishment, moved to repair ties with Washington. According to the report, Pakistan soon emerged as a quiet supplier of artillery shells and other military equipment to Ukraine. The weapons were reportedly routed through US defence contractors and third-country intermediaries.

The report also said that American support for Pakistan’s next IMF programme was linked to the continuation of the weapons pipeline. In July 2023, the IMF approved a 3-billion-dollar standby arrangement for Pakistan.

The sellout could not have been clearer. Under Khan, Pakistan abstained at the UN and tried to maintain a neutral line. After his ouster, Pakistan’s military-backed dispensation became useful to Washington’s Ukraine war effort. Sovereignty became negotiable. Foreign policy became a commodity. The Pakistan Army, once again, pimped the country’s strategic position to foreign powers in exchange for survival, acceptance and money.

The India comparison exposes American double standards.

Interestingly, the cypher also contains a conversation on India. Pakistan’s ambassador told Lu that he had seen Lu’s defence of the Indian position on Ukraine during the Senate Subcommittee hearing on US-India relations. He added that it appeared that the US was applying different criteria to India and Pakistan.

Lu responded that US lawmakers had strong feelings about India’s abstentions in the UN Security Council and UN General Assembly. However, he then said Washington looked at the US-India relationship through the lens of what was happening in China. He also claimed that while India had a close relationship with Moscow, Washington believed there would be a change in India’s policy once all Indian students were out of Ukraine.

It has consistently had an independent position on the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and it has been treated as a strategic complication because India matters in the larger China equation. Pakistan’s independent position was treated as disobedience by a client that needed to be disciplined.

It has to be noted that Washington never cared about the democracy of the rules-based order. All it cares about is utility. While India has a strategic value, Pakistan was expected to function as a rented-out security state.

While things have changed over the years, especially after India refused to give credit to US President Donald Trump for the ceasefire between India and Pakistan during Operation Sindoor, Pakistan’s puppet-like role in front of the US has continued to remain consistent. Especially after Khan’s government did not behave like one, and Washington’s displeasure was communicated in the language of political consequences.

The ambassador’s assessment directly flagged US interference

Towards the end of the cypher, there was the ambassador’s own assessment, where he wrote that Lu could not have conveyed such a strong demarche without the express approval of the White House, to which Lu had repeatedly referred. The assessment further stated that Lu “spoke out of turn on Pakistan’s internal political process”. It added that Pakistan needed to seriously reflect on this and consider making an appropriate démarche to the US chargé d’affaires in Islamabad.

Shehbaz Sharif and Asim Munir became Washington’s eager courtiers

The aftermath of Khan’s ouster shows how quickly Pakistan’s rulers returned to their default setting. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Army chief Asim Munir, who preside over a Pakistan where Khan remains jailed and the military establishment dominates politics, have increasingly presented themselves as useful partners for Washington.

Shehbaz Sharif recently described Pakistan’s role in US-Iran engagement as “one of the shining moments in our history”. Former Pakistani ambassador Masood Khan went even further, saying Pakistan was “in seventh heaven and on cloud nine” and had never been on “such a high pedestal”.

This language does not sound like the confidence of a sovereign state. It sounds like the excitement of a regime that has once again received approval from its foreign master.

Munir’s own rise has coincided with Pakistan’s deepening submission to American strategic priorities. According to the report, after becoming Army chief in November 2022, Munir consolidated power, Khan remained in prison, and Pakistan’s military-led order strengthened its control over politics. The report also said Munir later promoted himself to Field Marshal and created new arrangements that placed Pakistan’s nuclear command under his personal authority.

Trump reportedly called Munir “my favourite Field Marshal”. That one line sums up the current arrangement. Washington gets a pliant military strongman in a nuclear-armed Islamic country. Pakistan’s generals get international legitimacy. Shehbaz Sharif gets to sit in power. The Pakistani public gets rigged politics, jailed opposition and a state that keeps offering itself to foreign powers.

Pakistan’s fake mediator role and its one-sided tilt towards Trump

Pakistan has also tried to project itself as a mediator in US-Iran tensions. Pakistani officials promoted Islamabad’s role in possible talks involving Washington and Tehran, while the country’s military media arm quietly briefed reporters about Iran-related diplomatic developments.

However, Iranian voices questioned Pakistan’s credibility. Iranian national security spokesperson Ebrahim Rezaei reportedly said Pakistan was not a suitable intermediary because it always took Trump’s interests into account and did not say a word against American wishes. He added that a mediator must be impartial, not always leaning to one side.

The real scandal is not Imran Khan’s fall alone, but Pakistan’s permanent capture

The cypher does not demand that anyone romanticise Imran Khan. He had his own failures, contradictions and political sins. However, the document does show that Washington saw Khan’s removal as a way to fix a foreign policy problem. It also shows that Pakistan’s own ambassador believed Donald Lu had spoken out of turn on Pakistan’s internal political process and could not have done so without White House approval.

The larger scandal is Pakistan’s permanent capture by its military establishment and foreign patrons. The United States wanted a more obedient Pakistan. The Pakistani Army wanted to regain value in Washington. Shehbaz Sharif and Pakistan’s dynastic parties wanted power. The result was the 2022 regime change that removed Khan, restored the old order and pushed Pakistan back into America’s strategic lap.

The ‘Cypher’ made appearance in 2023

This is not the first time “Cypher” of the “secret cabal” has made its way to the media. Back in August 2023, The Intercept published a report based on this same cypher. However, at that time, only the text was published and not the actual document. Our detailed report from that time can be checked here.

Donald Lu and the wider South Asia pattern

The Pakistan cypher controversy also fits into a wider pattern in South Asia, where Donald Lu’s name has repeatedly appeared around political turbulence, pressure campaigns and regime change narratives.

Lu, who has served as the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs since September 2021, was accused by Imran Khan of facilitating his ouster, an allegation Lu dismissed as a conspiracy theory. However, Pakistan was not the only country where his role came under scrutiny.

Bangladesh witnessed violent unrest that eventually forced Sheikh Hasina to flee the country, while Sri Lanka saw similar scenes in 2022 when protesters stormed the presidential residence and Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned. Lu’s earlier diplomatic tenures in Albania and Kyrgyzstan have also remained controversial, with allegations that he publicly encouraged political pressure against governments.

In India too, Lu’s comments on Jammu and Kashmir, human rights, journalists and domestic issues have raised concerns about American interference in internal matters. His sudden visit to Chennai during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections also raised eyebrows. Around the same larger period of US engagement with Indian politics, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi reportedly met Donald Lu and other Biden administration officials during a secret White House visit, while also making remarks abroad about seeking foreign attention over India’s democracy.

Washington dresses up pressure campaigns in the language of democracy and human rights, while its diplomats apply pressure wherever a government refuses to fall in line with American strategic interests.

Madhya Pradesh HC urges govt to bring back Saraswati idol from British Museum to Bhojshala: Read about the 2 idols mentioned in the verdict and how they reached London

Aditi
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Madhya Pradesh HC urges govt to bring back Saraswati idol from British Museum to Bhojshala: Read about the 2 idols mentioned in the verdict and how they reached London

The recent Madhya Pradesh High Court verdict that upheld the Hindu religious nature of the long-disputed Bhojshala complex in Dhar, Madhya Pradesh, also threw light on a lesser-known aspect of the temple’s history. The verdict drew national attention to the ancient Goddess Saraswati Pratima (consecrated statue) belonging to the temple, which was smuggled out of the country during the British era.

Petitioners from the Hindu side had requested the High Court to issue directions for the repatriation of the Goddess Saraswati Pratima, which is currently kept at the British Museum in London, United Kingdom. As per the submissions made by the petitioners, an inscription at the base of Goddess Saraswati Pratima states that Vararuci, an official in the Paramara kingdom, had made two pratimas: one of Vagdevi and another of Amba (both representing Goddess Saraswati). Both the Pratimas are now placed in the British Museum in London.

“That an inscription on the base of a Pratima notes that Vararuci, an official in Paramara kingdom, had made two pratimas, together with the pratima of 3 Jinas (tirthankaras): one of Vagdevi and another of Amba. Both forms Vagdevi and Amba represent the divinity of Saraswati. The two Pratima of Saraswati, are both over 1000 years antiquity and are now held in the British Museum. British Museum should return the Pratima for puja (worship) in Saraswati Mandiram (temple), Dhar, Central India,” a submission stated.

An excerpt from the judgment

After hearing the submissions of the petitioners and examining the historical evidence, a Division Bench of Vijay Kumar Shukla and Alok Awasthi noted that the Pratimas were removed by British officials and are now preserved in the British Museum in the United Kingdom. “Based on the various documentaries, evidences available in all the cases, it is established as fact that British officials, recognizing their significance, removed and preserved two idols found near the disputed Bhojshala complex in Dhar, which is now housed in a museum in London,” the High Court observed.

The High Court asked the central government to consider the representations of the petitioners and repatriate the Pratima from the London Museum and re-establish it within the temple complex. “So far the relief claimed by the petitioners to bring back the Pratima of goddess Saraswati from London Museum, UK and re-establish same within the Bhojshala complex, the petitioners in WP No.10497/2022 and WP No.10484/2022 have already made number of representations to the Government of India, the Government of India may consider their representations to bring back the Pratima of goddess Saraswati from London Museum and re-establish the same within the complex,” the Court said.

An excerpt from the judgment

The pratimas, which originally stood inside the shrine complex during the reign of King Bhoj in the 11th century, have been on display in the museum since 1903. According to the petitioners and the ASI (Archaeological Survey of India) records, Major General William Kincaid, a British political agent, excavated the Bhojshala complex site in 1875. During the excavation, he found the statue of Vagdevi (Saraswati), which had been buried there by Muslim rulers. In 1903, Lord Curzon took away the idol of Vagdevi found within the temple complex, and the same has since been kept in the museum in the United Kingdom.

An excerpt from the judgment

The verdict states that the second idol in London has been labelled as “Jain Vidyadevi”, and it is universally accepted that Saraswati is the goddess of Vidya (knowledge). The idol has a book in a hand, making it clear that it is Saraswati.

The Vagdevi Idol

The Vagdevi (Saraswati) idol is a remarkable 11th-century marble sculpture created during the reign of Raja Bhoja of the Paramara dynasty in Dhar, Madhya Pradesh. Carved from coarse white marble, the standing figure measures approximately 1,285 mm (about 4 feet 2.5 inches) in height, 586 mm in width, and 265 mm in depth, weighing around 250 kg.

Depicted in high relief against a plain slab background with an offset inscribed base, the goddess originally possessed four arms, though two are now broken. In the surviving hands, she holds an elephant goad (aṅkuśa) and what appears to be the lower part of a noose or the stalk of a plant.

She wears a distinctive tiered beehive-style (karaṇḍa) crown, with her long hair gathered into a small bun on one side, and the sculpture features fine detailing of jewellery and drapery typical of medieval Indian artistry. A small incised figure of a kneeling female donor is visible on one stepped face of the base, accompanied by Sanskrit inscriptions in Devanagari script.

Discovered in 1875 by British officer Major General William Kincaid, the idol was later transported to England and acquired by the British Museum around 1880, where it is registered as museum number 1909,1224.1 and currently displayed in Gallery 33. The museum has listed it as “Jaina yakṣiṇī Ambikā”.

The Amba Idol

The second idol mentioned in the verdict is another significant 11th-century marble sculpture linked to the Paramara dynasty and the scholarly heritage of King Bhoja’s temple complex in Dhar, Madhya Pradesh. It is currently displayed at the British Museum, registered as British Museum number 1880.349 and displayed at section 1 of Gallery 33.

Carved from white marble, this standing figure measures approximately 66.1 cm (about 26 inches) in height. It depicts a four-armed Jain Vidyādevī (goddess of knowledge), revered in Indian tradition as a form associated with Saraswati or Vagdevi. The goddess holds a rosary (akṣamālā) in her upraised left hand and a small book (pustaka) in her lower left hand, while her right hands are now broken.

She wears a distinctive beehive-shaped crown (karaṇḍa) with her hair arranged in a large bun, complemented by an elaborate pearled necklace with loops passing under the breasts, a girdle with a long pendant reaching the ankles, and festoons draped over the thighs. The figure is framed by an elaborately moulded niche featuring seated Jinas above, flying celestials, donor figures, and female attendants holding flywhisks at the base, along with subsidiary goddesses in small niches displaying the boon-granting gesture (varadamudrā) and lotus tendrils.

The idol has a two-line inscription in Devnagari on the pedestal. The British Museum states that the idol was probably found in southern Rajasthan.

Bhojshala

The Bhojshala complex was established as a major seat of Sanskrit learning in Dhar during the reign of Raja Bhoj of the Parmara dynasty. Scholars studied grammar, philosophy and literature at the institution. The Saraswati Pratima was installed inside the Bhojshala complex as the presiding deity.

The Bhojshala complex endured repeated destruction and vandalism at the hands of Islamic invaders. Large portions of the complex were destroyed during Alauddin Khilji’s invasion in 1305. This was followed by another bout of destruction in 1401 by the Islamist invader Dilawar Khan, who demolished the temple and transformed part of it into a dargah.

Later in 1514, Mehmud Shah Khilji further converted parts of land outside the Bhojshala into a dargah, establishing the Kamal Maula Makbara. It was constructed 204 years after death of Maulana Kamaluddin, who died at Karnawati (present day Ahmedabad) in 1310. Centuries later, the British carried out an excavation at the Bhojshala complex in 1875, during which several historical pieces of evidence, including the Saraswati pratima, were unearthed.

Pertinently, the Indian government has recently secured the return of several artefacts associated with the Indian cultural heritage. Earlier this week, the Dutch government returned 11th-century Anaimangalam copper plates, also known as the Leiden Plates, to India. In January this year, the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Asian Art in Washington, D.C., returned three stolen Indian bronze statues to the Indian government. 

Adhik maas: The extra month that keeps the Indian calendar in balance- read why it sometimes becomes Adhik Jyeshtha and sometimes Adhik Shravan

Divya Bharti
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Adhik maas: The extra month that keeps the Indian calendar in balance- read why it sometimes becomes Adhik Jyeshtha and sometimes Adhik Shravan

The Indian calendar has never been only about fixing festival dates. For thousands of years, it has also been a system to understand time, changing seasons, the movement of the Sun and Moon, and their effect on life. While most of the world today follows the Gregorian calendar, India’s traditional Panchang developed a different way of measuring time by combining both lunar and solar movements.

This is why the Indian calendar is called a lunisolar system. One of the most interesting results of this system is Adhik Maas, also known as Purushottam Maas, an extra month that appears after some years to maintain balance in the calendar.

The Adhik Jyeshtha month has begun this year, and once again, people have started discussing why this extra month comes, why it does not appear every year, why it is sometimes linked with Jyeshtha and sometimes with Shravan, and why many auspicious events are usually avoided during this period, even though it is considered spiritually important. The answer lies not only in mythology but also in astronomy and calendar mathematics.

How the Indian panchang works differently from the Western calendar

The Gregorian calendar used worldwide is based only on the solar cycle. The Earth takes around 365 days and nearly six hours to complete one orbit around the Sun. To adjust this extra time, one additional day is added every four years as a leap year.

The Indian Panchang follows a different method. It gives importance to both the Sun and the Moon. Months are mainly calculated according to the Moon’s cycle, while the Sun’s movement keeps the calendar connected with seasons. Because of this combination, the Panchang includes not just dates but also Tithi, Var, Nakshatra, Yoga and Karan, which together form the five parts of the Panchang.

In this system, the Moon decides the months while the Sun helps maintain seasonal balance. Ancient Indian scholars understood that if only lunar months were followed, festivals and seasons would slowly move out of sync. Therefore, a correction system was needed.

The difference between lunar and solar years created the need for Adhik Maas

The Moon takes around 29.5 days to complete one cycle from full moon to full moon. Twelve such lunar months together make a lunar year of about 354 days.

On the other hand, the solar year is around 365 days long.

This creates a yearly gap of around 11 days between the lunar and solar years. If this difference continued without adjustment, the calendar would slowly move away from the seasonal cycle. Over time, festivals linked to particular seasons would shift completely. A situation could arise where winter festivals appear in summer or harvest festivals move to different seasons.

Ancient Indian astronomers noticed this issue long ago and developed a solution, adding an entire extra month after the difference became large enough.

Why Adhik Maas appears after around 32 months and not every year

Since the gap between lunar and solar years is about eleven days each year, after nearly three years, the accumulated difference becomes around 33 days, which is almost equal to one lunar month.

Because of this, an additional month is inserted after approximately 32 months, 16 days and a few hours. This becomes Adhik Maas.

This is different from the Western leap year system. In the Gregorian calendar, only one day is added every four years. In the Indian calendar, a full month is added because the issue is not simply adjusting days but balancing the entire lunar and solar cycles together.

This arrangement reflects the depth of ancient Indian timekeeping methods. Without modern instruments, scholars created a system that kept festivals, seasons and celestial cycles connected.

How is it decided which month will become Adhik Maas?

Many people think Adhik Maas is simply a fixed extra month arriving every three years, but its calculation is more detailed.

Its determination depends on Sankranti, which means the Sun entering a new zodiac sign. Normally, during every lunar month, the Sun changes one zodiac sign, and a Sankranti occurs.

However, if a lunar month passes without any Sankranti, meaning the Sun does not move into a new zodiac sign during that period, that month becomes Adhik Maas. This rule is the reason why the extra month does not always have the same name.

If this condition happens during Jyeshtha, it becomes Adhik Jyeshtha. If it happens during Shravan, it becomes Adhik Shravan. Similarly, Ashwin or other months can also become Adhik.

This year, the extra month has appeared in Jyeshtha, so it is called Adhik Jyeshtha.

Why does Adhik Maas sometimes fall in Jyeshtha and sometimes in Shravan?

This is one of the most common questions among people because many associate Adhik Maas mainly with Shravan.

The answer again lies in the movement of the Sun and Moon. The lunar months keep moving according to the Moon’s cycle. Meanwhile, the Sun moves through zodiac signs at its own pace. Sometimes, during the lunar month of Jyeshtha, the Sun may not change its zodiac sign at all. In such a case, Jyeshtha becomes Adhik Jyeshtha.

At another time, the same condition may occur during Shravan. Then Shravan becomes Adhik Shravan. So the extra month is not fixed to any one month. Its occurrence depends completely on celestial calculations and Sankranti rules.

This is why people may see Adhik Jyeshtha in one cycle and Adhik Shravan in another.

Why Adhik Shravan gets more attention among people

Even though any month can become Adhik, people usually remember Adhik Shravan more.

The reason is social and religious rather than astronomical. Shravan or Sawan holds a special place in Hindu tradition. It is strongly connected with the worship of Lord Shiva. Kanwar Yatra, Monday fasts, Shiva temples and various religious practices make this month highly visible in public life.

When an extra Shravan appears, the number of Mondays and religious observances increases, making it more noticeable among devotees.

For example, during Adhik Shravan years, devotees may observe eight Shravan Mondays and nine Tuesdays, making the period longer than usual. Because of such occasions, many people started believing that Adhik Maas always means extra Shravan, though this is not correct.

Shravan, Chaturmas, and extended worship during Adhik Shravan

Shravan is considered the first month of Chaturmas, the four holy months consisting of Shravan, Bhadrapada, Ashwin and Kartik.

According to traditions, Goddess Parvati performed strict penance and fasting during Shravan to obtain Lord Shiva as her husband. Pleased with her devotion, Lord Shiva accepted her wish. Because of this belief, Shravan became especially important for Shiva and Parvati worship.

During Adhik Shravan years, the month becomes longer due to the extra lunar month. Devotees often keep fasts on Mondays for Lord Shiva and on Tuesdays for Goddess Parvati.

Women observe Tuesday fasts seeking well-being and long life for their families. Wednesdays are linked with Lord Vitthal, Thursdays with Gurus, Fridays with Goddess Lakshmi and Tulsi, Saturdays with Lord Shani and Sundays with Surya Dev.

Devotees also perform Abhishek, offering Panchamrit made from milk, honey, curd, sugar and ghee to Lord Shiva. Bilva leaves are offered, and mantras like Mahamrityunjaya Mantra, Gayatri Mantra and Rudra Gayatri are recited.

Many followers also adopt a Sattvic lifestyle, avoiding non-vegetarian food, alcohol and tobacco during this period.

Different calendar systems also affect the Shravan dates

Another reason behind confusion regarding Shravan is the existence of two lunar calendar traditions in India.

Northern states such as Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh generally follow the Purnimanta calendar, where the month ends on the full moon.

States including Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, Goa, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu largely follow the Amanta system, where the month ends on the new moon.

Because of this difference, Shravan dates may vary across regions even though the religious significance remains similar.

From Malmas to Purushottam Maas: The mythological story

Adhik Maas also has an important place in mythology. Stories from the Padma Purana and Skanda Purana explain how the extra month was earlier called Malmas.

According to tradition, when this additional month was created, the other twelve months refused to accept it because it was not linked with any Sankranti. It was seen as neglected and without importance.

The word Mal here was not used in the sense of dirt but in the meaning of abandoned or ignored. Feeling insulted, the month approached Lord Vishnu and expressed its sorrow.

Lord Vishnu then accepted it and gave it the name Purushottam, one of His sacred names, meaning the Supreme Being. From that point, Malmas became Purushottam Maas and gained special spiritual importance.

The story also carries a social message that something once ignored can later receive honour and value.

Why lord Vishnu is closely linked with Purushottam Maas

Purushottam Maas is especially important in the Vaishnava tradition.

During this period, worship of Lord Vishnu, Lord Krishna and their different forms receives special attention. Devotees read scriptures such as the Bhagavad Gita, Shrimad Bhagavatam, and chant Vishnu Sahasranama.

Many temples organise katha sessions, bhajans and religious gatherings.

Tradition says that during Chaturmas, Lord Vishnu enters Yoga Nidra on Adi Shesha in the cosmic ocean, while Lord Shiva takes charge of cosmic activities. This is symbolically seen as the cycle where old patterns make space for renewal and change.

Why marriages and new beginnings are usually avoided

Even though Purushottam Maas is considered sacred, many families avoid marriages, housewarming ceremonies, idol installations and starting new businesses during this period.

Traditionally, the month was viewed as a time for inner reflection rather than social celebrations. It was considered a pause within the yearly cycle, a period dedicated to prayer, charity, meditation and devotion. People focused more on spiritual activities instead of worldly events.

This explains why the month is respected yet often separated from major ceremonies.

Adhik maas was also important in social life and agriculture

Historically, Panchang was not limited to temples or rituals.

It influenced farming seasons, pilgrimage schedules, festivals and daily life. Therefore, systems like Adhik Maas helped maintain harmony between seasonal cycles and social activities.

Different regions developed their own traditions during this month. Some focused on donations and charity, some organised Bhagavad Katha events, while others gave more importance to Vishnu worship.

This made Adhik Maas not just a mathematical adjustment but a part of cultural life.

Adhik Maas shows the meeting point of science and faith

Modern discussions often place science and faith on opposite sides, but Adhik Maas presents a different picture. Its origin lies in solving an astronomical problem, balancing the lunar and solar years.

Later, religious meaning and cultural practices became attached to it. As a result, Adhik Maas today stands at the meeting point of astronomy, calendar science, mythology and social traditions.

The month reminds people that Indian timekeeping was not limited to counting days. It tried to connect celestial movement, seasons, agriculture, festivals and human life into one system.

This is perhaps why Adhik Maas, despite being thousands of years old, continues to remain relevant even today.

NCB seizes ₹182 crore worth ‘Jihadi Drug’ under Operation Ragepill: Read how Captagon funds ISIS and fuels West Asia’s narco economy

Aditi
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NCB seizes ₹182 crore worth ‘Jihadi Drug’ under Operation Ragepill: Read how Captagon funds ISIS and fuels West Asia’s narco economy

In a major breakthrough in India’s operations against an international drug trafficking syndicate, the Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) seized around 227.7 kg of synthetic drug Captagon, worth ₹182 crore. The agency also arrested a Syrian national, who is part of the transnational drug smuggling syndicate and was found overstaying his tourist visa. The seizure of the drug, also known as the ‘Jihadi Drug’, was carried out by the NCB this week under its ‘Operation Ragepill’. The drug consignment was meant to be transshipped to the Gulf region, and India was being used as a transit route.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah congratulated the agency for the remarkable achievement in its anti-drug operations. Shah reiterated the Modi government’s resolve to make a ‘Drug-Free India’ and said that no amount of drugs will be allowed to enter or leave the country. “Modi govt is resolved for a ‘Drug-Free India’. Glad to share that through ‘Operation RAGEPILL’, our agencies have achieved the first-ever seizure of Captagon, the so-called “Jihadi Drug”, worth ₹182 crore. The busting of the drug consignment destined for the Middle East and the arrest of a foreign national stand out as shining examples of our commitment to zero tolerance against drugs. I repeat, we will clamp down on every gram of drugs entering India or leaving the country using our territory as the transit route. Kudos to the brave and vigilant warriors of the NCB,” Shah wrote on X on Saturday (16th May).

As per reports, the Indian anti-drug agency received inputs from a foreign drug law enforcement agency indicating that transnational drug syndicates were using India as a transit route for Captagon shipments. Acting on the inputs, the Indian anti-drug agency had identified a house in Neb Sarai, New Delhi and raided it on May 11, 2026. The raid led to the discovery of 31.5 Kg Captagon Tablets, carefully concealed in a commercial chapati cutting machine. The drug consignment was to be exported to Jeddah in Saudi Arabia. Preliminary investigation into the discovery revealed that the Syrian national had been overstaying his visa. He entered India on a tourist visa on November 15, 2024, but his visa expired last year, on January 12, 2025. He had been illegally staying as a tenant in the house in Neb Sarai.

The interrogation of the Syrian national led to the discovery of another consignment of Captagon sealed in 3 bags, weighing about 196.2 Kgs. The agencies seized the drug in powdered form concealed inside a wool consignment from a container in the Container Facilitation Station (CFS) at Mundra, Gujarat, on May 14, 2026. The container was imported from Syria and was bound for the Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia, where the consumption of the drug has increased significantly, creating a public health concern for law enforcement. The total amount of the drugs seized under Operation Ragepill amounts to 227.7 Kg of Captagon in both Tablet and Powder form.

What is Operation Ragepill?

Operation Ragepill is an NCB initiative that involves coordination among multiple agencies. The operation marks the first-ever seizure of Captagon in India and the exposure of the Syria-linked drug cartel, which has been using India as a transit route for illegal drugs bound for the Middle Eastern countries.

The operation involved intelligence-led surveillance, coordination with customs and local law‑enforcement units, controlled interception of the consignment, and resultant seizure and arrest. Under the operation, the NCB targeted transnational drug smuggling syndicates, which have been using India as a transit route. Recently, another major action by the NCB led to the discovery and seizure of 349 Kg of cocaine in Mumbai. The drug was concealed in a container originating from Ecuador.

The NCB has been working in compliance with the Modi government’s zero-tolerance policy against drug abuse and trafficking. In light of the strategy adopted by international drug cartels to route drug consignments via India, the NCB has initiated a comprehensive investigation to identify the source of procurement, financial and hawala linkages, logistics facilitators, international receivers, and the wider transnational network associated with the drug syndicate.

The agency, in cooperation with foreign drug law enforcement agencies, has been putting a collective response to the international drug cartels operating in multiple jurisdictions. This global coordination has been crucial in obtaining intelligence inputs, which ultimately led to the seizure of illegal drugs and the capture of people working as part of these international drug cartels. In addition to the international cooperation, the NCB has also urged public participation in the fight against drug trafficking. The NCB has requested citizens to report narcotics-related information through the MANAS Helpline (Toll-Free: 1933). The identity of informers is kept strictly confidential.

What is the Captagon drug?

Captagon is a synthetic drug, mainly containing psychostimulants like Fenetylline and Amphetamine, that was originally invented in Germany in 1960 to treat attention disorders and narcolepsy (a sleep disorder). It was banned across the world during the 1980s after its highly addictive properties became known. The effects of consumption of the drug include increased alertness, peaked energy levels, sleeplessness, temporary euphoria, suppressed appetite, reduced fatigue and increased aggression and risk-taking behaviour.

Notably, Fenetylline and Amphetamine are classified as Psychotropic Substances under the NDPS Act, which makes Captagon a prohibited drug in India. The current composition of Captagon includes a mixture of amphetamine, methamphetamine, caffeine and other synthetic stimulants.

How the drug came to be called the ‘Jihadi Drug’

The Captagon drug, which was originally meant to treat sleep and attention disorders, came to be widely used or rather abused, by terrorist organisations in West Asia due to its stimulant effects. Because of its widespread consumption by Jihadis and terrorists, particularly in the Middle Eastern region, the drug came to be known as the ‘Jihadi Drug’. As per reports, several Islamic terrorist organisations, including ISIS, have been linked to the trade of the Jihadi Drug. The terrorist organisations have been using the drug for a two-fold purpose: to enhance the performance of their terrorists and as a source of revenue to fund terrorist activities and obtain weapons.

According to international agencies, the Jihadi Drug is one of the fastest-growing synthetic drug threats in the region. The trafficking of the drug has reportedly emerged as a high-profit-making part of the narco-economy in the West Asian region. It is estimated that 80% per the Jihadi Drugs’ global supply is produced in Syria. The drug has emerged as a serious public health and national security concern for the Gulf countries.

PM Modi’s Netherlands visit: Read about the 17 major outcomes – from Chola copper plates to deals on semiconductor, critical mineral, energy and other sectors

Shriti Sagar
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PM Modi’s Netherlands visit: Read about the 17 major outcomes – from Chola copper plates to deals on semiconductor, critical mineral, energy and other sectors

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Netherlands has emerged as one of the most significant of his ongoing five-nation Europe and West Asia tour, coming at a time when the world is facing economic uncertainty, energy insecurity and growing geopolitical tensions. The visit, held between 16th and 17th May at the invitation of Dutch Prime Minister Rob Jetten, came shortly after he visited the UAE. 

During the visit, India and the Netherlands decided to elevate their ties to a full-fledged “Strategic Partnership”, while announcing 17 major outcomes across sectors ranging from semiconductors and defence to agriculture, water management, education and cultural heritage.

One of the biggest highlights of the visit was the return of the historic Chola-era copper plates to India after centuries, a move widely seen as a major diplomatic and cultural victory for New Delhi.

PM Modi meets Dutch King, Queen and PM Rob Jetten

Prime Minister Modi began the Netherlands leg of his tour with a meeting hosted by King Willem-Alexander and Queen Máxima at the Royal Palace Huis ten Bosch in The Hague. The Dutch royals also hosted a luncheon in his honour.

Later, PM Modi held restricted and delegation-level talks with Prime Minister Rob Jetten. Both leaders discussed trade, security, emerging technologies, climate issues and geopolitical developments, including the wars in Ukraine and West Asia.

Outcomes of PM Modi’s Netherlands visit

Roadmap of India-Netherlands Strategic Partnership [2026-2030]: Recognising the growing cooperation between both countries, the two leaders formally elevated India-Netherlands relations to a “Strategic Partnership” and adopted the “Roadmap of India-Netherlands Strategic Partnership 2026-2030”, which became the first major outcome of the visit.

The roadmap covers cooperation in defence, semiconductors, cyber security, artificial intelligence, renewable energy, water management, healthcare, maritime development, education and agriculture.

Restitution of Chola Copper Plates: Among all the agreements and announcements, the return of the 11th-century Anaimangalam copper plates, also known as the Leiden Plates, stood out as the most symbolic and emotional moment of the visit.

The plates, also known as the Leiden Plates, are among the most significant surviving records of the Chola dynasty.

The development follows years of repatriation efforts between the Indian government, the Dutch government and Leiden University, where the artefacts were kept. The plates are 21 in number and weigh about 30 kg. They are held together by a bronze ring locked with the royal seal of Rajendra Chola I. The inscriptions on the copper plates date to the reign of Emperor Rajaraja Chola I (985–1014 CE) and his son Rajendra. The Sanskrit portion in the inscriptions traces the Chola genealogy, invoking divine legitimacy from Vishnu through a line of ancestors.

The copper plates consist of 21 sheets weighing nearly 30 kilograms and are tied together with a bronze ring carrying the royal seal of Rajendra Chola I. The inscriptions contain both Sanskrit and Tamil text.

The Sanskrit portion traces the Chola lineage and royal legitimacy, while the Tamil section records grants made to the Chudamani Vihara, a Buddhist monastery in Nagapattinam built by the Srivijaya kingdom of present-day Indonesia.

Historians believe the plates provide rare evidence of India’s maritime links with Southeast Asia, religious coexistence and cultural exchange during the Chola period.

The copper plates were acquired by Dutch missionary Florentius Camper around 1700 when the Dutch East India Company controlled Nagapattinam after shifting its Coromandel headquarters from Pulicat to there. Eventually, they landed at Leiden University in 1862 through the estate of Prof Hendrik Arent Hamaker and formed part of the university library’s Asian collections. At the varsity, the copper plates were preserved in secure vaults and were accessible only to researchers and scholars.

India had long been making efforts for the return of the copper plates by engaging with the Dutch government and Leiden University. In 2022, India’s repatriation efforts received a boost after the Netherlands finalised a restitution policy for colonial-era artefacts in 2022. This was followed by another breakthrough in 2023, when UNESCO’s Intergovernmental Committee validated India’s claim as the country of origin and urged bilateral talks.

Along with the return of the copper plates, India and the Netherlands also signed a Memorandum of Understanding between Leiden University Libraries and the Archaeological Survey of India for further cooperation in heritage preservation.

MoU on Mobility and Migration between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Netherlands: Recognising the expanding footprint of Indian professionals, researchers, and students in the Netherlands, both governments signed a formal MoU on Mobility and Migration. This agreement establishes a safe, legal, and highly structured pathway for the fair mobility of highly skilled professionals and students.

Concurrently, it sets up robust institutional safeguards to prevent and combat irregular migration and human trafficking, ensuring that migrant workers are treated with dignity, transparent visa processes are maintained, and workers’ rights are fully protected.

MoU between TATA Electronics and ASML to support semiconductor Fab in Dholera: Technology and semiconductor cooperation formed another key pillar of the visit.

One of the most important agreements was the MoU between Tata Electronics and Dutch semiconductor giant ASML to support the semiconductor fabrication plant being developed in Dholera, Gujarat.

Tata Electronics and Dutch semiconductor equipment giant ASML signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to advance India’s semiconductor manufacturing ecosystem. The partnership focuses on equipping and ramping up Tata’s ambitious 300mm semiconductor fabrication plant in Dholera, Gujarat. 

ASML is the only company in the world that makes extreme ultraviolet lithography machines used to make the most advanced semiconductors by leading companies such as Intel, TSMC, Samsung, Micron and others.

Under the agreement, ASML will provide its advanced lithography tools and holistic solutions to support the establishment and successful operations of Tata Electronics’ Dholera Fab. Lithography is a cornerstone of semiconductor production, and ASML’s industry-leading extreme ultraviolet (EUV) and other systems are essential for high-volume, advanced chip manufacturing.

The collaboration will also emphasise Talent Development, Supply Chain Resilience and R&D Infrastructure. Joint initiatives will train local engineers and build lithography-specific skills. Domestic and trusted global supply chains will be strengthened for the Indian fab. And Research capabilities will be developed to ensure the long-term success of India’s first major commercial 300mm wafer facility.

MoU on Cooperation in the Field of Critical Minerals: India and the Netherlands also signed a Memorandum of Understanding on cooperation in critical minerals. Signed between the Ministry of Mines of the Republic of India and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, this MoU establishes an institutional framework for securing critical mineral value chains. The agreement covers exploration, joint research and innovation, supply chain resilience, circular economy practices, and the enforcement of stringent Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) standards.

It ensures that both nations can sustainably secure the rare earth elements and minerals necessary for their tech and clean-energy sectors. The agreement focuses on building resilient supply chains, research cooperation and reducing dependence on limited global suppliers for essential minerals used in clean energy and electronics.

LoI for technical cooperation on the Kalpasar Project: The Ministry of Jal Shakti of India and the Ministry of Infrastructure and Water Management of the Netherlands signed a Letter of Intent to bring world-class Dutch hydraulic engineering expertise to Gujarat’s ambitious Kalpasar Project. This massive coastal engineering initiative involves building a dam across the Gulf of Khambhat to create a vast freshwater reservoir. The Dutch technical assistance will focus on tidal management, salinity control, and delta engineering.

Roadmap on the development of Green Hydrogen Cooperation: To accelerate the global energy transition, the two leaders launched an ambitious, dedicated Green Hydrogen Roadmap. This document blends India’s vast renewable energy production potential and competitive manufacturing costs with the Netherlands’ advanced infrastructure as Europe’s primary hydrogen hub (largely anchored around the Port of Rotterdam). The roadmap outlines joint targets for production technology, infrastructure deployment, safety standards, and commercial export-import frameworks.

Joint working group on renewable energy: Building upon an existing MoU on Renewable Energy, the leaders institutionalised a new Joint Working Group (JWG). This body is tasked with executing a diversified agenda that includes innovative solar energy integration, grid-scale energy storage solutions, and facilitating mutual cross-border investments. The JWG will act as the primary clearinghouse for commercial and state-led clean energy ventures between the two countries.

Joint statement of intent between NITI Aayog and the Netherlands: NITI Aayog (National Institution for Transforming India) and the Government of the Netherlands formally renewed their Joint Statement of Intent. This renewal extends their ongoing partnership in policy formulation, data modelling, and capacity-building strategies for deep decarbonisation. It allows both nations to share socioeconomic blueprints for shifting legacy industrial grids toward net-zero pathways.

Indo-Dutch centre of excellence for flowers in West Tripura: The two sides established the Indo-Dutch Centre of Excellence for Flowers in West Tripura This will help farmers to adopt high value floriculture.

Indo-Dutch Center of Excellence on Training in Dairy at the Center of Excellence for Animal Husbandry (CEAH), Bengaluru: The leaders further welcomed the signing of a Joint Declaration between the Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying and the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Food Security and Nature of the Netherlands as well as the establishment of an Indo-Dutch Center of Excellence on Training in Dairy at the Center of Excellence for Animal Husbandry (CEAH), Bengaluru. Both sides agreed to continue to explore cooperation in Dairy and other allied agricultural sectors including food processing. 

Collaboration in animal husbandry and dairying: Both countries signed a Joint Declaration on cooperation in animal husbandry and dairying, covering areas such as dairy technology, livestock development and food processing. Officials said these initiatives are aimed at bringing advanced Dutch agricultural techniques and technology to India.

LoI between the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) and the Dutch National Institute for Public Health and the Environment (RIVM): Healthcare cooperation was strengthened through a Letter of Intent between the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) and the Dutch National Institute for Public Health and the Environment (RIVM). The agreement focuses on infectious diseases, disease surveillance, climate-health preparedness and research cooperation.

Customs Mutual Administrative Assistance Agreement: India and the Netherlands also signed an Agreement on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Customs Matters to improve customs cooperation, information sharing and trade facilitation.

MoUs on Higher Education: India and the Netherlands also signed an MoU on Higher Education to encourage collaboration between universities, student exchanges and academic research. Expands opportunities for academic exchanges, joint programmes and research collaboration. It expands opportunities for academic exchanges, joint programmes and research collaboration. 

Nalanda University–University of Groningen partnership: Nalanda University and the University of Groningen separately signed an academic cooperation agreement to strengthen research and educational ties.

Leiden University Libraries–ASI collaboration: The leaders also welcomed collaboration between Leiden University Library and Archaeological Survey of India for advancing research and knowledge related to the historic artefacts.

Prime Minister Jetten additionally announced that the Netherlands would join the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI), signalling stronger Dutch engagement in the Indo-Pacific region alongside India.

Following the talks, the two countries signed 14 agreements and Memoranda of Understanding covering technology, green energy, trade, mobility, education, culture and WAH sectors.

Prime Minister Modi also invited Prime Minister Jetten to visit India, an invitation that was accepted by the Dutch leader.

Bangladesh’s silent child tragedy: Country faces measles crisis with over 50,000 cases after Yunus govt disrupted immunisation program by changing vaccine procurement system

Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury
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Bangladesh’s silent child tragedy: Country faces measles crisis with over 50,000 cases after Yunus govt disrupted immunisation program by changing vaccine procurement system

For years, global elites projected Muhammad Yunus as the face of “ethical governance” and humanitarian leadership. But Bangladesh today is witnessing a grim reality far removed from carefully curated international narratives. A catastrophic measles outbreak has swept across the country, leaving hundreds of children dead and exposing what critics describe as disastrous policy failures during the Yunus-led interim administration. The same Bangladesh once praised for strong vaccination coverage is now struggling with collapsing immunisation systems, vaccine shortages, and mounting allegations of administrative negligence.

For decades, Bangladesh was internationally praised for its vaccination success. Global organisations frequently cited the country as a model for immunisation coverage among developing nations. That reputation now lies in ruins as measles infections continue spreading across districts, while disturbing questions emerge about the policy decisions taken during the interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.

The scale of the tragedy is staggering. According to official and international reports, suspected measles cases in Bangladesh have crossed 50,000, while deaths have surpassed 400. The overwhelming majority of victims are children under the age of five, with many deaths involving infants younger than nine months, children too young to complete routine immunisation schedules.

The World Health Organisation warned that “gaps in routine immunisation” created pockets of vulnerable populations that allowed the highly contagious virus to spread rapidly across the country. UNICEF similarly acknowledged that nearly half a million Bangladeshi children were missing full immunisation coverage, particularly in urban slums and remote regions.

Medical experts have been alarmed not merely by the outbreak itself, but by the speed and scale of institutional collapse behind it.

One of the most significant revelations came from the respected journal Science, which reported that the epidemic stemmed from a “catastrophic breakdown in vaccine procurement” following Bangladesh’s 2024 political transition. According to the report, vaccine shortages intensified after the interim administration altered the country’s procurement mechanism and moved away from the longstanding UNICEF-supported system.

In September 2025, the Yunus government halted vaccine procurement through UNICEF and moved to an open tender system. The consequences were immediate and devastating.

In a report, the Lancet magazine stated, “almost 5 million children in Bangladesh were not fully immunised in 2025, including 70 000 children with zero doses and more than 400 000 children who were under-immunised”. It may be mentioned here that Bangladesh was under the rule of Muhammad Yunus from August 7, 2024, to February 17, 2026.

Hospitals in Dhaka reportedly ran out of beds as desperate parents carried feverish children into overcrowded wards. Doctors struggled to manage rising caseloads while some patients were treated on floors because of severe shortages in medical capacity. The scenes resembled the breakdown of a wartime emergency rather than the healthcare system of a country that had previously maintained high vaccination rates.

What makes the crisis even more disturbing is that warnings allegedly existed long before the outbreak spiralled out of control.

According to reports published by Science, UNICEF Representative Rana Flowers strongly opposed the abrupt procurement changes and reportedly urged Bangladeshi officials not to abandon the established vaccine acquisition structure. Her warning, if accurately reported, now appears tragically prophetic.

Bangladesh’s health sector had long depended on a coordinated procurement and delivery network developed over many years with international assistance. Interrupting that system without adequate preparation appears to have triggered supply disruptions at precisely the moment when uninterrupted immunisation coverage was most critical. The issue is not merely administrative incompetence. It is a question of accountability.

If procurement failures and policy miscalculations directly contributed to the deaths of hundreds of children, Bangladesh faces a moral and institutional crisis that cannot simply be buried under political rhetoric or international image management.

Adding to the controversy, legal and civil society voices inside Bangladesh have already demanded investigations into the matter. Supreme Court lawyer Biplob Kumar Das filed a complaint with Bangladesh’s Anti-Corruption Commission, seeking scrutiny of vaccine procurement decisions made by the interim government. Yet despite the scale of the catastrophe, public discussion surrounding responsibility remains surprisingly muted both domestically and internationally.

That silence is particularly striking because Bangladesh’s measles outbreak is no longer merely a domestic public health issue. It carries significant regional implications, especially for neighbouring India, as India and Bangladesh share one of the world’s longest land borders, extensive population movement, and deeply interconnected economic and social networks. Public health breakdowns inside Bangladesh therefore possess direct cross-border implications for India’s own healthcare and border management systems.

Measles is among the most contagious viral diseases known to humanity. Once vaccination coverage declines below critical thresholds, outbreaks can spread with extraordinary speed. This transforms immunisation collapse into a regional security concern, not just a humanitarian tragedy. Indian strategic and public-health observers, therefore, have legitimate reasons to closely monitor developments inside Bangladesh.

The controversy surrounding the Yunus administration becomes even sharper when contrasted with Bangladesh’s earlier immunisation record. Previous governments, including caretaker administrations and elected governments across political divides, maintained relatively stable vaccine delivery structures. While no healthcare system is perfect, Bangladesh has earned international recognition for reducing childhood mortality through large-scale immunisation campaigns. The current outbreak has shattered that image.

Critics argue that the interim administration became excessively focused on restructuring institutions without fully understanding the fragile operational networks sustaining essential public services. In sectors such as vaccination, even temporary disruptions can produce catastrophic results within months.

The outbreak also highlights a broader governance problem increasingly visible in many transitional administrations worldwide: the dangerous gap between global reputation and domestic administrative capacity.

Muhammad Yunus enjoys an enormous reputation internationally as a Nobel laureate and microfinance pioneer. His image abroad has often been associated with humanitarian innovation, poverty alleviation, and global development advocacy. However, critics inside Bangladesh argue that international acclaim cannot substitute for competent state management, particularly during periods of national instability.

For grieving families who lost children to preventable disease, international speeches and diplomatic endorsements offer little comfort.

The crisis has additionally triggered political tensions inside Bangladesh. Prime Minister Tarique Rahman reportedly criticised both the previous Sheikh Hasina administration and the Yunus-led interim regime for failures connected to the outbreak. Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has defended her government’s vaccination record from exile, arguing that Bangladesh did not witness major measles outbreaks during her years in office. The competing political narratives, however, risk obscuring the central issue: children died from a disease that is overwhelmingly preventable.

This is precisely why Bangladesh requires an independent and transparent investigation into the procurement decisions, administrative disruptions, and institutional failures that preceded the epidemic.

The international community also bears responsibility. Organisations that worked closely with Bangladesh’s health sector should publicly clarify what warnings were issued, what disruptions occurred, and whether avoidable mistakes were ignored during the political transition period. Silence would only deepen public distrust.

Another troubling aspect of the crisis has been the relative lack of sustained international media attention. While the outbreak has received coverage from major scientific and health publications, it has not generated the level of global outrage typically associated with mass child fatalities.

Part of this may stem from geopolitical sensitivities surrounding Bangladesh’s political transition and the international stature of key personalities involved. Yet humanitarian disasters should never become selective stories shaped by political convenience. The deaths of hundreds of children from preventable diseases deserve the same urgency and scrutiny regardless of who holds power.

For India, the developments inside Bangladesh should serve as an important reminder that political instability in neighbouring states can quickly evolve into multidimensional security challenges. Border security, migration management, public health preparedness, and regional diplomacy are now increasingly interconnected. A destabilised healthcare system in Bangladesh affects not only Bangladeshis but potentially the broader South Asian region.

Ultimately, history will judge governments not by international awards, carefully managed public relations campaigns, or diplomatic visibility, but by their ability to protect ordinary citizens during moments of crisis.

In Bangladesh today, that judgment is becoming increasingly severe. The measles catastrophe has exposed how fragile state institutions can become when policy experimentation collides with weak implementation and administrative disruption. The victims of those failures were not politicians, bureaucrats, or international elites. They were children, many too young even to understand the tragedy unfolding around them.

The Bangladesh measles catastrophe raises uncomfortable but unavoidable questions. Can international image-building shield political leaders from scrutiny when preventable failures cost children’s lives? Can Western-backed narratives override the demand for accountability inside South Asia? For Bangladesh, the crisis is a humanitarian disaster. For India, it is also a reminder that instability and governance failures in the neighbourhood can rapidly become regional concerns. The world may continue celebrating reputations, but ordinary Bangladeshis are increasingly demanding answers.

Hindu organisations submit a memorandum to Devendra Fadnavis against Maharashtra’s proposed Devasthan Inams Abolition Act: Read why temple bodies are opposing it

Jinit Jain
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Hindu organisations submit a memorandum to Devendra Fadnavis against Maharashtra’s proposed Devasthan Inams Abolition Act: Read why temple bodies are opposing it

The proposed Maharashtra Devasthan Inams Abolition (Draft) Act, 2026, has triggered strong opposition from Hindu temple organisations across the state, especially the Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh, which has warned of a statewide agitation if the legislation is enacted in its current form. 

The draft law, prepared by the Maharashtra government’s Revenue Department, seeks to abolish Devsthan Inams, lands historically granted to temples and religious institutions, and create a legal framework governing their ownership, occupancy rights, transfers, encroachments and tenancy claims. 

What are Devsthan Inam lands?

Devsthan Inam lands are lands historically granted to temples, religious institutions and charitable bodies by erstwhile rulers, often with exemptions from land revenue. The draft Act defines them as grants of villages, portions of villages, land revenue assignments or tax-exempt lands given to religious institutions. 

The draft legislation explicitly excludes lands governed by the Hyderabad Abolition of Inams and Cash Grants Act, 1954, the Hyderabad Atiyat Inquiries Act, 1952 and the Waqf Act, 1995. This exclusion of Waqf properties has become one of the central political flashpoints in the controversy.

Why has the bill sparked opposition?

The Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh alleges that the proposed law would effectively facilitate transfer of temple lands to tenants, leaseholders, encroachers and private occupants.

According to the organisation, temple property legally belongs to the deity and cannot be alienated by either trustees or the state government. The Mahasangh argues that several Supreme Court and High Court rulings have historically recognised temples as juridical entities with protected property rights.

Speaking to OpIndia, Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh national organiser Sunil Ghanwat outlined three major objections to the draft legislation. First, he argued that the Maharashtra government itself has no ownership rights over Devsthan lands and therefore lacks authority to enact a law enabling transfer of lands owned and managed by Hindu temples. He maintained that earlier legal frameworks governing such lands were intended to prevent transfer of temple property to tenants or private occupants.

Second, Ghanwat stressed the historical and civilisational importance of these temple lands. He said many such land parcels have remained with temples for centuries and, in several cases, may have originally been granted by Hindu rulers including Maratha king Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and other royal dynasties. According to him, enactment of the proposed law could result in historically protected temple lands passing into the hands of individuals for whom they were never intended, thereby weakening the institutional and religious foundations of temples.

Third, Ghanwat strongly objected to the exclusion granted to Waqf properties under the draft law. He argued that the legislation specifically exempts lands claimed by Waqf Boards while targeting only Hindu temple lands for restructuring and transfer provisions. According to him, this selective application has become one of the biggest points of contention surrounding the proposed legislation.

The organisation further claims the draft law weakens temple ownership rights, regularises encroachments, benefits builders and land mafias, creates unequal treatment between Hindu temple and Waqf properties, and undermines the financial independence of temples.

Key Provisions In The Draft Law

Abolition of Devsthan Inams

Section 3 abolishes all Devsthan Inams except cash allowances and extinguishes existing incidents and rights attached to such grants. This means traditional legal protections and structures surrounding temple lands would cease under the new framework.

Occupancy rights to tenants and holders

One of the most controversial provisions is Section 4, which grants occupancy rights to authorised holders, Mirasdars, tenants and inferior holders cultivating the land personally. The draft further provides that such lands would be held as “Occupant Class-I” property, effectively granting strong ownership-like rights. Temple bodies fear this provision could permanently transfer large portions of temple lands away from religious institutions.

Regularisation of occupation since 2011

The draft law allows regrant of certain Devsthan lands even to “unauthorised holders” if they have been in continuous possession since before 1 January 2011, if eviction would cause hardship, if they pay market value and if the holding remains within economic holding limits. 

Additionally, residential occupants in Gaothan areas before 1 January 2011 may receive Occupant Class-I rights without paying occupancy price or Nazarana. Critics argue this amounts to legalising encroachments.

Anti-land grabbing clauses

The same draft law also introduces strict anti-land-grabbing provisions. Sections 7 and 8 criminalise illegal occupation of Devsthan lands, allow imprisonment ranging from two to five years, permit fines up to the market value of the land and enable summary eviction by collectors. 

The government appears to be attempting a dual approach by regularising older occupations while simultaneously preventing future encroachments. However, temple organisations argue that the cut-off date mechanism itself incentivises past illegal occupation.

Why is the Waqf exemption becoming controversial?

The Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh has strongly objected to the explicit exclusion of Waqf properties from the Act. 

Mahasangh leaders pointed to a 2016 government circular that reportedly directed revenue records to mark Waqf properties as non-transferable. They asked why similar protection is not being extended to Hindu temple lands.

This has transformed the issue from a land reform debate into a broader political controversy involving alleged unequal treatment of religious institutions, Hindu temple autonomy and state control over temple assets.

Constitutional concerns raised by temple bodies

The Mahasangh argues the law violates Article 25 relating to freedom of religion, Article 26 concerning management of religious affairs and Article 300A dealing with the right to property.

According to the organisation, temple lands are essential for sustaining rituals, temple administration, charitable activities, priests and staff, religious festivals and community welfare activities. Leaders claim that transferring land rights would financially weaken temples across Maharashtra.

Demands raised By Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh

The organisation submitted a memorandum demanding immediate withdrawal of the draft Act, explicit non-transferable status for Devsthan lands in land records, a stringent Anti-Land Grabbing law for temple lands, an SIT probe into past encroachments and forged records, and fast-track courts to resolve temple land disputes within six months.

The Mahasangh warned that if the government proceeds with the legislation, it could launch a statewide agitation involving temple trusts, devotees and Hindu organisations.

Meeting with CM Devendra Fadnavis

A delegation led by Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh national organiser Sunil Ghanwat met Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis along with MLAs Pratap Adsad and Pratap Pachpute to submit a memorandum against the proposed law.

Ghanwat later stated that the Chief Minister acknowledged the seriousness of the issue and instructed officials to convene a meeting with the concerned department and ministers.

What happens next?

The draft Act has currently been placed in the public domain for objections and suggestions. Citizens and stakeholders have been asked to submit objections before 5 June 2026 through divisional commissioners’ offices. 

The state government may now choose to modify the draft, introduce amendments, delay implementation or proceed with the bill in the legislature.

Given the scale of opposition from temple organisations and the politically sensitive Waqf comparison, the issue is likely to become a major religious and political flashpoint in Maharashtra in the coming months.

Villagers in Gujarat’s Kheda accuse Muslim locals of illegal encroachment and harassment of Hindu women: Read exclusive OpIndia Ground Report

ભાર્ગવ રાજ્યગુરુ
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Villagers in Gujarat’s Kheda accuse Muslim locals of illegal encroachment and harassment of Hindu women: Read exclusive OpIndia Ground Report

Tension has increased in Chandana village of Kheda district, Gujarat, after local Hindus complained about illegal encroachment on village land and harassment of women and girls near shops built on that land. Villagers have now submitted a petition to the district administration demanding immediate action, removal of the encroachment, and proper security arrangements in the area.

According to the complaint, some members of the Muslim community occupied vacant land located in the middle of the village several years ago and later built shops and other structures there. Villagers say the area has now become a regular gathering point where Muslim groups sit for long hours and create trouble for women passing through the road nearby.  

Villagers raise concerns over women’s safety            

Local residents say Hindu women and girls use the road near these shops every day while going to schools, markets, temples and other places. Villagers claim that groups of men standing near the shops often pass obscene comments, use abusive language and make indecent gestures at them.

People from the Hindu community also said that the problem becomes more serious during religious events and festivals. Several temples and Chabutri Chowk are located near the disputed area, where programmes such as Navratri Garba, Bhathiji Maharaj Garba, Ramdhun and Ramdevji Bhajans are organised every year.

Villagers claim that during such festivals, some Muslim shopkeepers keep their shops open till late at night and make sarcastic and offensive remarks at people attending the programmes. Residents also recalled earlier incidents during Navratri when photos and videos of women and girls participating in Garba were secretly recorded, leading to tensions and clashes in the village.

According to residents, the area has now gained a bad reputation because incidents of staring at women, making obscene comments and even following girls to nearby shops have become common.

Petition submitted to the collector

The Hindu community has demanded that the administration remove the encroachment immediately and ensure safety in the village. A copy of the petition submitted to the Collector is reportedly available with Opindia.

In the petition, villagers stated that the land belongs to the village and that illegal structures and shops were built there without any permission. They urged authorities to take quick action before the situation worsens further.

Hindu organisation says harassment has been going on for years

Speaking to Opindia Dhavalsinh Zala, an office bearer of a local Hindu organisation, said Hindu women and girls had been facing harassment for nearly three years.

He said the accused had first occupied land in the centre of the village and later built illegal structures on it. According to him, tensions over the issue had already led to clashes during Navratri celebrations around three years ago.

Zala further said that during the latest Navratri celebrations, some Muslim youths rode motorcycles loudly through the middle of Garba events and behaved in an indecent manner. He claimed villagers had repeatedly complained about such activities, but the issue continued.

Administration starts action on illegal shops

Zala also linked the current anger in the village to a recent gangrape case involving a Hindu minor. He said that after details of the case came out, villagers started checking land records and documents connected to the disputed area.

According to him, the investigation by local residents showed that the structures were built on surplus village land. He added that the administration has now assured villagers of strict action.

The district administration has reportedly pasted notices on several shops built on the disputed land and asked owners to provide documents and proof related to ownership and construction. Officials have reportedly warned that strict action will be taken if valid documents are not submitted.

Minor Hindu girl gangraped for three years

The village had recently come into the spotlight after a serious case involving a 17-year-old Hindu girl was registered at Kheda Town Police Station.

Based on a complaint filed by the victim’s mother, police registered a case against nine Muslim men. According to the complaint, the main accused, identified as Parvez Pathan, first trapped the minor girl and secretly recorded obscene photos and videos of her.

The complaint says he then repeatedly raped her by threatening to make the videos viral. It further states that he later handed the girl over to several of his friends, who also raped her between 2023 and 2025.

The victim reportedly remained silent for years because of repeated threats and blackmail. According to the family, the accused warned her that the photos and videos would be leaked publicly if she spoke about the abuse.

The matter finally came to light after the girl, mentally disturbed by the harassment, spoke about ending her life. Her family then learned about the entire incident and approached the police.

A formal complaint was registered on 17th April, 2026. Police invoked serious sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and the POCSO Act and began an investigation.

PI VB Desai of Kheda Town Police told Opindia that the initial investigation suggested the incident was part of a planned criminal conspiracy.

The gangrape case, along with the dispute over illegal encroachment and complaints of harassment, has now increased tension in Chandana village, with local residents demanding immediate action from the administration.

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